Els elements clitics s’adjunten prosodicament a una altra paraula fonologica, per tant, no porten accent propi. En general, els pronoms no preposicionals amb funcio d’objecte (e.g. me / te / le / lo / se ) compleixen la definicio de clitic, tant si van davant (proclitic) com darrera (enclitic) del verb. Pero en algunes varietats romaniques, incloses algunes de l’espanyol, l’accent pot apareixer sobre el clitic del grup verb+clitic(s). Ens referim a aquest fenomen com a desplacament de l’accent enclitic (ESS, en angles). En aquest article, presentem un estudi de percepcio entre parlants d’espanyol de l’Argentina i d’Espanya i examinem les dimensions acustiques que poden afectar aquesta percepcio. La discussio inclou comparacions amb altres llengues romaniques i implicacions en relacio amb el canvi fonetic historic, com el que presenten els patrons accentuals en l’evolucio de les formes verbals de futur i condicional.
{"title":"Stressed Clitic Pronouns in Two Spanish Varieties: A perception study","authors":"L. Colantoni, J. Hualde, Ane Icardo Isasi","doi":"10.5565/rev/catjl.260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.260","url":null,"abstract":"Els elements clitics s’adjunten prosodicament a una altra paraula fonologica, per tant, no porten accent propi. En general, els pronoms no preposicionals amb funcio d’objecte (e.g. me / te / le / lo / se ) compleixen la definicio de clitic, tant si van davant (proclitic) com darrera (enclitic) del verb. Pero en algunes varietats romaniques, incloses algunes de l’espanyol, l’accent pot apareixer sobre el clitic del grup verb+clitic(s). Ens referim a aquest fenomen com a desplacament de l’accent enclitic (ESS, en angles). En aquest article, presentem un estudi de percepcio entre parlants d’espanyol de l’Argentina i d’Espanya i examinem les dimensions acustiques que poden afectar aquesta percepcio. La discussio inclou comparacions amb altres llengues romaniques i implicacions en relacio amb el canvi fonetic historic, com el que presenten els patrons accentuals en l’evolucio de les formes verbals de futur i condicional.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48406243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
La versio paral·lela i la serial de la teoria de l’optimitat (TO) difereixen entre si en la manera com expliquen les generalitzacions fonologiques que es refereixen a mes d’un nivell de la jerarquia prosodica. L’abreujament vocalic en llati ha estat analitzat per McCarthy, Pater & Pruitt (2016) com un exemple d’aixo. L’escurcament es produeix per tal d’optimitzar l’estructura del peu. En la primera versio la construccio dels peus i l’escurcament poden avaluar-se en paral·lel, pero en la segona la construccio dels peus i l’abreujament s’han de dur a terme necessariament en una derivacio serial. En aquest article es discuteixen criticament ambdues analisis. Despres del l’escurcament vocalic, s’aborden altres dos casos d’interaccio entre nivells en llati: l’elisio vocalica i la diftongacio de vocals. Per a cadascun d’aquests casos, s’argumenta que es preferible una analisi serial a una de paral·lela.
{"title":"Cross-level interactions in Latin: Vowel shortening, vowel deletion and vowel gliding","authors":"Haike Jacobs","doi":"10.5565/rev/catjl.261","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.261","url":null,"abstract":"La versio paral·lela i la serial de la teoria de l’optimitat (TO) difereixen entre si en la manera com expliquen les generalitzacions fonologiques que es refereixen a mes d’un nivell de la jerarquia prosodica. L’abreujament vocalic en llati ha estat analitzat per McCarthy, Pater & Pruitt (2016) com un exemple d’aixo. L’escurcament es produeix per tal d’optimitzar l’estructura del peu. En la primera versio la construccio dels peus i l’escurcament poden avaluar-se en paral·lel, pero en la segona la construccio dels peus i l’abreujament s’han de dur a terme necessariament en una derivacio serial. En aquest article es discuteixen criticament ambdues analisis. Despres del l’escurcament vocalic, s’aborden altres dos casos d’interaccio entre nivells en llati: l’elisio vocalica i la diftongacio de vocals. Per a cadascun d’aquests casos, s’argumenta que es preferible una analisi serial a una de paral·lela.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42332578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Introduction","authors":"Fernando Martínez-Gil, Maria Ohannesian","doi":"10.5565/rev/catjl.295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.295","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46248159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper deals with stress shift in verb-clitic structures in Eivissan Catalan, an understudied Romance variety. Within Balearic Catalan, this is the only subdialect in which stress shift is restricted to apply only in second conjugation pre-clitic infinitives, those that, as opposed to other conjugations, have penultimate stress when they are pronounced in isolation. Stress in second conjugation infinitives in Eivissan Catalan shifts one syllable to the right, that is, to the final syllable of the verbal stem, when one or more pronominal enclitics follow. There is no stress shift in pre-clitic imperatives. We claim that pronominal enclitics in Eivissan Catalan adjoin to a recursive, maximal prosodic word, and that the domain for stress assignment is the minimal, embedded prosodic word. We further analyze two cases of stress-conditioned allomorphy (i.e. allomorphy of the infinitive morph and allomorphy of the verbal root) that occur in infinitive-clitic structures.
