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Bypassing the Patronage Trap: Evidence from Delhi Assembly Election 2020 绕过赞助陷阱:来自2020年德里议会选举的证据
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-07 DOI: 10.1177/23210230211043081
A. Barthwal, Asim Ali
Scholars have long theorized on the limits of patronage politics and the possibility of counter-mobilization it produces against clientelist strategies. Analysing the recent win of the Aam Aadmi Party in the 2020 Assembly election in Delhi, this article shows that programmatic policies of welfare can help parties to circumvent this trap and avoid targeted patronage networks. We find that this broad-based appeal increases the social base of the party to even include those segments of voters who remain aloof to patronage-based exchanges. Additionally, we test the salience of majoritarian issues in the presence of universal welfare. We find that by locating themselves on issue positions of relative advantage, and reducing the ideological distance with their chief competitor, a policy-focussed party may capture not just ideology-agnostic, but also peripheral voters who might be opposed to the other challenger. Using a logistic regression model, we find that policy concerns catapulted AAP to victory, while its ideological distance from the BJP added to this. Our analysis has significance for understanding the underlying changes to patronage-based linkages, especially in the presence of heightened ethnic appeals that increasingly characterizes electoral contexts in the country.
长期以来,学者们一直在理论化庇护政治的局限性,以及它对庇护主义战略产生的反动员的可能性。本文分析了Aam Aadmi党最近在2020年德里议会选举中的胜利,表明福利的计划性政策可以帮助政党绕过这一陷阱,避免有针对性的赞助网络。我们发现,这种广泛的吸引力增加了该党的社会基础,甚至包括那些对以赞助为基础的交流保持冷漠的选民。此外,我们测试了普遍福利存在下多数主义问题的显著性。我们发现,通过将自己定位在相对有利的问题立场上,并缩小与主要竞争对手的意识形态差距,一个以政策为重点的政党不仅可以吸引意识形态不可知论者,还可以吸引可能反对其他挑战者的边缘选民。使用逻辑回归模型,我们发现政策问题使AAP获得胜利,而其与人民党的意识形态距离也增加了这一点。我们的分析对于理解以赞助人为基础的联系的潜在变化具有重要意义,特别是在民族诉求日益增强的情况下,民族诉求日益成为该国选举背景的特征。
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引用次数: 0
Behind the Popular Narrative: Negotiating Life and Political Engagement in Conflicted Kashmir 通俗叙事背后:克什米尔冲突中的谈判生活和政治参与
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-07 DOI: 10.1177/23210230211043076
Wahid Ahmad Dar
The article focuses on the subaltern system of micro appropriations or Jugaads used by young Kashmiris to survive within precarious situations inflicted due to armed conflict. More particularly, it argues that such Jugaads are invoked by the subaltern consciousness of Tehreeq-e-Azadi, which offers space for not just the negotiation with the state but also the creative improvisation of daily political actions. It is illustrated that young people’s political participation is entangled with the attempts to overcome the uncertainty around their lives, thereby offering them pragmatic solutions in advancing their interests. It is further elaborated that the existing polarization between separatism and mainstream is obscure at the experiential level, living within precarious situations has taught young people to silently craft possibilities of a good life without looking confrontational to either side. The article argues that localized forms of engagement are crucial for a comprehensive understanding of how modern states operate.
这篇文章的重点是年轻的克什米尔人为了在武装冲突造成的不稳定局势中生存而使用的微拨款或Jugaads下级制度。更具体地说,它认为这样的jugaad是由Tehreeq-e-Azadi的下层意识所唤起的,它不仅为与政府的谈判提供了空间,而且为日常政治行动的创造性即兴发挥提供了空间。年轻人的政治参与与克服他们生活中的不确定性的尝试交织在一起,从而为他们提供务实的解决方案,以促进他们的利益。它进一步阐述了分离主义和主流之间现有的两极分化在经验层面上是模糊的,生活在不稳定的情况下教会了年轻人默默地创造美好生活的可能性,而不去看任何一方的对抗。这篇文章认为,局部形式的接触对于全面理解现代国家的运作方式至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
The Double Life of Dissent: Art, Politics and the Predicaments of Democracy in India 异议的双重人生:艺术、政治与印度民主的困境
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-04 DOI: 10.1177/23210230211043019
Malvika Maheshwari
The article focuses on two moments in India’s political history, in which out-rightly expressed dissent underlines analytical shifts in the nature and course of the country’s democracy. It asks two questions: First, what does a self-proclaimed, democratic state do with peaceful dissenting artists? The second question follows from this. If indeed the state stigmatizes and suppresses that dissent, what does the artist do? By foregrounding the relationship between the dissent and offence-taking, the article shows the increasingly complex changes in the nature of the democratic state, role of the art market therein, the dynamic patterns of dissent itself, which underline the cyclic outbursts of violence against artists.
