The number of exceptions to a phonological generalization appears to gradiently affect its productivity. Generalizations with relatively few exceptions are relatively productive, as measured in tendencies to regularization, as well as in nonce word productions and other psycholinguistic tasks. Gradient productivity has been previously modeled with probabilistic grammars, including Maximum Entropy Grammar, but they often fail to capture the fixed pronunciations of the existing words in a language, as opposed to nonce words. Lexically specific constraints allow existing words to be produced faithfully, while permitting variation in novel words that are not subject to those constraints. When each word has its own lexically specific version of a constraint, an inverse correlation between the number of exceptions and the degree of productivity is straightforwardly predicted.
{"title":"Gradient Exceptionality in Maximum Entropy Grammar with Lexically Specific Constraints","authors":"C. Moore-Cantwell, Joe Pater","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.183","url":null,"abstract":"The number of exceptions to a phonological generalization appears to gradiently affect its productivity. Generalizations with relatively few exceptions are relatively productive, as measured in tendencies to regularization, as well as in nonce word productions and other psycholinguistic tasks. Gradient productivity has been previously modeled with probabilistic grammars, including Maximum Entropy Grammar, but they often fail to capture the fixed pronunciations of the existing words in a language, as opposed to nonce words. Lexically specific constraints allow existing words to be produced faithfully, while permitting variation in novel words that are not subject to those constraints. When each word has its own lexically specific version of a constraint, an inverse correlation between the number of exceptions and the degree of productivity is straightforwardly predicted.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2016-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71035160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
L’harmonia anterior-posterior en hongares es regida per l’arrel dels mots: en la majoria de casos no te en compte els sufixos. Es a dir, una arrel amb una vocal posterior (P) seguida per qualsevol nombre de sufixos amb una vocal neutral (N) prendra un sufix amb una vocal posterior (P+N+N+P), pero una arrel que contingui una vocal posterior seguida de diverses vocals neutrals pot anar seguida d’un sufix amb una vocal anterior (A): PNN+A/P. Anomenem aquest efecte Uniformitat Harmonica. Aquesta es respecta fins i tot en radicals truncats: NP→N +N+P, encara que els radicals NN practicament mai no prenen un sufix posterior (NN+A). Les formes diminutives son l’unica excepcio a aquest patro. Proposem que la rao es que les formes diminutives estan relacionades a la seva «base» d’una manera molt mes laxa que en qualsevol altre tipus d’afixacio.
{"title":"Diminutives: Exceptions to Harmonic Uniformity","authors":"Péter Rebrus, Peter D Szigetvari","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.186","url":null,"abstract":"L’harmonia anterior-posterior en hongares es regida per l’arrel dels mots: en la majoria de casos no te en compte els sufixos. Es a dir, una arrel amb una vocal posterior (P) seguida per qualsevol nombre de sufixos amb una vocal neutral (N) prendra un sufix amb una vocal posterior (P+N+N+P), pero una arrel que contingui una vocal posterior seguida de diverses vocals neutrals pot anar seguida d’un sufix amb una vocal anterior (A): PNN+A/P. Anomenem aquest efecte Uniformitat Harmonica. Aquesta es respecta fins i tot en radicals truncats: NP→N +N+P, encara que els radicals NN practicament mai no prenen un sufix posterior (NN+A). Les formes diminutives son l’unica excepcio a aquest patro. Proposem que la rao es que les formes diminutives estan relacionades a la seva «base» d’una manera molt mes laxa que en qualsevol altre tipus d’afixacio.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2016-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71035221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A certain class of Central Catalan compounds characterized by a first component that lacks a related output word is discussed and analyzed in connection with Vowel Reduction and Destressing. The first component of these compounds contains a vowel [a, ɛ, ɔ] that undergoes Destressing before the stressed vowel of the second component, but does not reduce. This causes an opacity problem because the generalization that there are no unstressed [a, ɛ, ɔ] is not surface-true for these cases. An analysis in the framework of parallel OT with output-to-output constraints is examined in detail and the function that returns the base of the relevant constituent in the candidates being evaluated is made precise. It is shown that such an analysis is not feasible. After showing that compounds have internal constituent structure even under noncompositional semantics, a Stratal OT analysis is presented that can handle such cases.
