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Deterrence or Numbness? Insights into the Psychological Effects of the Encirclement Patrols Conducted by People’s Liberation Army Vessels and Aircraft around Taiwan 威慑还是麻木?解放军舰机绕台包围巡逻的心理效应探析
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2020.32.1.008
Yi-Ming Yu, Wen-Cheng Fu, Li-Wei Lin, Chien-An Ke
This study investigated the psychological effects of the long-term military intimidation imposed by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) on the Taiwanese public. Online texts dating between 2016 and 2018 were mined and Russell’s (1980) semantic analysis was used to analyze the online discussions among the Taiwanese public regarding the PLA vessels and aircraft patrolling around Taiwan. The results showed that the PLA’s long-term encirclement patrols have generated numbness among the Taiwanese public. With regard to the Taiwanese government’s policy of disclosing information about such military encirclement patrols, the effects of proliferating this information were not significant, but have led to an increased sense of fear among the public. These findings suggest that the effects of the PLA’s encirclement patrols around Taiwan are not determined by the PLA, but by the Taiwanese government’s policies regarding the disclosure of relevant information on encirclement patrols.
摘要本研究旨在探讨解放军长期军事恫吓对台湾民众的心理影响。挖掘了2016年至2018年之间的在线文本,并使用Russell(1980)的语义分析来分析台湾公众对解放军舰艇和飞机在台湾巡逻的在线讨论。结果显示,解放军长期的包围巡逻已经使台湾民众麻木。对于台湾政府公开此类军事包围巡逻信息的政策,这种信息的扩散效果并不显著,但却导致公众的恐惧感增加。这些发现表明,解放军围台巡逻的效果不是由解放军决定的,而是由台湾政府关于围台巡逻相关信息披露的政策决定的。
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引用次数: 0
Strategic Implications of a Nuclear North Korea: Europe’s Dual Role in Diplomacy and Deterrence 核朝鲜的战略影响:欧洲在外交和威慑中的双重角色
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2020.32.2.004
Mason Richey, Jangho Kim
This article examines the strategic implications of North Korea as a nuclear state, and outlines why the default setting of a nuclear Korean Peninsula is instability, thereby also showing why this is not simply a U.S.-North Korea or North-South peninsular issue when it comes to preventing conflict escalation. Indeed, it is not only a regional issue involving China, Japan, and Russia, but a global issue warranting a world-wide effort at resolution. An understudied aspect of a nuclear North Korea and its geo-strategic implications is the way in which Europe is affected. As a norm-maker, as well as a party with critical stakes in maintaining a liberal global order, European states, the EU, and NATO have geopolitical interests in the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, particularly vis-a-vis dictatorial regimes such as North Korea. In light of this, this article argues that Europe’s policy-makers should (a) continue to devote major diplomatic resources (including naming a Special Representative for North Korea) to the effort to keep Korean Peninsula diplomacy alive, and (b), regardless of the success or failure of Korean Peninsula diplomacy, prepare to contribute to deterrence and containment efforts in concert with the international community. Whether through diplomacy or deterrence, Europe must become more pro-active if it hopes to enjoy peninsular peace dividends.
