Aquest treball argumenta que existeix una correlacio entre la distribucio i la interpretacio de les sequencies en que la morfologia de perfet apareix realitzada en un verb modal, d’una banda, i la semantica de la morfologia de perfet, mes concretament l’estadi assolit pels presents perfets en la seva evolucio cap a l’aorist, de l’altra. El frances contemporani, que mostra una preferencia nitida pels perfets alts, es posa en contrast amb l’espanyol europeu, que exhibeix de manera regular lectures epistemiques dels modals que duen morfologia de perfet sense que hi hagi una preferencia general pels perfets alts. Les dades del frances classic i de les varietats de l’espanyol latino-america confirmen la correlacio assenyalada.
{"title":"Modals and perfect morphology","authors":"B. Laca","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.240","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.240","url":null,"abstract":"Aquest treball argumenta que existeix una correlacio entre la distribucio i la interpretacio de les sequencies en que la morfologia de perfet apareix realitzada en un verb modal, d’una banda, i la semantica de la morfologia de perfet, mes concretament l’estadi assolit pels presents perfets en la seva evolucio cap a l’aorist, de l’altra. El frances contemporani, que mostra una preferencia nitida pels perfets alts, es posa en contrast amb l’espanyol europeu, que exhibeix de manera regular lectures epistemiques dels modals que duen morfologia de perfet sense que hi hagi una preferencia general pels perfets alts. Les dades del frances classic i de les varietats de l’espanyol latino-america confirmen la correlacio assenyalada.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41595760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper deals with the concept of "simultaneity" in relation to the Spanish Present Perfect based on the descriptions made by Rojo (1974) and Rojo & Veiga (1999), and seeks to link it to other similar concepts proposed by other scholars, such as Alarcos' presente ampliado ("Increased Present" (IP)), McCoard's Extended Now (XN), and Iatridou et al.'s Perfect Time Span (PTS). Although not all these terms refer to the same concept, as their limits depend on the respective languages they account for, they all share the notion that there is some kind of temporal coincidence between the event and the speech act that informs the Perfect. We posit that the way this temporal coincidence is conceived may explain the temporal and aspectual differences between the Perfect in languages such as Spanish, Portuguese and English.
{"title":"Simultaneity and “increased present” in the European Spanish perfect","authors":"Susana Azpiazu","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.244","url":null,"abstract":"This paper deals with the concept of \"simultaneity\" in relation to the Spanish Present Perfect based on the descriptions made by Rojo (1974) and Rojo & Veiga (1999), and seeks to link it to other similar concepts proposed by other scholars, such as Alarcos' presente ampliado (\"Increased Present\" (IP)), McCoard's Extended Now (XN), and Iatridou et al.'s Perfect Time Span (PTS). Although not all these terms refer to the same concept, as their limits depend on the respective languages they account for, they all share the notion that there is some kind of temporal coincidence between the event and the speech act that informs the Perfect. We posit that the way this temporal coincidence is conceived may explain the temporal and aspectual differences between the Perfect in languages such as Spanish, Portuguese and English.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43536810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
My intention in this paper is to provide as complete an overview as possible of the different types of topic phrases in Latin. After setting out the characteristics and properties of what I call Dislocations (Hanging Topics and ClLD) and Topicalizations, I go on to give a description of each morphological or syntactic device employed in Latin: prepositional DP, case marking, fronting clauses. I then propose a hypothesis concerning the cartography of the left periphery in Latin. In addition, I introduce a brief description of an original way of topicalizing the subjects of embedded clauses, namely proleptic accusative construction. The main conclusion is that the cartography of Latin left periphery is not very different from that to be found in languages with fixed word order.
{"title":"Topicalizations, left dislocations and the left-periphery","authors":"Bernard Bortolussi","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.208","url":null,"abstract":"My intention in this paper is to provide as complete an overview as possible of the different types of topic phrases in Latin. After setting out the characteristics and properties of what I call Dislocations (Hanging Topics and ClLD) and Topicalizations, I go on to give a description of each morphological or syntactic device employed in Latin: prepositional DP, case marking, fronting clauses. I then propose a hypothesis concerning the cartography of the left periphery in Latin. In addition, I introduce a brief description of an original way of topicalizing the subjects of embedded clauses, namely proleptic accusative construction. The main conclusion is that the cartography of Latin left periphery is not very different from that to be found in languages with fixed word order.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2017-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49058764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article we undertake a systematic study of the Itinerarium Egeriae , one of the best known late Latin texts, to determine the proper characterization of the word order of the text and to consider in particular whether the Itinerarium Egeriae can legitimately be considered to present a verb-second (V2) grammar on the par with the well-studied grammars of medieval Romance. The results, based on detailed quantitative and qualitative analyses of the text and, where relevant, appropriate comparisons with medieval Romance, confirm the innovative nature of the syntax of the Itinerarium Egeriae whose word order patterns are shown to follow an asymmetric V2 constraint. The article therefore offers valuable original evidence for the often claimed, but hitherto unproven, hypothesis that the V2 syntax of medieval Romance represents the continuation of a parametric setting already well established in the grammar of late Latin.
