Aquest article presenta els resultats d’experiments (tasques de determinacio d’acceptabilitat) fets a un grup de parlants d’espanyol d’Andalusia. El resultat fonamental es que, contrariament al que s’havia dit a la bibliografia (cf. Jaeggli 1982 et seq), l’espanyol mostra efectes de superioritat a preguntes qu- multiples. Aquest efecte pot ser concebut com a una penalitzacio suau quan hi ha trasllat de paraula qu-, que tampoc ha estat gaire estudiada a la bibliografia anterior. En consequencia, l’article presenta evidencia a favor de teories de superioritat on les violacions de localitat no juguen un paper gaire important.
{"title":"On the Causes of Superiority Effects in Spanish : Preliminary Results and Prospects","authors":"Luis Vicente","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.89","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.89","url":null,"abstract":"Aquest article presenta els resultats d’experiments (tasques de determinacio d’acceptabilitat) fets a un grup de parlants d’espanyol d’Andalusia. El resultat fonamental es que, contrariament al que s’havia dit a la bibliografia (cf. Jaeggli 1982 et seq), l’espanyol mostra efectes de superioritat a preguntes qu- multiples. Aquest efecte pot ser concebut com a una penalitzacio suau quan hi ha trasllat de paraula qu-, que tampoc ha estat gaire estudiada a la bibliografia anterior. En consequencia, l’article presenta evidencia a favor de teories de superioritat on les violacions de localitat no juguen un paper gaire important.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2013-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71036882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This issue of the Catalan Journal of Linguistics was conceived with the idea to promote comparative studies of the languages spoken in the Iberian Peninsula. The importance of comparison in linguistics dates back to neogrammarians in the xix century due to their interest of discovering the common roots of most of the languages spoken in Europe. In order to get to that objective, comparison of phonological patterns were crucial to retrieve the common Indo-European origins. In the generative framework variation and comparison was not highlighted until the advent of Lectures on Government and Binding (Chomsky 1981), which marks the beginning of the Principles and Parameter theory. A parameter, in its original conception, is a principle with a dimension of variability with respect to a specific syntactic property (Head-initial or Head-final, Node for Subjaceny: S or S’). This variation can be expressed with the values + or –, and each value is associated to a series of syntactic correlations. This framework tried to capture in a formal and elegant way what Greenberg (1963) had already noticed in the 60s: variation among languages is not random and unpredictable, but languages have very specific patterns of variation. One finds correlations and clusters of properties that go together. The idea of parameter gave shape to this intuition by connecting a specific property of the language to a cluster of effects. Thus, in the first formulation of pro-drop (Rizzi 1982), strong person morphology in a language derived a series of properties (null subject, subject inversion, lack of that-trace effect). More than 30 years have passed and the theory has moved on since then; however, the idea of finding correlations among languages is still intriguing and crucial for understanding our language faculty. Kayne (2000, 2005, 2010) has taken this line of approach very seriously. He has shown that theoretical advances must be made through comparative tools. He started this line of approach in his classic comparative studies between English-French, then moved French-Italian and finally further