本文考察了朝鲜作为一个核国家的战略意义,并概述了为什么核朝鲜半岛的默认设置是不稳定的,从而也说明了为什么在防止冲突升级方面,这不仅仅是美朝或南北半岛的问题。事实上,这不仅是一个涉及中国、日本和俄罗斯的地区问题,而且是一个需要全世界努力解决的全球性问题。拥有核武器的朝鲜及其地缘战略影响的一个未被充分研究的方面是欧洲受到影响的方式。作为一个规范制定者,以及一个在维护自由的全球秩序方面具有关键利害关系的政党,欧洲国家、欧盟和北约在防止核武器扩散方面具有地缘政治利益,尤其是在面对朝鲜等独裁政权时。有鉴于此,本文认为,欧洲决策者应(a)继续投入大量外交资源(包括任命朝鲜问题特别代表),努力保持朝鲜半岛外交的活力;(b)无论朝鲜半岛外交的成败,都准备与国际社会一道,为威慑和遏制朝鲜的努力作出贡献。无论是通过外交手段还是威慑手段,欧洲如果希望享受半岛和平红利,就必须更加积极主动。
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引用次数: 1
If Not Maximum Pressure, Then What? Explaining North Korea’s Sudden Turn to Diplomacy and Its Implications for the U.S.–North Korea Nuclear Negotiations 如果不是最大压力,那是什么?解释朝鲜突然转向外交及其对美朝核谈判的影响
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2020.32.2.007
Kim Min-hyung
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引用次数: 2
A Vanguard of Foreign Policy over Maritime Claims: Naval Power rather than National Power 海洋主张外交政策的先锋:海军力量而非国家力量
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2020.32.2.008
Jong-soo Han
Most quantitative studies about maritime claims use national power measured by gross indicators, such as the CINC score, to explain disputants’ foreign policy leverage over maritime claims. The basic assumption in using national power to analyze issues over maritime claims is that wealthier, more developed, more populous countries can transfer abundant resources into military potentials, which enables them to have stronger foreign policy leverage over maritime claims. This research does not attempt to deny this assumption. This study, however, argues that based on the inherent advantages of naval power to project power over the sea, naval power measured by the total tonnage of warships is theoretically better and empirically different from national power, and the usage of naval power enhances understanding about disputants’ foreign policy behaviors over maritime claims. Therefore, I conclude that naval power rather than national power is a better and more tailored indicator to explain issues, especially the occurrence of militarized disputes over maritime claims.
大多数关于海事索赔的定量研究都使用诸如CINC得分之类的总指标来衡量国家实力,以解释争端方对海事索赔的外交政策杠杆作用。利用国家力量来分析海洋主张问题的基本假设是,更富裕、更发达、人口更多的国家可以将丰富的资源转化为军事潜力,这使它们能够在海洋主张方面拥有更强的外交政策杠杆。这项研究并不试图否认这一假设。然而,本研究认为,基于海军力量在海上投送力量的固有优势,以军舰总吨位衡量的海军力量在理论上更好,在经验上与国家力量不同,海军力量的使用有助于理解争端各方在海洋主张方面的外交政策行为。因此,我得出的结论是,海军实力而不是国家实力是一个更好、更有针对性的指标,可以解释问题,特别是关于海洋主张的军事化争端的发生。
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引用次数: 2
Framing Cyber Security in Taiwan: A Perspective of Discursive Knowledge Production 建构台湾网路安全:话语性知识生产的视角
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2020.32.3.007
Hon-min Yau
In 2019, the Tsai Ing-wen administration in Taiwan successfully amended the National Security Act as a protective measure against threats in cyberspace. However, Taiwan has perceived itself under China’s cyber-attacks since 1999, yet it is only the Tsai administration that was able to mobilize substantial resources to counter this threat. To understand what has been different in her endeavor, this paper investigated this historical development in the discourse of Taiwan’s cyber security via the analytical framework of securitization. It argues that the improvement of Taiwan’s cyber posture under Tsai is not due to the previous administrations’ ignorance of cyber threats but is due to the unique context that enables discursive practices of knowledge production during the Tsai administration to deliver a more convincing claim. The investigation further provides cautious notes on the potential adverse effect of this securitization.
2019年,台湾蔡英文政府成功修改了《国家安全法》,作为对网络空间威胁的保护措施。然而,自1999年以来,台湾已经意识到自己处于中国的网络攻击之下,但只有蔡英文政府能够调动大量资源来应对这一威胁。为了解她的努力有何不同,本文透过证券化的分析框架,探讨台湾网路安全论述的历史发展。文章认为,蔡英文领导下台湾网络态势的改善并非由于前政府对网络威胁的无知,而是由于蔡英文执政期间知识生产的话语实践能够提供更有说服力的主张的独特背景。调查进一步对这种证券化的潜在不利影响提供了谨慎的注意。
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引用次数: 0
Security Hedging Strategies of U.S. Allies and Partners in the Era of Trump: The ROK, Japan and Singapore as Case Studies 特朗普时代美国盟友和合作伙伴的安全对冲策略——以韩国、日本和新加坡为例
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2020.32.2.001
E. Tan, Jae Jeok Park, Tomohiko Satake
Increasing acrimony in U.S.-China relations poses a challenge for states in the Asia-Pacific region, particularly those that have, whilst benefiting from the U.S. role in underwriting regional security, wish to avoid straining relations with China. In dealing with this challenge, the ROK, Japan and Singapore have blended “minilateralism” alongside hedging strategies. Japan’s approach has combined maintenance of its security ties to the United States, whilst simultaneously increasing security cooperation with other powers in the region. The ROK has positioned itself strategically within the U.S. alliance network in the Asia-Pacific, whilst distancing itself from full security cooperation with Japan, in order to reassure China. Singapore faces additional difficulty due to its small size, and has focused on mobilizing its “convening” power to highlight its own relevance to the interests of the international community, whilst simultaneously increasing security cooperation with the UK and Australia as alternative partners.