{"title":"Morphological Exceptions to Vowel Reduction in Central Catalan and the Problem of the Missing Base","authors":"J. Mascaró","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.184","url":null,"abstract":"A certain class of Central Catalan compounds characterized by a first component that lacks a related output word is discussed and analyzed in connection with Vowel Reduction and Destressing. The first component of these compounds contains a vowel [a, ɛ, ɔ] that undergoes Destressing before the stressed vowel of the second component, but does not reduce. This causes an opacity problem because the generalization that there are no unstressed [a, ɛ, ɔ] is not surface-true for these cases. An analysis in the framework of parallel OT with output-to-output constraints is examined in detail and the function that returns the base of the relevant constituent in the candidates being evaluated is made precise. It is shown that such an analysis is not feasible. After showing that compounds have internal constituent structure even under noncompositional semantics, a Stratal OT analysis is presented that can handle such cases.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2016-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71035209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the topic of exceptionality in phonology focusing on nasal-stop inventories. A meticulous survey shows that it is normal for such systems to include at least two anterior units: /m/ and /n/. The finding that the introduction of /ŋ/, the first posterior unit to appear, normally follows that of both anterior units suggests that anteriority is somehow more compatible with this consonant class; however, this hypothesis is challenged by exceptions: /n/ is occasionally superseded by /ŋ/. The proposed analysis overturns the view that there is a single universal place hierarchy. It demonstrates that languages assess the cost of place features on multiple dimensions and that nasal-stop inventories are shaped by the conflict between three evaluation measures: one for articulatory cost, one for perceptual cost, and one for dispersion. A theory of far greater explanatory power emerges when each evaluation measure is empirically substantiated and their universality is strictly respected.
{"title":"Exceptional nasal-stop inventories","authors":"Carlos-Eduardo Piñeros","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.181","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the topic of exceptionality in phonology focusing on nasal-stop inventories. A meticulous survey shows that it is normal for such systems to include at least two anterior units: /m/ and /n/. The finding that the introduction of /ŋ/, the first posterior unit to appear, normally follows that of both anterior units suggests that anteriority is somehow more compatible with this consonant class; however, this hypothesis is challenged by exceptions: /n/ is occasionally superseded by /ŋ/. The proposed analysis overturns the view that there is a single universal place hierarchy. It demonstrates that languages assess the cost of place features on multiple dimensions and that nasal-stop inventories are shaped by the conflict between three evaluation measures: one for articulatory cost, one for perceptual cost, and one for dispersion. A theory of far greater explanatory power emerges when each evaluation measure is empirically substantiated and their universality is strictly respected.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2016-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71035104","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En la investigacio linguistica es corrent buscar una analisi unificada per a fenomes similars de llengues relacionades. En aquest treball, s’argumenta que fer-ho per a les alternaces vocaliques del polones i del rus seria un error. Encara que comparteixen propietats fonologiques notables, difereixen respecte a la seva prevalencia i la seva extensibilitat. Es presenta una analisi del polones en la qual les alternances vocaliques no son excepcionals i el blocatge excepcional de les alternances s’assoleix amb restriccions indexades lexicament. Aquesta es una analisi complementaria de la de Gouskova (2012) per al rus, que s’argumenta que es desitjable sobre la base d’una nova exploracio estadistica d’un corpus del lexico polones i les seves divergencies respecte a les tendencies per a mots analegs en rus.