这一期的《加泰罗尼亚语言学杂志》旨在促进伊比利亚半岛语言的比较研究。语言学中比较的重要性可以追溯到19世纪的新语法学家，因为他们对发现欧洲大多数语言的共同根源感兴趣。为了达到这个目的，音系模式的比较对于检索共同的印欧语起源至关重要。在生成框架中，变异和比较直到《政府与约束讲座》(乔姆斯基1981)的出现才得到强调，这标志着原则和参数理论的开始。参数，在其最初的概念中，是一个相对于特定语法属性(Head-initial或Head-final, Node for Subjaceny: S或S ')具有可变性维度的原则。这种变化可以用值+或-来表示，并且每个值都与一系列语法相关性相关联。这个框架试图以一种正式而优雅的方式捕捉格林伯格(1963)在60年代已经注意到的东西:语言之间的变化不是随机的和不可预测的，但语言有非常具体的变化模式。人们发现了相互关系和属性的集群。参数的概念通过将语言的特定属性与一组效果联系起来，形成了这种直觉。因此，在pro-drop的第一个表述中(Rizzi 1982)，语言中的强人称形态衍生出一系列属性(空主语、主语倒转、缺乏that-trace效应)。30多年过去了，这一理论也在不断发展;然而，寻找语言之间的相关性的想法仍然是有趣的，对理解我们的语言能力至关重要。Kayne(2000,2005,2010)非常认真地采用了这种方法。他已经表明，理论的进步必须通过比较工具来实现。他在经典的英法比较研究中开始了这条路线，然后将其扩展到法意比较，最后更进一步
{"title":"Microvariation in the Languages of the Iberian Peninsula","authors":"F. Ordóñez, F. Roca","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.91","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.91","url":null,"abstract":"This issue of the Catalan Journal of Linguistics was conceived with the idea to promote comparative studies of the languages spoken in the Iberian Peninsula. The importance of comparison in linguistics dates back to neogrammarians in the xix century due to their interest of discovering the common roots of most of the languages spoken in Europe. In order to get to that objective, comparison of phonological patterns were crucial to retrieve the common Indo-European origins. In the generative framework variation and comparison was not highlighted until the advent of Lectures on Government and Binding (Chomsky 1981), which marks the beginning of the Principles and Parameter theory. A parameter, in its original conception, is a principle with a dimension of variability with respect to a specific syntactic property (Head-initial or Head-final, Node for Subjaceny: S or S’). This variation can be expressed with the values + or –, and each value is associated to a series of syntactic correlations. This framework tried to capture in a formal and elegant way what Greenberg (1963) had already noticed in the 60s: variation among languages is not random and unpredictable, but languages have very specific patterns of variation. One finds correlations and clusters of properties that go together. The idea of parameter gave shape to this intuition by connecting a specific property of the language to a cluster of effects. Thus, in the first formulation of pro-drop (Rizzi 1982), strong person morphology in a language derived a series of properties (null subject, subject inversion, lack of that-trace effect). More than 30 years have passed and the theory has moved on since then; however, the idea of finding correlations among languages is still intriguing and crucial for understanding our language faculty. Kayne (2000, 2005, 2010) has taken this line of approach very seriously. He has shown that theoretical advances must be made through comparative tools. He started this line of approach in his classic comparative studies between English-French, then moved French-Italian and finally further","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2013-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71036921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En aquest article proposem una analisi asimetrica de la legitimacio de cas en que, d’una banda, l’arquitectura funcional del sistema verbal nomes legitima, com a maxim, un SD, i, de l’altra, nomes un cert tipus de SD requereix una legitimacio formal. La nostra proposta explica, sense complicacions addicionals, els problemes classics que afecten la sintaxi de les construccions amb Marcatge Diferenciat de l’Objecte (MDO) i amb elevacio d’objecte, aixi com els efectes de la restriccio de persona i cas, tant en espanyol com en altres llengues. Tambe analitzem les consequencies i els reptes que la nostra proposta planteja per explicar el comportament dels clitics en dialectes laistes en contextos en que els dos arguments interns semblen legitimar-se de maneres formalment independents: un mitjancant el MDO i l’altre gracies a un clitic de datiu. En aquest sentit, demostrem que aquest clitic datiu no estableix cap relacio de concordanca, sino que es un determinant que s’incorpora, com passa amb els clitics acusatius de tercera persona (Ormazabal i Romero 2013a).