{"title":"Verb-Clitic Structures in Eivissan Catalan: Recursive Prosodic Words and Allomorphy","authors":"Francesc Torres-Tamarit, E. Bonet","doi":"10.5565/rev/catjl.253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.253","url":null,"abstract":"This paper deals with stress shift in verb-clitic structures in Eivissan Catalan, an understudied Romance variety. Within Balearic Catalan, this is the only subdialect in which stress shift is restricted to apply only in second conjugation pre-clitic infinitives, those that, as opposed to other conjugations, have penultimate stress when they are pronounced in isolation. Stress in second conjugation infinitives in Eivissan Catalan shifts one syllable to the right, that is, to the final syllable of the verbal stem, when one or more pronominal enclitics follow. There is no stress shift in pre-clitic imperatives. We claim that pronominal enclitics in Eivissan Catalan adjoin to a recursive, maximal prosodic word, and that the domain for stress assignment is the minimal, embedded prosodic word. We further analyze two cases of stress-conditioned allomorphy (i.e. allomorphy of the infinitive morph and allomorphy of the verbal root) that occur in infinitive-clitic structures.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43282698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We argue that there is no adequate evidence for ‘sonority-driven stress’, building on Shih (2018a,b), and disagreeing with Kenstowicz (1997), de Lacy (2002a, 2004, 2006), and others. More precisely, we argue that there is no phonological mechanism that induces metrical structure to deviate from its default position for reasons that involve the direct interaction of segmental sonority and foot form. After reviewing the history of sonority-driven stress theory, we identify two broad issues with extant evidence: the lack of methodological reliability, and misattribution of cause. We argue that impressionistic descriptions of sonority-driven stress are not reliable, in the technical sense of evidentiary validity. We further argue that apparent sonority-sensitivity in foot form is a side-effect of either allophony or minor syllable behavior.
{"title":"Evidence for Sonority-Driven Stress","authors":"Shu-hao Shih, P. De Lacy","doi":"10.5565/rev/catjl.256","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.256","url":null,"abstract":"We argue that there is no adequate evidence for ‘sonority-driven stress’, building on Shih (2018a,b), and disagreeing with Kenstowicz (1997), de Lacy (2002a, 2004, 2006), and others. More precisely, we argue that there is no phonological mechanism that induces metrical structure to deviate from its default position for reasons that involve the direct interaction of segmental sonority and foot form. After reviewing the history of sonority-driven stress theory, we identify two broad issues with extant evidence: the lack of methodological reliability, and misattribution of cause. We argue that impressionistic descriptions of sonority-driven stress are not reliable, in the technical sense of evidentiary validity. We further argue that apparent sonority-sensitivity in foot form is a side-effect of either allophony or minor syllable behavior.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42017552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aquest article vol demostrar que els seguents tres fenomens que exhibeixen les varietats dialectals i idiolectals del portugues del Brasil, i.e. la metatesi rotica (e.g. vidro > vrido ‘vidre’), la nasalitzacio espontania de les vocals altes (com el canvi diacronic hibernum > inverno ‘hivern’ o la forma no estandard ingreja ‘esglesia’) i l’abaixament de les vocals medials pretoniques, son manifestacions del mateix proces: reforcament de la prominencia de les posicions toniques, d’accent secundari o de sil·labes inicials.
{"title":"Prominence Augmentation via Nasalization in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"A. Nevins, Paula Pinheiro Costa","doi":"10.5565/rev/catjl.291","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.291","url":null,"abstract":"Aquest article vol demostrar que els seguents tres fenomens que exhibeixen les varietats dialectals i idiolectals del portugues del Brasil, i.e. la metatesi rotica (e.g. vidro > vrido ‘vidre’), la nasalitzacio espontania de les vocals altes (com el canvi diacronic hibernum > inverno ‘hivern’ o la forma no estandard ingreja ‘esglesia’) i l’abaixament de les vocals medials pretoniques, son manifestacions del mateix proces: reforcament de la prominencia de les posicions toniques, d’accent secundari o de sil·labes inicials.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49506519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper documents and discusses various descriptive generalizations and alternative analyses of the vocative truncation found in the Southern Italian dialect of Taviano that is illustrated by such formations as Filomena > Filome . We show that the upper limit on the size of the truncate is not restricted by foot binarity nor by internally layered feet: Addolorata > Addolora . The lower limit of the truncate may extend to a single CV syllable in violation of foot binarity: Cesare > Ce . But truncation to just the stressed vowel is rejected: Elena > * E . We situate the analysis of the vocative truncation within the overall grammar of Salentino and show that while some properties such as the loss of coda consonants can be attributed to rankings imposed by the surrounding grammar, others are peculiar to this construction. The analysis of stress in loanword adaptation figures prominently in our discussion. The final sections examine some of the morphological and syntactic properties of the Taviano vocative.