这篇文章聚焦于印度政治史上的两个时刻,在这两个时刻,人们正确地表达了不同意见,突显了印度民主性质和进程的分析性转变。它提出了两个问题:首先,一个自称民主的国家如何对待和平的异见艺术家?第二个问题由此而来。如果国家确实侮辱和压制异议,艺术家该怎么做?通过强调异议与冒犯之间的关系,文章展示了民主国家性质的日益复杂的变化,艺术市场在其中的作用,异议本身的动态模式,这些都强调了针对艺术家的暴力的周期性爆发。
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引用次数: 0
Governance and Democracy in Jammu and Kashmir: Measuring Public Trust in Formal Institutions 查谟和克什米尔的治理与民主:衡量公众对正规机构的信任
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-04 DOI: 10.1177/23210230211043080
A. Wani, Muzamil Yaqoob
The common association of political trust, legitimacy and participation within democratic states has engaged scholars to answer questions like: what are the bases of trusting the state and its institutions? And how enculturing trust can strengthen democratic governance? In this direction, institutional trust, which is invariably linked to political legitimacy, is critical to measure the health of governance. This article reflects upon the state-centric approach to governance, by exploring the interplay of institutional trust and public legitimacy in Jammu and Kashmir. The study of the state of institutional trust, as reflected in the post-2002 empirical data, enriches the theoretical discourse on governance in a conflict region.
民主国家内部政治信任、合法性和参与的共同联系让学者们回答了这样的问题:信任国家及其机构的基础是什么?培养信任如何加强民主治理?在这个方向上,制度信任是衡量治理健康状况的关键,它总是与政治合法性联系在一起。本文通过探索查谟和克什米尔的制度信任和公共合法性的相互作用,反思了以国家为中心的治理方法。2002年后的实证数据反映了对制度信任状况的研究,丰富了关于冲突地区治理的理论论述。
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引用次数: 1
New Education Policy: Notes from Academic Hinterlands 新的教育政策:来自学术腹地的笔记
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-22 DOI: 10.1177/23210230211043195
Rajeshwari Deshpande
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引用次数: 0
Teaching Political Science in the Margins 在边缘地带教授政治学
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-22 DOI: 10.1177/23210230211043312
Abhay Datar
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引用次数: 0
Letters from a Province: Harekrushna Mahtab to Jawaharlal Nehru, 1947–1949 某省来信:哈瑞克鲁什纳·马哈塔布致贾瓦哈拉尔·尼赫鲁,1947-1949
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-20 DOI: 10.1177/23210230211043018
R. Ankit
On 1 November 1947, Harekrushna Mahtab, premier of Orissa, British/independent India’s youngest province, wrote a letter to Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. This was in reply to the first of Nehru’s famous letters to the provincial chiefs. In it, Nehru had expressed his wish to read similarly from them and Mahtab responded in kind. For the next 2 years, Mahtab wrote to Nehru, before leaving Orissa to become a union minister. These letters, present among the Mahtab Papers (NMML, New Delhi), provide an often-downplayed vantage of the province, to view the concerns of the nation contained in Nehru’s letters. Where the latter were meant ‘to educate and exhort’, the former comprised a return catalogue of official information, societal caution, and the Congress Party’s particularities.
1947年11月1日,英国/独立印度最年轻的省份奥里萨邦的总理哈瑞克鲁什纳·马哈塔布给总理贾瓦哈拉尔·尼赫鲁写了一封信。这是对尼赫鲁写给各省首领的第一封著名信件的回复。在信中,尼赫鲁表达了他希望从他们那里读到类似的东西,马赫塔布也以同样的方式回应了他。在接下来的两年里,Mahtab写信给尼赫鲁,然后离开奥里萨邦成为一名联邦部长。这些信件,在马赫塔布文件(NMML,新德里)中,提供了一个经常被淡化的优势,以查看尼赫鲁信件中所包含的国家关切。后者的目的是“教育和告诫”,而前者则包含了官方信息、社会警示和国大党特点的回归目录。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to Special Section on the Politics of Knowledge in Development “发展中的知识政治”专题导论
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999159
Madhulika Banerjee
The twenty-first century search of offering alternatives to the hegemonic development paradigm, whilst responding urgently to climate change, seeks to answer a specific question. What kind of knowledge of production in society could possibly be the best to opt for, to develop at this point in history? It is not the first time that this question has either been asked or an answer to it, attempted. Scholarly debates on the relevance and significance of ‘traditional’ or ‘indigenous’ knowledge for development, wherever the failure of modern knowledge was clearly in evidence, had taken place earlier. Then why now, again? This Special Section of the SIP argues that in the last five decades, or so, several streams of practice on the ground have worked on this possibility to demonstrate