{"title":"Non Accusative Objects","authors":"Javier Ormazabal, Juan Romero","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.65","url":null,"abstract":"En aquest article proposem una analisi asimetrica de la legitimacio de cas en que, d’una banda, l’arquitectura funcional del sistema verbal nomes legitima, com a maxim, un SD, i, de l’altra, nomes un cert tipus de SD requereix una legitimacio formal. La nostra proposta explica, sense complicacions addicionals, els problemes classics que afecten la sintaxi de les construccions amb Marcatge Diferenciat de l’Objecte (MDO) i amb elevacio d’objecte, aixi com els efectes de la restriccio de persona i cas, tant en espanyol com en altres llengues. Tambe analitzem les consequencies i els reptes que la nostra proposta planteja per explicar el comportament dels clitics en dialectes laistes en contextos en que els dos arguments interns semblen legitimar-se de maneres formalment independents: un mitjancant el MDO i l’altre gracies a un clitic de datiu. En aquest sentit, demostrem que aquest clitic datiu no estableix cap relacio de concordanca, sino que es un determinant que s’incorpora, com passa amb els clitics acusatius de tercera persona (Ormazabal i Romero 2013a).","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2013-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71036847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En aquest estudi investiguem la interaccio entre l’ordre de mots i la prosodia a l’hora d’expressar la modalitat i diferents construccions de focus en una serie de dialectes del catala i de l’espanyol. Hem analitzat un corpus obtingut mitjancant dues tasques: a) una tasca de produccio dissenyada per obtenir diferents construccions de focus mitjancant parells de pregunta-resposta amb petites histories presentades a partir de figures i b) la metodologia de la tasca de complecio del discurs. Les dades recollides s’han analitzat prosodicament i sintactica. Les nostres dades confirmen que en catala i en espanyol la prominencia entonativa tendeix a recaure al final de l’oracio, pero aixo es del tot cert nomes en les declaratives de focus ample, ja que la prominencia principal pot recaure a l’inici de l’oracio en les declaratives de focus informatiu en catala oriental i en espanyol del Pais Basc o restar in situ tant en les declaratives de focus informatiu com en les de focus contrastiu (especialment en valencia o espanyol). Quant a la modalitat interrogativa, podem fer una distincio important entre les llengues que poden presentar inversio del subjecte-verb en les interrogatives directes (valencia i espanyol) i les llengues que no (catala oriental). En catala oriental el subjecte apareix dislocat.
{"title":"Variation at the Interfaces in Ibero-Romance. Catalan and Spanish Prosody and Word Order *","authors":"M. Bosch, Olga M. Fernández Soriano","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.63","url":null,"abstract":"En aquest estudi investiguem la interaccio entre l’ordre de mots i la prosodia a l’hora d’expressar la modalitat i diferents construccions de focus en una serie de dialectes del catala i de l’espanyol. Hem analitzat un corpus obtingut mitjancant dues tasques: a) una tasca de produccio dissenyada per obtenir diferents construccions de focus mitjancant parells de pregunta-resposta amb petites histories presentades a partir de figures i b) la metodologia de la tasca de complecio del discurs. Les dades recollides s’han analitzat prosodicament i sintactica. Les nostres dades confirmen que en catala i en espanyol la prominencia entonativa tendeix a recaure al final de l’oracio, pero aixo es del tot cert nomes en les declaratives de focus ample, ja que la prominencia principal pot recaure a l’inici de l’oracio en les declaratives de focus informatiu en catala oriental i en espanyol del Pais Basc o restar in situ tant en les declaratives de focus informatiu com en les de focus contrastiu (especialment en valencia o espanyol). Quant a la modalitat interrogativa, podem fer una distincio important entre les llengues que poden presentar inversio del subjecte-verb en les interrogatives directes (valencia i espanyol) i les llengues que no (catala oriental). En catala oriental el subjecte apareix dislocat.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2013-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71036942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It has been reported in the literature that interrogative sentences behave quite differently regarding subject-verb inversion in Spanish and Catalan: whereas the former allows ‘classical’ VS inversion, and particularly VSO, the latter systematically resorts to right-dislocation in all cases (V(O)#S). In this paper we scrutinize this observation from a corpus-based perspective, and including into the syntactic picture the prosodic and pragmatic features of interrogatives. We show that Catalan interrogatives clearly favor RD, in sharp contrast with Spanish, which favors in situ realization of background material. This latter option has important consequences for the prosodic patterns of Spanish interrogatives, which mark final focus constituents with a pitch rising and that final background material with a slight pitch fall.