{"title":"Polish yers revisited","authors":"Amanda Rysling","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.187","url":null,"abstract":"En la investigacio linguistica es corrent buscar una analisi unificada per a fenomes similars de llengues relacionades. En aquest treball, s’argumenta que fer-ho per a les alternaces vocaliques del polones i del rus seria un error. Encara que comparteixen propietats fonologiques notables, difereixen respecte a la seva prevalencia i la seva extensibilitat. Es presenta una analisi del polones en la qual les alternances vocaliques no son excepcionals i el blocatge excepcional de les alternances s’assoleix amb restriccions indexades lexicament. Aquesta es una analisi complementaria de la de Gouskova (2012) per al rus, que s’argumenta que es desitjable sobre la base d’una nova exploracio estadistica d’un corpus del lexico polones i les seves divergencies respecte a les tendencies per a mots analegs en rus.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2016-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71035263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper we study the polysemy that the verbs pegar (‘hit/stick’), apegar (‘stick’) and empegar (‘stick’) possess today in the Catalan language. First of all, we perform a thorough description of the meanings that each of these verbs have acquired not only in the standard but also in the colloquial language. Each of the meanings has been differentiated from the others by analysing the most prominent dictionaries currently available and a corpus of written texts. Additionally, a number of surveys on the spoken language have also been taken into account. Our research has shown that in the different Catalan dialects they do not always have the same meanings or the same verb forms. To be able to interpret how this polysemy has come about, we have taken cognitive linguistics as our theoretical framework. We have been able to show that the notion of image schema of path, combined with prototypicality effects and with the Invited Inference Theory of Semantic Change, in which the mechanism of metonymy plays a fundamental role, can provide a satisfactory explanation for the semasiological complexity of the verbs under study.
{"title":"The Polysemy of the verbs «pegar», «apegar» and «empegar» in Catalan: A synchronic manifestation of semantic change","authors":"J. Ramos","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.160","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.160","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper we study the polysemy that the verbs pegar (‘hit/stick’), apegar (‘stick’) and empegar (‘stick’) possess today in the Catalan language. First of all, we perform a thorough description of the meanings that each of these verbs have acquired not only in the standard but also in the colloquial language. Each of the meanings has been differentiated from the others by analysing the most prominent dictionaries currently available and a corpus of written texts. Additionally, a number of surveys on the spoken language have also been taken into account. Our research has shown that in the different Catalan dialects they do not always have the same meanings or the same verb forms. To be able to interpret how this polysemy has come about, we have taken cognitive linguistics as our theoretical framework. We have been able to show that the notion of image schema of path, combined with prototypicality effects and with the Invited Inference Theory of Semantic Change, in which the mechanism of metonymy plays a fundamental role, can provide a satisfactory explanation for the semasiological complexity of the verbs under study.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2015-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71034930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
La gramaticalitzacio de les perifrasis verbals modals deure + Inf, haver ( a / de ) + Inf i tenir a / de + Inf, i va comportar una evolucio semantica i un proces de polisemitzacio ric i complex. Les perifrasis d’obligacio desenvolupen, per una banda, uns valors evidencials d’inferencia i, per l’altra, uns valors de posterioritat temporal o futur. Aquest estudi de corpus mostra el sorgiment i evolucio dels valors de futur de la perifrasi amb deure entre els segles XII-XVI. Amb les eines informatiques d’un corpus del catala antic (CICA i CIGCA) prou representatiu podrem observar el proces de gramaticalitzacio amb la maxima fiabilitat possible. L’estudi pren una orientacio cognitivista (Langacker 1987, 1991, 1999, 2006; Pelyvas 2000, 2006) que ajudara a configurar la xarxa semantica de les perifrasis i els patrons de canvi semantic que s’han produit.
