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Republican Liberty and the Pindaric Genealogy of Modern Abstractions 共和自由与现代抽象的品达式谱系
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/CHOC.2019.140103
B. Maslov
Pindaric odes written around the time of the French Revolution have a penchant for abstractions. Apostrophized Liberty, Fortune, Virtue, and Joy, which replaced the monarch as the ode’s addressee, attest to the numinous prehistory of distinctively modern concepts that Reinhart Koselleck termed “collective singulars.” In particular, eighteenth-century Pindarics put forward representations of Liberty prevailing over an unenlightened past, which conform to the schema of victorious encounter established in Pindar’s epinician odes. The article dwells closely on two ostensibly pro-revolutionary and highly influential texts in the Pindaric mold, Alexander Radishchev’s Liberty and Friedrich Schiller’s To Joy, which share a concept of freedom that diverges from both the republican and the liberal interpretations.
写于法国大革命时期的品达尔颂歌对抽象有一种偏爱。apostrozed Liberty、Fortune、Virtue和Joy取代了君主作为颂歌的收信人,证明了莱因哈特·科塞莱克(Reinhart Koselleck)称之为“集体单数”的独特现代概念的神秘史前。特别是,18世纪的品达学派提出了自由战胜未开化的过去的表述,这与品达学派的颂歌中建立的胜利相遇的图式相符。这篇文章密切关注了两篇表面上支持革命但极具影响力的品达尔式文本,亚历山大·拉迪舍夫的《自由》和弗里德里希·席勒的《致欢乐》,这两篇文章分享了一种不同于共和主义和自由主义解释的自由概念。
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引用次数: 1
“Amazing Rapidity” “惊人的速度”
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/CHOC.2019.140102
E. J. Corredera
This article explores David Hume’s views on public credit, the state, and geopolitics as outlined in his Political Discourses. By drawing attention to Hume’s analysis of the speed of political economic dynamics, the article suggests the philosopher feared that public credit, a crucial source of eighteenth-century European economic growth, fundamentally revolutionized the pace of social relations, the mechanics of the state, and European geopolitics at large. Hume’s study of public credit highlighted its role in reshaping eighteenth-century visions of time, and the philosopher’s disappointment with his own solution, in turn, reinforces the need to consider the multifaceted effects of public credit in the modern world.
本文探讨了大卫·休谟在其《政治论述》中对公共信用、国家和地缘政治的看法。通过关注休谟对政治经济动态速度的分析,这篇文章表明,这位哲学家担心公共信用——18世纪欧洲经济增长的一个重要来源——从根本上彻底改变了社会关系的步伐、国家机制和整个欧洲地缘政治。休谟对公共信用的研究强调了它在重塑18世纪时间观方面的作用,而这位哲学家对自己的解决方案的失望,反过来又强化了考虑公共信用在现代世界中多方面影响的必要性。
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引用次数: 0
Ottoman Conceptual History 奥斯曼帝国概念史
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/CHOC.2019.140105
A. Topal, Einar Wigen
In this article, we discuss the pitfalls and benefits of conceptual history as an approach to Ottoman studies. While Ottoman studies is blossoming and using a wider set of tools to study the Ottoman past, Ottoman intellectual history is still resigned to a life-and-works approach. Th is absence of synthesizing attempts has left intellectual history in the margins. In addition to the lack of new, theoretically sophisticated accounts of how Ottoman intellectualand political changes were intertwined, the old Orientalist worksstill hold canonical status in the field. Drawing on recent developments in social and political history, conceptual history may be a good way of doing self-reflective longue durée intellectual history. Ottoman conceptual history may also off er nonspecialists more sophisticated bases for comparison with non-Ottoman cases.
在这篇文章中,我们讨论了概念历史作为奥斯曼研究方法的陷阱和好处。虽然奥斯曼研究正在蓬勃发展,并使用更广泛的工具来研究奥斯曼帝国的过去,但奥斯曼思想史仍然是一种生活和工作的方法。缺乏综合的尝试使得思想史处于边缘。除了缺乏新的、理论上复杂的关于奥斯曼帝国的知识分子和政治变化是如何交织在一起的描述之外,旧的东方主义作品仍然在该领域占据着权威地位。借鉴社会和政治史的最新发展,概念史可能是一种进行长期自我反思的好方法。奥斯曼概念史也可以为非专业人士提供更复杂的基础,以便与非奥斯曼案例进行比较。
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引用次数: 4
One Swallow Does Not a Spring Make 一燕不成春
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/CHOC.2019.140107
H. Bonin
Pasi Ihalainen, The Springs of Democracy: National and Transnational Debates on Constitutional Reform in the British, German, Swedish and Finnish Parliaments, 1917–1919 (Helsinki: Finnish Literature Society, 2017), 586 pp.