{"title":"The Right Periphery of Interrogatives in Catalan and Spanish: Syntax/Prosody Interactions","authors":"Sílvia Planas-Morales, Xavier Villalba","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.72","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.72","url":null,"abstract":"It has been reported in the literature that interrogative sentences behave quite differently regarding subject-verb inversion in Spanish and Catalan: whereas the former allows ‘classical’ VS inversion, and particularly VSO, the latter systematically resorts to right-dislocation in all cases (V(O)#S). In this paper we scrutinize this observation from a corpus-based perspective, and including into the syntactic picture the prosodic and pragmatic features of interrogatives. We show that Catalan interrogatives clearly favor RD, in sharp contrast with Spanish, which favors in situ realization of background material. This latter option has important consequences for the prosodic patterns of Spanish interrogatives, which mark final focus constituents with a pitch rising and that final background material with a slight pitch fall.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2013-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71036618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper has as its aim to account for an intriguing asymmetry in the domain of primary adpositions in Basque, whereby locatives seem to take a DP ground, whereas the rest of the spatial affixes require a bare nominal ground. I argue that the purported determiner heading the complement of the locative suffix is actually an allomorph of the ergative suffix, and I provide an explanation for why an independent case marker should occur precisely in locative adpositional phrases in Basque, but not in the rest of spatial cases. This explanation requires in turn reconsidering much of the well-established syntactic conclusions on which the traditional analysis of adpositional phrases in Basque rests. In this process, I develop the idea, first suggested by Koopman (2000), that adpositional phrases should be analyzed in close parallelism to the syntax of clauses. Micro-syntactic differences across dialects provide some of the crucial evidence for the proposal.
{"title":"Basque primary adpositions from a clausal perspective","authors":"R. Etxepare","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.88","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.88","url":null,"abstract":"This paper has as its aim to account for an intriguing asymmetry in the domain of primary adpositions in Basque, whereby locatives seem to take a DP ground, whereas the rest of the spatial affixes require a bare nominal ground. I argue that the purported determiner heading the complement of the locative suffix is actually an allomorph of the ergative suffix, and I provide an explanation for why an independent case marker should occur precisely in locative adpositional phrases in Basque, but not in the rest of spatial cases. This explanation requires in turn reconsidering much of the well-established syntactic conclusions on which the traditional analysis of adpositional phrases in Basque rests. In this process, I develop the idea, first suggested by Koopman (2000), that adpositional phrases should be analyzed in close parallelism to the syntax of clauses. Micro-syntactic differences across dialects provide some of the crucial evidence for the proposal.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2013-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71036874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While phrasal comparatives of inequality with the comparative marker que ‘than’ (Pedro es mas inteligente que yo ‘Pedro is more intelligent than 1.sg.nom’) have received a fair deal of attention in the study of Spanish (e.g., Bolinger 1950, Plann 1984, Saez del Alamo 1990, Gutierrez Ordonez 1994, Romero Cambron 1998, Brucart 2003 or Reglero 2007), dialectal variation has not figured prominently in the literature. Microvariation within Chilean Spanish provides evidence for the existence of both a reduced clause analysis and a PP analysis of the que-XP in the context above, as opposed to standard Spanish, where only the former analysis applies. This microvariation is the result of the availability of two distinct lexical entries for que (a pure complementizer vs. a preposition) or lack thereof. The PP analysis is argued to be consistent with the gradual change from de ‘of’ to que in the history of comparatives in Spanish (Romero Cambron 1998).
虽然不平等的短语比较级与比较标记que ' than ' (Pedro es mas inteligente que yo ' Pedro is more intelligent than 1. sgg .nom ')在西班牙语研究中受到了相当多的关注(例如，Bolinger 1950年，Plann 1984年，Saez del Alamo 1990年，Gutierrez Ordonez 1994年，Romero Cambron 1998年，Brucart 2003年或Reglero 2007年)，方言变化并没有在文献中占据突出地位。智利西班牙语的微小变化为上述上下文中que-XP的简化分句分析和PP分析的存在提供了证据，而标准西班牙语仅适用前一种分析。这种细微的变化是que(纯补语和介词)的两个不同的词汇条目的可用性或缺乏的结果。PP分析被认为与西班牙语比较物历史上从de ' of '到que的逐渐变化是一致的(Romero Cambron 1998)。