{"title":"Modal verbs, future and grammaticalization in Old Catalan. A cognitive approach","authors":"Andreu Sentí","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.162","url":null,"abstract":"La gramaticalitzacio de les perifrasis verbals modals deure + Inf, haver ( a / de ) + Inf i tenir a / de + Inf, i va comportar una evolucio semantica i un proces de polisemitzacio ric i complex. Les perifrasis d’obligacio desenvolupen, per una banda, uns valors evidencials d’inferencia i, per l’altra, uns valors de posterioritat temporal o futur. Aquest estudi de corpus mostra el sorgiment i evolucio dels valors de futur de la perifrasi amb deure entre els segles XII-XVI. Amb les eines informatiques d’un corpus del catala antic (CICA i CIGCA) prou representatiu podrem observar el proces de gramaticalitzacio amb la maxima fiabilitat possible. L’estudi pren una orientacio cognitivista (Langacker 1987, 1991, 1999, 2006; Pelyvas 2000, 2006) que ajudara a configurar la xarxa semantica de les perifrasis i els patrons de canvi semantic que s’han produit.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2015-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71035430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Quan es donen les condicions semantiques i pragmatiques que expliquem en aquest article, les metafores i metonimies innovadores poden donar lloc a la propagacio de nous significats en el sistema linguistic i a la seva lexicalitzacio posterior. Si atenem a les mostres d’ usos creatius del llenguatge figurat en el seu context, podem obtenir dades valuoses sobre aquests canvis en el sistema. La innovacio crea nous significats, pero el llenguatge figurat creatiu tambe ha de fer servir elements convencionals en la construccio del significat. No obstant aixo, com que no processem el significat figuratiu convencional i el nou de la mateix manera —aquell tendeix a processar-se mitjancant una comparacio i aquest mitjancant una categoritzacio mes abstracta—, els elements convencionals funcionen com contingut abstracte en les noves fusions. Aixo dona lloc al fenomen de la integracio generica . A mes, els processos cognitius de comprensio depenen d’inferencies pragmatiques que completen el significat de l’enunciat i en creen de noves. Per tant, perque es puguin propagar, les metafores i metonimies de nova creacio han de satisfer requisits d’ iconicitat estructural i de rellevancia pragmatica.
{"title":"Meaning construction in creative metaphors: Conventional meaning integration through generic interfacing in a blend, and conditions of propagation and lexicalization *","authors":"Alicia Urquidi","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.166","url":null,"abstract":"Quan es donen les condicions semantiques i pragmatiques que expliquem en aquest article, les metafores i metonimies innovadores poden donar lloc a la propagacio de nous significats en el sistema linguistic i a la seva lexicalitzacio posterior. Si atenem a les mostres d’ usos creatius del llenguatge figurat en el seu context, podem obtenir dades valuoses sobre aquests canvis en el sistema. La innovacio crea nous significats, pero el llenguatge figurat creatiu tambe ha de fer servir elements convencionals en la construccio del significat. No obstant aixo, com que no processem el significat figuratiu convencional i el nou de la mateix manera —aquell tendeix a processar-se mitjancant una comparacio i aquest mitjancant una categoritzacio mes abstracta—, els elements convencionals funcionen com contingut abstracte en les noves fusions. Aixo dona lloc al fenomen de la integracio generica . A mes, els processos cognitius de comprensio depenen d’inferencies pragmatiques que completen el significat de l’enunciat i en creen de noves. Per tant, perque es puguin propagar, les metafores i metonimies de nova creacio han de satisfer requisits d’ iconicitat estructural i de rellevancia pragmatica.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2015-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71034991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
El condicional evidencial de report (CER) no es gaire habitual en catala: esta restringit al llenguatge periodistic i a alguns registres molt formals (com el llenguatge academic o el legal) i no es troba en el discurs espontani. D’una banda, s’ha descrit entre els nous valors modals del condicional. De l’altra, la normativa l’ha rebutjat com a gal·licisme o com neologisme inapropiat. Mitjancant l’analisi de corpus textuals, hem documentat el CER en catala des dels inicis del segle XIV a l’actualitat, amb matisos semantics i pragmatics i diferents graus de gramaticalitzacio. A causa de l’actual interes en l’evidencialitat, el CER s’ha estudiat a fons en frances, italia i portugues, pero centrant-se principalment en els seus usos contemporanis i no de manera tan detallada en el proces diacronic que ens podria explicar aquests usos. Seguint aquesta linia de recerca, que van comencar amb l’estudi del futur epistemic i evidencial en catala, tenim per objectiu descriure: a) el context pragmatic que hauria estat el punt de partida del CER en el segle XIII, abans de trobar documentat aquest us; b) el proces de canvi semantic seguit pel condicional des d’un ‘futur del passat’ a l’adquisicio de valors epistemics i evidencials i c) el paper que tenen les inferencies, la subjectificacio i la intersubjectificacio en aquest proces de canvi.