帕西·伊哈拉宁,《民主之春:1917-1919年英国、德国、瑞典和芬兰议会宪政改革的国家和跨国辩论》(赫尔辛基:芬兰文学协会,2017),586页。
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引用次数: 0
Genealogy of the Concept of Heritage in the European Commission’s Policy Discourse 欧盟委员会政策话语中遗产概念的谱系
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/CHOC.2019.140106
Tuuli Lähdesmäki, Sigrid Kaasik-Krogerus, Katja Mäkinen
Th is article investigates the genealogy of the concept of heritage in the European Commission’s (EC) policy discourse from 1973 to 2016. Based on conceptual analysis of 2,412 documents gathered from the EUR-Lex database, the uses of the concept in the EC’s policy discourse were categorized into seven thematic areas: nature, environment, and biodiversity; human habitats; economy and employment; agricultural products and foodstuffs; promotion of societal development and stability; audiovisuality and digitalization; and European identity and integration. In the EC’s discourse, heritage develops in the context of intertwined phases of EU integration and cultural Europeanization. The study indicates how the EC governs heritage mostly through implicit cultural policies included in diverse policy sectors other than culture.
本文调查了1973年至2016年欧盟委员会(EC)政策话语中遗产概念的谱系。基于从EUR-Lex数据库收集的2,412份文件的概念分析,欧共体政策话语中对这一概念的使用分为七个主题领域:自然、环境和生物多样性;人类的栖息地;经济和就业;农产品和食品;促进社会发展和稳定;视听和数字化;以及欧洲的认同和一体化。在欧共体的话语中,遗产是在欧盟一体化和文化欧洲化的交织阶段的背景下发展起来的。该研究表明欧共体主要是如何通过包括在文化以外的各种政策部门中的隐性文化政策来管理遗产的。
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引用次数: 12
Nationalism and Internationalism Reconciled 民族主义和国际主义和解
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/choc.2018.130202
Antero Holmila, P. Ihalainen
The carnage of World War I gave rise to liberal visions for a new worldorder with democratized foreign policy and informed international publicopinion. Conservatives emphasized continuity in national sovereignty,while socialists focused on the interests of the working class. While Britishdiplomacy in the construction of the League of Nations has been widelydiscussed, we focus on contemporary uses of nationalism and internationalismin parliamentary and press debates that are more ideological. We alsoexamine how failed internationalist visions influenced uses of these conceptsduring World War II, supporting alternative organizational solutions,caution with the rhetoric of democracy and public opinion, and ways toreconcile national sovereignty with a new world organization. The UnitedNations was to guarantee the interests of the leading powers (including theUnited States), while associations with breakthroughs of democracy wereavoided. Nationalism (patriotism) and internationalism were reconciledwith less idealism and more pragmatism.
第一次世界大战的大屠杀催生了自由主义者对新世界秩序的愿景,即外交政策民主化,国际舆论知情。保守派强调国家主权的连续性,而社会主义者则关注工人阶级的利益。虽然英国在国际联盟建设中的外交已经被广泛讨论,但我们关注的是民族主义和国际主义在议会和媒体辩论中的当代应用,这些辩论更具意识形态性。我们还研究了失败的国际主义愿景如何影响二战期间这些概念的使用,支持其他组织解决方案,谨慎对待民主和公众舆论的修辞,以及调和国家主权与新的世界组织的方法。联合国是为了保障主要大国(包括美国)的利益,而与民主突破的联系则被避免。民族主义(爱国主义)和国际主义与较少的理想主义和较多的实用主义相调和。
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引用次数: 0
Koselleck’s Historik and the Horizons of Politics 科塞莱克的《历史与政治视野》
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/CHOC.2018.130204
Blake Ewing
Political theorists, especially in the subfield of ideology studies, continueto draw insights from Begriffsgeschichte (conceptual history) to help thembetter analyze the morphology of political concepts over time. However,other aspects of Reinhart Koselleck’s work remain underutilized. This isespecially true of the connections between Begriffsgeschichte and his developmentof a theory of history (Historik), dealing with the broader intersectionof language, structure, and the experience of time. This articlefocuses on just one aspect of this intersection: on the potential relevanceof Koselleck’s use of the concept of horizon to theorize a particular “horizonalmode” of the politics of time. After discussing some relevant featuresof the horizon metaphor, the article moves to reappraise Koselleck’s use ofthe concept before elaborating and expanding on it to claim that Koselleckhelps to showcase the contestation of different temporal horizons as a corefeature of political thinking.