{"title":"Microvariation in Spanish Comparatives","authors":"Iván Ortega-Santos","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.87","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.87","url":null,"abstract":"While phrasal comparatives of inequality with the comparative marker que ‘than’ (Pedro es mas inteligente que yo ‘Pedro is more intelligent than 1.sg.nom’) have received a fair deal of attention in the study of Spanish (e.g., Bolinger 1950, Plann 1984, Saez del Alamo 1990, Gutierrez Ordonez 1994, Romero Cambron 1998, Brucart 2003 or Reglero 2007), dialectal variation has not figured prominently in the literature. Microvariation within Chilean Spanish provides evidence for the existence of both a reduced clause analysis and a PP analysis of the que-XP in the context above, as opposed to standard Spanish, where only the former analysis applies. This microvariation is the result of the availability of two distinct lexical entries for que (a pure complementizer vs. a preposition) or lack thereof. The PP analysis is argued to be consistent with the gradual change from de ‘of’ to que in the history of comparatives in Spanish (Romero Cambron 1998).","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2013-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71036977","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Els parentetics de citacio es caracteritzen per presentar un complement elidit i, en funcio de la llengua, per poder invertir el subjecte. Aquest article dona prou evidencia a favor de la idea que la citacio no s’origina com a part del complement del parentetic. Ben al contrari, el parentetic es un adjunt de la citacio i pot ocupar diferents posicions dins seu. D’aquesta manera, com a analisis anteriors, es considera que l’objecte elidit es una variable lligada per un operador buit que pot ser recuperat per la citacio. L’obligatorietat de la inversio del subjecte als parentetics del portugues europeu i de l’espanyol peninsular es el resultat de restriccions estructurals sobre el focus: en aquestes llengues el focus informatiu, nomes es troba en les posicions postverbals, ja que el focus desplacat al principi es interpretat com a contrastiu. Pel contrari, a l’angles, el focus preverbal no es nomes contrastiu sino que tambe pot ser informatiu, que de fet es el patro mes habitual. Tot i aixi, l’angles permet focus informatiu en posicio postverbal en algunes construccions, com, per exemple, la inversio de citacio.
{"title":"Quotative Inversion in Peninsular Portuguese and Spanish, and in English","authors":"Gabriela Matos","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.86","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.86","url":null,"abstract":"Els parentetics de citacio es caracteritzen per presentar un complement elidit i, en funcio de la llengua, per poder invertir el subjecte. Aquest article dona prou evidencia a favor de la idea que la citacio no s’origina com a part del complement del parentetic. Ben al contrari, el parentetic es un adjunt de la citacio i pot ocupar diferents posicions dins seu. D’aquesta manera, com a analisis anteriors, es considera que l’objecte elidit es una variable lligada per un operador buit que pot ser recuperat per la citacio. L’obligatorietat de la inversio del subjecte als parentetics del portugues europeu i de l’espanyol peninsular es el resultat de restriccions estructurals sobre el focus: en aquestes llengues el focus informatiu, nomes es troba en les posicions postverbals, ja que el focus desplacat al principi es interpretat com a contrastiu. Pel contrari, a l’angles, el focus preverbal no es nomes contrastiu sino que tambe pot ser informatiu, que de fet es el patro mes habitual. Tot i aixi, l’angles permet focus informatiu en posicio postverbal en algunes construccions, com, per exemple, la inversio de citacio.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2013-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71036834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aquest article estudia dos tipus diferents d’estructures en indicatiu que tenen inversio subjecte-verb i que no han rebut gaire atencio en els estudis sobre l’ordre VS al portugues europeu. Ambdues estructures expressen la comparacio/contrast mitjancant la coordinacio, presenten l’ordre VSO i poden ser classificades com a oracions exclamatives sense gradacio. Mentre que en el primer tipus (tipus I) el subjecte postverbal rep una lectura de focus contrastiu, l’altre tipus (tipus II) es caracteritza per tenir un patro menys general d’inversio subjecte-verb que no requereix ni focus del subjecte ni sintaxi de V2, pero que afegeix al contingut proposicional de l’oracio un comentari implicit que denota una actitud de desaprovacio per part del parlant respecte a l’estat de coses descrit. Es proposa que el factor que unifica els dos tipus d’exclamatives sense gradacio es la presencia d’un tret valoratiu a dintre del domini del CP que dona lloc al trasllat de V a C. Les estructures de tipus I mostren desplacament de V a C en tots dos membres de la coordinacio i comporten, a mes, trasllat del subjecte a SFoc. A les de tipus II no hi ha trasllat de focus i el trasllat de V a C nomes es produeix en el primer membre de l’estructura coordinada, ja que l’element que satisfa el tret valoratiu del segon membre de la coordinacio es el nucli de l’estructura (la conjuncio coordinant).