{"title":"Semantic change and intersubjectification: The origin of reprise evidential conditional in Old Catalan","authors":"J. Martínes","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.170","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.170","url":null,"abstract":"El condicional evidencial de report (CER) no es gaire habitual en catala: esta restringit al llenguatge periodistic i a alguns registres molt formals (com el llenguatge academic o el legal) i no es troba en el discurs espontani. D’una banda, s’ha descrit entre els nous valors modals del condicional. De l’altra, la normativa l’ha rebutjat com a gal·licisme o com neologisme inapropiat. Mitjancant l’analisi de corpus textuals, hem documentat el CER en catala des dels inicis del segle XIV a l’actualitat, amb matisos semantics i pragmatics i diferents graus de gramaticalitzacio. A causa de l’actual interes en l’evidencialitat, el CER s’ha estudiat a fons en frances, italia i portugues, pero centrant-se principalment en els seus usos contemporanis i no de manera tan detallada en el proces diacronic que ens podria explicar aquests usos. Seguint aquesta linia de recerca, que van comencar amb l’estudi del futur epistemic i evidencial en catala, tenim per objectiu descriure: a) el context pragmatic que hauria estat el punt de partida del CER en el segle XIII, abans de trobar documentat aquest us; b) el proces de canvi semantic seguit pel condicional des d’un ‘futur del passat’ a l’adquisicio de valors epistemics i evidencials i c) el paper que tenen les inferencies, la subjectificacio i la intersubjectificacio en aquest proces de canvi.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2015-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71035096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aquest article mostra que luego entonces es el resultat d’una fusio conceptual, un blend (Turner i Fauconnier 2002), entre un marcador consecutiu luego que s’ha dessemantitzat i d’un marcador consecutiu entonces , menys dessemantitzat, la qual cosa va portar a la formacio d’un marcador argumentatiu que permet al parlant oferir una afirmacio que l’oient ha de prendre com una consequencia logica i, per tant, irrefutable. Aquest marcador serveix per validar l’afirmacio del parlant. A diferencia de les analisis tradicionals, que consideren que luego es un marcador logic consecutiu, l’article mostra, amb dades des del segle XIII al XVII, que luego mai no va tenir un significat de causa-efecte logics; mes aviat codificava consequencies intersubjectives percebudes com a molt probables. Des de la perspectiva de la Gramatica Cognitiva, es mostra tambe que, a mesura que el significat consecutiu de luego es va anar perdent cap al segle XX, es va afegir a la construccio entonces per recuperar el significat consecutiu intersubjectiu que anava perdent luego . Aixo va portar a la formacio del nou marcador argumentatiu luego entonces , que es fa servir en textos argumentatiu perque l’oient interpreti que una afirmacio es irrefutable.
{"title":"«Luego entonces». An argumentative intersubjective marker","authors":"R. Maldonado, R. Guzmán","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.163","url":null,"abstract":"Aquest article mostra que luego entonces es el resultat d’una fusio conceptual, un blend (Turner i Fauconnier 2002), entre un marcador consecutiu luego que s’ha dessemantitzat i d’un marcador consecutiu entonces , menys dessemantitzat, la qual cosa va portar a la formacio d’un marcador argumentatiu que permet al parlant oferir una afirmacio que l’oient ha de prendre com una consequencia logica i, per tant, irrefutable. Aquest marcador serveix per validar l’afirmacio del parlant. A diferencia de les analisis tradicionals, que consideren que luego es un marcador logic consecutiu, l’article mostra, amb dades des del segle XIII al XVII, que luego mai no va tenir un significat de causa-efecte logics; mes aviat codificava consequencies intersubjectives percebudes com a molt probables. Des de la perspectiva de la Gramatica Cognitiva, es mostra tambe que, a mesura que el significat consecutiu de luego es va anar perdent cap al segle XX, es va afegir a la construccio entonces per recuperar el significat consecutiu intersubjectiu que anava perdent luego . Aixo va portar a la formacio del nou marcador argumentatiu luego entonces , que es fa servir en textos argumentatiu perque l’oient interpreti que una afirmacio es irrefutable.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2015-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71035324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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