政治理论家,特别是在意识形态研究的子领域,继续从概念史(Begriffsgeschichte)中汲取见解,以帮助他们更好地分析政治概念随时间的形态。然而,莱因哈特·科塞莱克工作的其他方面仍未得到充分利用。Begriffsgeschichte与他的历史理论(Historik)的发展之间的联系尤其如此,该理论涉及语言,结构和时间经验的更广泛的交叉。本文只关注这种交集的一个方面:科塞莱克使用视界概念来理论化时间政治的特定“水平模式”的潜在相关性。在讨论了视界隐喻的一些相关特征之后,本文在详细阐述和扩展科塞莱克的概念之前,重新评价了科塞莱克对这一概念的使用,并声称科塞莱克有助于展示不同时间视界的争论是政治思维的核心特征。
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引用次数: 3
Sovereignty versus Influence 主权vs影响力
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/choc.2018.130203
Teemu J. Häkkinen, Miina Kaarkoski
It is not a coincidence that perceptions of sovereignty were key reasonswhy the United Kingdom referendum on European Union membershipended in a victory for the Leave side. In this article, we will apply methodsof conceptual history to parliamentary debates in order to trace the developmentof sovereignty as a political concept in Europe-related debatesthrough studies of four periods between 1945 and 2016. We will show thatboth supporters and opponents of European unity deliberately used theBritish position on sovereignty in political struggles throughout the analyzedperiod. The concept was used above all to describe the traditionalview of the supremacy of British parliamentary sovereignty, but it was alsoused for different purposes to create a perception of how sovereignty couldor could not be modified in dealing with an integrating Europe.
主权观念是英国脱欧公投最终以脱欧派获胜的关键原因,这并非巧合。在本文中,我们将把概念史的方法应用到议会辩论中,通过对1945年至2016年四个时期的研究,来追溯主权作为一个政治概念在与欧洲有关的辩论中的发展。我们将表明,在整个分析期间,欧洲统一的支持者和反对者都故意在政治斗争中使用英国在主权问题上的立场。这个概念首先被用来描述英国议会主权至上的传统观点,但它也被用于不同的目的,以创造一种主权如何能够或不能在应对一体化的欧洲时被修改的看法。
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引用次数: 1
The Conceptual and Anthropological History of Bat Mitzvah 成年礼的概念和人类学历史
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/choc.2018.130205
Hizky Shoham
This article aims to form a conversation between conceptual history and anthropologicalhistory, taking bat mitzvah, the coming-of-age ceremony forJewish girls, as a test case. The term is shown to have two main conceptualmeanings: first, the new religious status that a Jewish girl acquires—that ofan adult obligated by the precepts of Jewish law—and second, the event orritual marking this milestone. The close examination of the concept’s variousmeanings in different Jewish languages tracks its development fromits hesitant beginnings in the nineteenth century to its emergence as a keyconcept that refers to a central ceremony in the Jewish world of the twentiethcentury. From that point, the article follows the two lexical paths thatbat mitzvah has traveled, in the United States and in Israel, and highlights abasic anthropological difference in the ceremony’s social function.
本文以犹太女孩的成人礼为测试案例,旨在形成观念史与人类学史之间的对话。这个词有两个主要的概念含义:第一,一个犹太女孩获得的新的宗教地位——一个受犹太律法戒律约束的成年人的地位;第二,标志着这个里程碑的事件或仪式。仔细研究这个概念在不同犹太语言中的各种含义,可以追溯到它的发展,从19世纪犹豫不决的开始,到它作为一个关键概念的出现,指的是20世纪犹太世界的一个中心仪式。从这一点出发,本文遵循了mitzvah在美国和以色列的两条词汇路径,并强调了仪式社会功能的基本人类学差异。
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引用次数: 1
Revisiting French Foundational Republicanism from a Non-teleological Approach 从非目的论的角度重新审视法国基础共和主义
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/CHOC.2018.130201
P. Escalante
French republicanism is traditionally considered not only the logical outcomeof the principles of 1789 but also their main political goal in the longterm. Since the revolutionary outbreak, France would have been destinedto become a republic, and the consecutive republican regimes that shapedits history seem to support that interpretation. However, considering theformidable weight of the centuries-old French royalist tradition, it is difficult to believe that the French gave up kingship once and for all in thespan of the first three revolutionary years and that the First Empire, theBourbon Restoration, the July Monarchy, and the Second Empire werepolitical regimes imposed only by force, against the will of the French,who only wanted a republican form of government. Driven by these reflections,this article attempts to propose a different interpretation of Frenchrepublicanism.
法国共和主义传统上被认为不仅是1789年原则的逻辑结果,也是他们长期的主要政治目标。自革命爆发以来,法国注定要成为一个共和国,而塑造其历史的连续共和制政权似乎支持这种解释。然而,考虑到几个世纪以来法国保皇派传统的强大影响力,很难相信法国人在革命的头三年里就彻底放弃了王权,而第一帝国、波旁王朝复辟、七月王朝和第二帝国都是违背法国人的意愿,仅仅通过武力强加的政治政权,而法国人只想要一个共和形式的政府。在这些反思的推动下,本文试图对法国共和主义提出一种不同的解释。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Contributions to the History of Concepts
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