美中关系日益激烈对亚太地区的国家构成了挑战,尤其是那些一方面受益于美国在维护地区安全方面所扮演的角色,另一方面又希望避免与中国关系紧张的国家。为应对这一挑战,韩国、日本和新加坡将“迷你多边主义”与对冲策略相结合。日本的做法是维持与美国的安全关系,同时加强与该地区其他大国的安全合作。韩国将自己战略性地定位在美国在亚太地区的同盟网络中,同时与日本的全面安全合作保持距离,以安抚中国。新加坡由于国土面积小,面临着额外的困难,并专注于动员其“召集”能力,以突出其自身与国际社会利益的相关性,同时加强与英国和澳大利亚作为替代伙伴的安全合作。
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引用次数: 0
How to Resolve the North Korean Nuclear Issue: From a Commitment Problem Perspective 如何从承诺问题的角度解决朝核问题
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2020.32.2.006
Jaewook Chung
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引用次数: 1
Trump Administration’s Korean Nuclear Crisis Management and Prospects for Solution 特朗普政府的朝核危机管理与解决前景
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2020.32.3.001
Huizhi Zhang, Xiaotong Zhang
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引用次数: 0
From Confrontation to Conflict between China and Taiwan: Major Challenges for Taiwan’s Counter Strategy 从对峙到冲突:台湾反制战略面临的重大挑战
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2020.32.3.002
Suk-joon Yoon, Yun, Junho
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引用次数: 0
South Korea’s Policy towards China’s “Belt and Road Initiative”: Implications for India 韩国对中国“一带一路”倡议的政策:对印度的启示
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2020.32.3.005
R. K. Dhawan
China’s “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI) is being projected as one of the biggest infrastructure and connectivity projects of the 21st century. This Chinese mega project has evoked varied responses from the Asian nations. South Korea (hereafter Korea) which is the fourth biggest economy in Asia and an important trade partner of India has been supportive of the BRI, as this strategy is compatible with Seoul’s own vision of increased connectivity with the Eurasian market, capital, labor and resources, and is conducive to the promotion of Korean national reunification. On the other hand, India has been opposed to the BRI as it overlooks New Delhi’s sovereignty concerns and serves China’s geopolitical interests. Also, India has been supporting the “Indo-Pacific strategy” along with the United States, Japan and Australia to counter China’s rising hegemony in the region. As a result, Korea and India have different views on the BRI. This article aims to conduct an analysis of Korea’s policy towards China’s BRI which could have detrimental implications for India and argues that there is a need to take some serious measures to improve Korea-India relations in the coming times.
中国的“一带一路”倡议被认为是21世纪最大的基础设施和互联互通项目之一。这个中国的大型项目引起了亚洲国家的不同反应。韩国(以下简称韩国)是亚洲第四大经济体,也是印度的重要贸易伙伴,一直支持“一带一路”倡议,因为这一战略符合首尔自己的愿景,即加强与欧亚市场、资本、劳动力和资源的联系,有利于促进朝鲜半岛的统一。另一方面,印度一直反对“一带一路”倡议,因为它无视新德里的主权关切,符合中国的地缘政治利益。此外,印度一直与美国、日本和澳大利亚一起支持“印太战略”,以对抗中国在该地区崛起的霸权。因此,韩国和印度对“一带一路”的看法不同。本文旨在分析韩国对中国“一带一路”的政策,这可能对印度产生不利影响,并认为有必要在未来采取一些严肃的措施来改善韩印关系。
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Korean Journal of Defense Analysis
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