{"title":"Late Latin Verb Second: The Sentential Word Order of the “Itinerarium Egeriae”","authors":"Adam Ledgeway","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.212","url":null,"abstract":"In this article we undertake a systematic study of the Itinerarium Egeriae , one of the best known late Latin texts, to determine the proper characterization of the word order of the text and to consider in particular whether the Itinerarium Egeriae can legitimately be considered to present a verb-second (V2) grammar on the par with the well-studied grammars of medieval Romance. The results, based on detailed quantitative and qualitative analyses of the text and, where relevant, appropriate comparisons with medieval Romance, confirm the innovative nature of the syntax of the Itinerarium Egeriae whose word order patterns are shown to follow an asymmetric V2 constraint. The article therefore offers valuable original evidence for the often claimed, but hitherto unproven, hypothesis that the V2 syntax of medieval Romance represents the continuation of a parametric setting already well established in the grammar of late Latin.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2017-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42285070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Latin is often cited as a typical example of a free word order language. Free word order inevitably complicates the compositional semantics for any theory in which functions are lexically defined to take their arguments in a fixed order. A number of sophisticated logical mechanisms have been suggested over the years to resolve this problem, but none of them is actually compatible with the Latin data. We adjust the syntax to fit the philological evidence and use the resulting structure as the basis for a simple semantics which allows arguments to be entered into the semantic composition in the order in which they are presented by the syntax.
{"title":"Towards a Syntax-Semantics Interface for Latin","authors":"A. M. Devine, L. Stephens","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.210","url":null,"abstract":"Latin is often cited as a typical example of a free word order language. Free word order inevitably complicates the compositional semantics for any theory in which functions are lexically defined to take their arguments in a fixed order. A number of sophisticated logical mechanisms have been suggested over the years to resolve this problem, but none of them is actually compatible with the Latin data. We adjust the syntax to fit the philological evidence and use the resulting structure as the basis for a simple semantics which allows arguments to be entered into the semantic composition in the order in which they are presented by the syntax.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2017-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43889495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
espanolPresentacion del volumen. catalaPresentacio del volum. EnglishPresentation of the volume.
(西班牙语)加泰罗尼亚语。卷的英语介绍。
{"title":"Latin Syntax in Fifty Years of Generative Grammar","authors":"Jaume Mateu, R. Oniga","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.213","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.213","url":null,"abstract":"espanolPresentacion del volumen. catalaPresentacio del volum. EnglishPresentation of the volume.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2017-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46674489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tracto de la sintaxi i la semantica dels SPs en datiu que presenten una interpretacio espacial (de Fons), tot concentrant-me en aquells que depenen de verbs prefixats, en llati arcaic i classic. Avaluo i descarto els dos principals enfocaments anteriors: aquell en que el datiu expressa un argument del preverb (el seu Fons) i aquell en que correspon a un datiu benefactiu o malefactiu. Proposo una analisi en que el datiu es introduit per un nucli aplicatiu situat per sota del nucli esdevenimental. En el cas dels predicats encapcalats per un verb prefixat, assumeixo que el preverb s’origina dins un SP que conte un nom abstracte de semantica relacional. Com que es dins de l’abast del datiu, aquest nom pot ser interpretat com posseit inalienablement pel seu referent, d’on emergeix la inferencia que el datiu identifica el Fons de moviment. Una prediccio reeixida es que el datiu espacial no es legitimat per verbs de manera de moviment no prefixats, ates que no codifiquen una localitzacio resultant.