a tangible significance of ‘traditional’ or ‘indigenous’ knowledge as ‘alternative’ systems of knowledges to those of the modernist, capitalist knowledges of production and, therefore, deserve careful analysis. Second, that studies of how these have evolved towards contemporary relevance show a complexity of contestations at several levels and spaces that make it possible—namely, historical context, state policy, political economy, collective action and institutions. It is clear from the ground that all of these spaces actually contribute to the making of the epistemology of knowledge systems. Therefore, to understand whether already existing knowledge systems can contribute to contemporary processes of ‘development’ or ‘well-being’, it would be helpful to analyse how all these spaces actually transform or reconstitute them. So the debate on knowledge, which has focused in the main, on the realm of epistemology, needs to extend well beyond that—whether in the natural or social sciences. For this, an analytical frame that enables an understanding, analysis and interpretation of this process of transformation of these knowledges of production through all the above five spaces is required. The first article offers precisely this, naming it the ‘Politics of Knowledge’, as also offering a new term for ‘traditional’ or ‘indigenous’ knowledge, namely, ‘already existing knowledge’. Using this frame as a point of reference, two articles are offered, each of which will take up a specific knowledge system and present an analysis of how that knowledge has adapted to the contemporary, helping it qualify as an alternative to the modernist/technicist/capitalist ones. These two articles are on seeds and flood management. Each of these has been selected because they are very important aspects of the essentials of people’s lives, forming a core component of ‘development’. They analyse how these five spaces interact in order to produce the structures of power these knowledges are located in. Together, these constitute the arguments of the politics of knowledge in development, though in a summary format. They also provide a framework of how other such knowledges may be studied. The intent is
在二十一世纪,在对气候变化作出紧急反应的同时,寻求提供霸权发展范式的替代方案,寻求回答一个具体问题。在历史的这个阶段,什么样的社会生产知识可能是最好的选择?这不是第一次有人提出这个问题,也不是第一次有人试图回答这个问题。在现代知识明显失败的地方,关于“传统”或“本土”知识对发展的相关性和重要性的学术辩论已经在早些时候发生过。那为什么是现在?SIP的这个特别部分认为,在过去50年左右的时间里,实地的几个实践流已经在这种可能性上工作,以证明“传统”或“本土”知识作为现代主义、资本主义生产知识的“替代”知识体系的切实意义,因此,值得仔细分析。其次,对这些问题如何演变成当代相关性的研究表明,在几个层面和空间上的争论是复杂的,这些争论使之成为可能——即历史背景、国家政策、政治经济、集体行动和制度。从基础上很明显,所有这些空间实际上都有助于知识系统的认识论的形成。因此,要了解现有的知识系统是否能够促进当代的“发展”或“福祉”进程,分析所有这些空间实际上是如何转化或重构它们的,将会有所帮助。所以关于知识的争论,主要集中在认识论领域,需要扩展到更远的地方,无论是自然科学还是社会科学。为此,需要一个分析框架,能够通过上述五个空间理解、分析和解释这些生产知识的转化过程。第一篇文章恰恰提供了这一点,将其命名为“知识的政治”,同时也为“传统的”或“本土的”知识提供了一个新名词,即“已经存在的知识”。以这一框架为参照点,本文将提供两篇文章,每篇文章都将采用一个特定的知识体系,并分析该知识如何适应当代,帮助其成为现代主义/技术主义者/资本主义的替代品。这两篇文章是关于种子和洪水管理的。这些都被选中是因为它们是人们生活必需品的非常重要的方面,构成了“发展”的核心组成部分。他们分析了这五个空间如何相互作用,以产生这些知识所在的权力结构。这些共同构成了发展中的知识政治的论点,尽管是以摘要的形式。它们还为如何研究其他此类知识提供了一个框架。其目的是在相同的框架下,在期刊的后续期刊中提供另外三篇关于其他三个知识系统的文章。专题介绍
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Jennifer Bussell. Clients and Constituents: Political Responsiveness in Patronage Democracies 书评:Jennifer Bussell。客户和选民:赞助民主中的政治回应
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999180
P. Singh
Jennifer Bussell. Clients and Constituents: Political Responsiveness in Patronage Democracies. Delhi, India: Oxford University Press, 2019. 369 pages. ₹1,100.
詹妮弗·布赛尔。客户和选民:赞助民主中的政治回应。印度德里:牛津大学出版社,2019。369页。₹1100。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Jason Keith Fernandes, Citizenship in a Caste Polity: Religion, Language and Belonging in Goa 书评:Jason Keith Fernandes,《种姓政治中的公民身份:果阿的宗教、语言和归属》
IF 0.5 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/2321023021999189
M. Jha
Jason Keith Fernandes, Citizenship in a Caste Polity: Religion, Language and Belonging in Goa. Hyderabad: Orient BlackSwan. Co-published by New India Foundation. 2020. 380 pages. ₹975.
Jason Keith Fernandes,《种姓政治中的公民身份:果阿的宗教、语言和归属》。海得拉巴:东方黑天鹅。由新印度基金会联合出版。2020.380页。₹975
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Studies in Indian Politics
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