{"title":"The analysis of truncated vocatives in Taviano (Salentino) Italian","authors":"M. Kenstowicz","doi":"10.5565/rev/catjl.257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.257","url":null,"abstract":"This paper documents and discusses various descriptive generalizations and alternative analyses of the vocative truncation found in the Southern Italian dialect of Taviano that is illustrated by such formations as Filomena > Filome . We show that the upper limit on the size of the truncate is not restricted by foot binarity nor by internally layered feet: Addolorata > Addolora . The lower limit of the truncate may extend to a single CV syllable in violation of foot binarity: Cesare > Ce . But truncation to just the stressed vowel is rejected: Elena > * E . We situate the analysis of the vocative truncation within the overall grammar of Salentino and show that while some properties such as the loss of coda consonants can be attributed to rankings imposed by the surrounding grammar, others are peculiar to this construction. The analysis of stress in loanword adaptation figures prominently in our discussion. The final sections examine some of the morphological and syntactic properties of the Taviano vocative.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46925868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Els verbs de manera de moviment de l’alemany poden agafar haben ‘haver’ i sein ‘ser’ com a auxiliars de perfet. Recentment s’ha proposat que, en aquests casos, la seleccio de l’auxiliar ve determinada pel tret [locomocio]: el marcatge positiu d’aquest tret activa l’us de sein ‘ser’ i el negatiu implica l’us de haben ‘haver’ (Randall 2007). En aquest treball explorem la nocio de locomocio des d’una perspectiva semantica. Exposem els resultats d’una prova de judici d’acceptabilitat i mostrem que alguns verbs de manera de moviment s’associen mes tipicament amb [+locomocio] que d’altres en funcio de la prominencia de la direccionalitat associada a la semantica del verb. Tot i aixo, argumentem que la locomocio no es una propietat intrinseca dels verbs, sino mes aviat de les construccions (Goldberg 1995), que imposen una interpretacio semantica especifica dels verbs.
{"title":"A semantic approach to auxiliary selection with German verbs of motion. An empirical study","authors":"Wojciech Lewandowski","doi":"10.5565/rev/catjl.242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.242","url":null,"abstract":"Els verbs de manera de moviment de l’alemany poden agafar haben ‘haver’ i sein ‘ser’ com a auxiliars de perfet. Recentment s’ha proposat que, en aquests casos, la seleccio de l’auxiliar ve determinada pel tret [locomocio]: el marcatge positiu d’aquest tret activa l’us de sein ‘ser’ i el negatiu implica l’us de haben ‘haver’ (Randall 2007). En aquest treball explorem la nocio de locomocio des d’una perspectiva semantica. Exposem els resultats d’una prova de judici d’acceptabilitat i mostrem que alguns verbs de manera de moviment s’associen mes tipicament amb [+locomocio] que d’altres en funcio de la prominencia de la direccionalitat associada a la semantica del verb. Tot i aixo, argumentem que la locomocio no es una propietat intrinseca dels verbs, sino mes aviat de les construccions (Goldberg 1995), que imposen una interpretacio semantica especifica dels verbs.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49496205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The goal of this paper is to discuss some meaning correspondences (and/or clashes) between the perfective/imperfective aspectual contrast in Russian and various interpretations of a perfect in English. While a detailed comparison between perfect and (im)perfective, even in only two specific languages, is a project that clearly extends beyond all imaginable page limits for a single paper, I hope to demonstrate here some tendencies which might facilitate further (and deeper) theoretical and empirical studies of these two highly debated grammatical categories. In particular, the paper will show that there is a clear split between perfective and imperfective aspect in the non-past tense with respect to expressing perfect meanings and there is also a split between different existential meanings of the perfect in the sense that some of them correspond to the perfective aspect and some of them are only rendered by the imperfective aspect in Russian. Given this empirical picture, one of the theoretical questions that emerges from this study is what kind of repercussions the observed generalizations might have for a (universal) grammatical theory of tense and aspect.