{"title":"The interplay between VSO and coordination in two types of non-degree exclamatives","authors":"A. Martins","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.85","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.85","url":null,"abstract":"Aquest article estudia dos tipus diferents d’estructures en indicatiu que tenen inversio subjecte-verb i que no han rebut gaire atencio en els estudis sobre l’ordre VS al portugues europeu. Ambdues estructures expressen la comparacio/contrast mitjancant la coordinacio, presenten l’ordre VSO i poden ser classificades com a oracions exclamatives sense gradacio. Mentre que en el primer tipus (tipus I) el subjecte postverbal rep una lectura de focus contrastiu, l’altre tipus (tipus II) es caracteritza per tenir un patro menys general d’inversio subjecte-verb que no requereix ni focus del subjecte ni sintaxi de V2, pero que afegeix al contingut proposicional de l’oracio un comentari implicit que denota una actitud de desaprovacio per part del parlant respecte a l’estat de coses descrit. Es proposa que el factor que unifica els dos tipus d’exclamatives sense gradacio es la presencia d’un tret valoratiu a dintre del domini del CP que dona lloc al trasllat de V a C. Les estructures de tipus I mostren desplacament de V a C en tots dos membres de la coordinacio i comporten, a mes, trasllat del subjecte a SFoc. A les de tipus II no hi ha trasllat de focus i el trasllat de V a C nomes es produeix en el primer membre de l’estructura coordinada, ja que l’element que satisfa el tret valoratiu del segon membre de la coordinacio es el nucli de l’estructura (la conjuncio coordinant).","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2013-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71036825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
La derivacio de les construccions d’elevacio del nus dret (END) ha estat objecte de forca debat en la bibliografia generativista, pero l’analisi d’aquest tipus de construccions no ha rebut, fins ara, gaire atencio en els treballs dedicats al catala i a l’espanyol. En aquest article analitzo les propietats de l’END en aquestes dues llengues i proposo que tambe hi ha la distincio introduida a Valmala (2012) per a les construccions equivalents de l’angles: defenso que en catala i en espanyol hi ha dos tipus d’END que contenen propietats sintactiques, prosodiques i d’estructuracio de la informacio diferents. A les END amb pivot focalitzat, el sintagma que fa de pivot es focus i va precedit per una ruptura en l’entonacio, i hi ha trasllat de cap a cap en els dos constituents coordinats (es a dir, el pivot es ex situ). Contrariament, a les END amb pivot no focalitzat aquest element no es focus, no va precedit per cap ruptura entonacional i ocupa la seva posicio canonica (es a dir, es in situ). Aquest tipus d’END es consequencia d’un proces d’elisio del primer conjunt de la coordinacio o d’una relacio de multidominanca del pivot.
{"title":"On Right Node Raising in Catalan and Spanish","authors":"Vidal Valmala","doi":"10.5565/REV/CATJL.64","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/REV/CATJL.64","url":null,"abstract":"La derivacio de les construccions d’elevacio del nus dret (END) ha estat objecte de forca debat en la bibliografia generativista, pero l’analisi d’aquest tipus de construccions no ha rebut, fins ara, gaire atencio en els treballs dedicats al catala i a l’espanyol. En aquest article analitzo les propietats de l’END en aquestes dues llengues i proposo que tambe hi ha la distincio introduida a Valmala (2012) per a les construccions equivalents de l’angles: defenso que en catala i en espanyol hi ha dos tipus d’END que contenen propietats sintactiques, prosodiques i d’estructuracio de la informacio diferents. A les END amb pivot focalitzat, el sintagma que fa de pivot es focus i va precedit per una ruptura en l’entonacio, i hi ha trasllat de cap a cap en els dos constituents coordinats (es a dir, el pivot es ex situ). Contrariament, a les END amb pivot no focalitzat aquest element no es focus, no va precedit per cap ruptura entonacional i ocupa la seva posicio canonica (es a dir, es in situ). Aquest tipus d’END es consequencia d’un proces d’elisio del primer conjunt de la coordinacio o d’una relacio de multidominanca del pivot.","PeriodicalId":43160,"journal":{"name":"Catalan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2013-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71036959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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