{"title":"Latin datives with prefixed verbs and beyond: A view from the theory of applicatives","authors":"Víctor Acedo-Matellán","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.206","url":null,"abstract":"Tracto de la sintaxi i la semantica dels SPs en datiu que presenten una interpretacio espacial (de Fons), tot concentrant-me en aquells que depenen de verbs prefixats, en llati arcaic i classic. Avaluo i descarto els dos principals enfocaments anteriors: aquell en que el datiu expressa un argument del preverb (el seu Fons) i aquell en que correspon a un datiu benefactiu o malefactiu. Proposo una analisi en que el datiu es introduit per un nucli aplicatiu situat per sota del nucli esdevenimental. En el cas dels predicats encapcalats per un verb prefixat, assumeixo que el preverb s’origina dins un SP que conte un nom abstracte de semantica relacional. Com que es dins de l’abast del datiu, aquest nom pot ser interpretat com posseit inalienablement pel seu referent, d’on emergeix la inferencia que el datiu identifica el Fons de moviment. Una prediccio reeixida es que el datiu espacial no es legitimat per verbs de manera de moviment no prefixats, ates que no codifiquen una localitzacio resultant.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2017-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49466686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Classical Latin displays negative particles, like neque / nec and ne…quidem ‘neither, not even’, that can express sentential negation while at the same time narrowly focusing on some constituent of the clause. These particles are multifunctional elements that can express various types of focus (additive or scalar) and, in the case of neque / nec , also have a coordinative and a discourse-structuring function. In this work I investigate the complex interplay of semantic and syntactic factors that govern their distribution and interpretation. I single out the structural and meaning-related contextual conditions favoring the additive or the scalar interpretation, and I propose an analysis of the complex internal structure of the particles. I also discuss the diachronic implications of my analysis, in particular with respect to the role played by the Romance continuations of nec .
{"title":"Focus-sensitive negation in Latin","authors":"Chiara Gianollo","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.211","url":null,"abstract":"Classical Latin displays negative particles, like neque / nec and ne…quidem ‘neither, not even’, that can express sentential negation while at the same time narrowly focusing on some constituent of the clause. These particles are multifunctional elements that can express various types of focus (additive or scalar) and, in the case of neque / nec , also have a coordinative and a discourse-structuring function. In this work I investigate the complex interplay of semantic and syntactic factors that govern their distribution and interpretation. I single out the structural and meaning-related contextual conditions favoring the additive or the scalar interpretation, and I propose an analysis of the complex internal structure of the particles. I also discuss the diachronic implications of my analysis, in particular with respect to the role played by the Romance continuations of nec .","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2017-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49110753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this paper is to provide further support for one aspect of the analysis of Classical and Late Latin clause structure proposed in Danckaert (2017a), namely the diachrony of subject placement. According to the relevant proposal, one needs to distinguish an earlier grammar (‘Grammar A’, whose heyday is the period from ca. 200 BC until 200 AD), in which there is no A-movement for subjects, and a later grammar (‘Grammar B’, which is on the rise from ca. 50-100 AD, and fully productive from ca. 200 AD onwards), where subjects optionally move to the inflectional layer. Assuming the variationist acquisition model of language change developed in Yang (2000, 2002a,b), I present corpus evidence which confirms that it is only in the Late Latin period that TP-internal subjects fully establish themselves as a grammatical option.
{"title":"Subject Placement in the History of Latin","authors":"L. Danckaert","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.209","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to provide further support for one aspect of the analysis of Classical and Late Latin clause structure proposed in Danckaert (2017a), namely the diachrony of subject placement. According to the relevant proposal, one needs to distinguish an earlier grammar (‘Grammar A’, whose heyday is the period from ca. 200 BC until 200 AD), in which there is no A-movement for subjects, and a later grammar (‘Grammar B’, which is on the rise from ca. 50-100 AD, and fully productive from ca. 200 AD onwards), where subjects optionally move to the inflectional layer. Assuming the variationist acquisition model of language change developed in Yang (2000, 2002a,b), I present corpus evidence which confirms that it is only in the Late Latin period that TP-internal subjects fully establish themselves as a grammatical option.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2017-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41523033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Stress in vowel-final non-verbs in Spanish regularly falls on the penultimate syllable, while stress in consonant-final words regularly falls on the final syllable. There are two main classes of exceptions to this regularity: stress on the syllable preceding the regular one, and stress on the syllable following the regular one. Harris (1983) provides arguments that the second class of exceptions is morphologically systematic, but falls short of the stronger claim that this pattern is simply a subcase of the regular stress pattern. I argue here that there is much to be gained from this stronger claim, including a simple and elegant analysis of the first class of exceptions.
{"title":"Exceptionality in Spanish Stress","authors":"Eric Bakovic","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.182","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.182","url":null,"abstract":"Stress in vowel-final non-verbs in Spanish regularly falls on the penultimate syllable, while stress in consonant-final words regularly falls on the final syllable. There are two main classes of exceptions to this regularity: stress on the syllable preceding the regular one, and stress on the syllable following the regular one. Harris (1983) provides arguments that the second class of exceptions is morphologically systematic, but falls short of the stronger claim that this pattern is simply a subcase of the regular stress pattern. I argue here that there is much to be gained from this stronger claim, including a simple and elegant analysis of the first class of exceptions.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2016-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71035118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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