{"title":"When (im)perfective is perfect (and when it is not)","authors":"O. Borik","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.246","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.246","url":null,"abstract":"The goal of this paper is to discuss some meaning correspondences (and/or clashes) between the perfective/imperfective aspectual contrast in Russian and various interpretations of a perfect in English. While a detailed comparison between perfect and (im)perfective, even in only two specific languages, is a project that clearly extends beyond all imaginable page limits for a single paper, I hope to demonstrate here some tendencies which might facilitate further (and deeper) theoretical and empirical studies of these two highly debated grammatical categories. In particular, the paper will show that there is a clear split between perfective and imperfective aspect in the non-past tense with respect to expressing perfect meanings and there is also a split between different existential meanings of the perfect in the sense that some of them correspond to the perfective aspect and some of them are only rendered by the imperfective aspect in Russian. Given this empirical picture, one of the theoretical questions that emerges from this study is what kind of repercussions the observed generalizations might have for a (universal) grammatical theory of tense and aspect.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46315195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
catalaEn aquest article es proposa una analisi del perfet de passat recent o hot news basada en l’analisi de Nishiyama & Koenig (2010) on s’analitza el perfet com una categoria que denota un ‘estat perfet’ introduit per una variable que necessita ser pragmaticament enriquida. El significat pragmatic s’analitza ampliant la representacio del significat miratiu de Rett & Murray (2013) com un estat meta d’un esdeveniment d’aprenentatge, el qual considero que, en termes generals, es tracta de la reaccio de sorpresa del parlant. L’analisi es porta a terme atenent els usos no canonics del perfet en angles australia en passatges narratius i articles de la policia dels mitjans de comunicacio. Argueixo que l’us del perfet de passat recent o hot news es troba en la base d’aquestes extensions i proposo representacions pels usos en sequencies de clausules que expressen progressio temporal i en clausules que contenen un adverbi temporal definit de passat. L’article conclou tractant la present analisi considerant les investigacions previes i la seva implicacio al nostre coneixement de la gramaticalitzacio dels perfets. EnglishThis paper proposes an analysis of the hot news Present Perfect (PP) building on Nishiyama & Koenig’s (2010) analysis of the perfect as denoting a perfect state introduced by a variable that needs to be pragmatically enriched. Pragmatic meaning is analysed extending Rett & Murray’s (2013) representation of mirative meaning as the target state of a learning event, which I take to be the speaker’s reaction of surprise more generally. The analysis is considered in the light of noncanonical uses of the PP in Australian English narratives and police media reports. I argue that hot news usage is at the basis of such extensions and propose representations for uses in sequences of clauses expressing temporal progression and in clauses containing a definite past time adverbial. The paper concludes by discussing the present analysis in the light of previous research and its implication to our understanding of the grammaticalization of perfects.
{"title":"‘Hot news’ and perfect change: mirativity and the semantics/pragmatics interface","authors":"M. Ritz","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.245","url":null,"abstract":"catalaEn aquest article es proposa una analisi del perfet de passat recent o hot news basada en l’analisi de Nishiyama & Koenig (2010) on s’analitza el perfet com una categoria que denota un ‘estat perfet’ introduit per una variable que necessita ser pragmaticament enriquida. El significat pragmatic s’analitza ampliant la representacio del significat miratiu de Rett & Murray (2013) com un estat meta d’un esdeveniment d’aprenentatge, el qual considero que, en termes generals, es tracta de la reaccio de sorpresa del parlant. L’analisi es porta a terme atenent els usos no canonics del perfet en angles australia en passatges narratius i articles de la policia dels mitjans de comunicacio. Argueixo que l’us del perfet de passat recent o hot news es troba en la base d’aquestes extensions i proposo representacions pels usos en sequencies de clausules que expressen progressio temporal i en clausules que contenen un adverbi temporal definit de passat. L’article conclou tractant la present analisi considerant les investigacions previes i la seva implicacio al nostre coneixement de la gramaticalitzacio dels perfets. EnglishThis paper proposes an analysis of the hot news Present Perfect (PP) building on Nishiyama & Koenig’s (2010) analysis of the perfect as denoting a perfect state introduced by a variable that needs to be pragmatically enriched. Pragmatic meaning is analysed extending Rett & Murray’s (2013) representation of mirative meaning as the target state of a learning event, which I take to be the speaker’s reaction of surprise more generally. The analysis is considered in the light of noncanonical uses of the PP in Australian English narratives and police media reports. I argue that hot news usage is at the basis of such extensions and propose representations for uses in sequences of clauses expressing temporal progression and in clauses containing a definite past time adverbial. The paper concludes by discussing the present analysis in the light of previous research and its implication to our understanding of the grammaticalization of perfects.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41720911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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