Pub Date : 2010-12-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.519926
S. Tucker
Abstract The Korean War is an immensely important event in twentieth century history. The first shooting war of the Cold War, the first United Nations War, and the only time that two major military powers have clashed on the battlefield since World War II, it has been largely forgotten by all—save for the Koreans, for whom the war continues. Although it began in June 1950, its roots extend back to the Japanese takeover of Korea in 1910 and the partition of the Peninsula at the end of World War II. In this concise yet analytical account, the author discusses the inability of the major powers to agree on a Korean government and the partition of Korea into two hostile regimes. He treats the factors prompting the North Korean invasion and the reasons for Soviet and Chinese support, the military balance at the start of the war, the factors prompting U.S. intervention, and the course of the war to include the Chinese intervention and the transition from a war of maneuver into one of stalemate. He also addressed...
{"title":"The Korean War, 1950–53: from maneuver to stalemate","authors":"S. Tucker","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.519926","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.519926","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Korean War is an immensely important event in twentieth century history. The first shooting war of the Cold War, the first United Nations War, and the only time that two major military powers have clashed on the battlefield since World War II, it has been largely forgotten by all—save for the Koreans, for whom the war continues. Although it began in June 1950, its roots extend back to the Japanese takeover of Korea in 1910 and the partition of the Peninsula at the end of World War II. In this concise yet analytical account, the author discusses the inability of the major powers to agree on a Korean government and the partition of Korea into two hostile regimes. He treats the factors prompting the North Korean invasion and the reasons for Soviet and Chinese support, the military balance at the start of the war, the factors prompting U.S. intervention, and the course of the war to include the Chinese intervention and the transition from a war of maneuver into one of stalemate. He also addressed...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"421-433"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.519926","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-12-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.519924
Jei Guk Jeon
Abstract This article explores ways to find a balance in the asymmetry reflected in ROK–U.S. security relations. For a bilateral alliance to be developed into a healthy strategic partnership, reciprocity should be applied. From the outset, however, the ROK–U.S. alliance was born out of an imbalance, and this character still persists. With no substantial change in the North's threats and geopolitical settings of the Korean peninsula, the gravity of the alliance will continue to lean toward the United States. However, turning to the global dimension, there is room for balancing the relationship on the part of the ROK. It is to take part in the U.S.-led Multinational Peace Operations. After 9/11, the United States has badly needed assistance from its allies, engaging in a tough war on terrorism. So far the ROK has deployed troops several times as part of the U.S.-led Multinational Forces (MNF) missions. Yet, except for fighting in the Vietnam War, South Korea's troop deployment appears relatively limited, th...
{"title":"Driven by peace operations: a balanced development of the ROK–U.S. alliance","authors":"Jei Guk Jeon","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.519924","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.519924","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores ways to find a balance in the asymmetry reflected in ROK–U.S. security relations. For a bilateral alliance to be developed into a healthy strategic partnership, reciprocity should be applied. From the outset, however, the ROK–U.S. alliance was born out of an imbalance, and this character still persists. With no substantial change in the North's threats and geopolitical settings of the Korean peninsula, the gravity of the alliance will continue to lean toward the United States. However, turning to the global dimension, there is room for balancing the relationship on the part of the ROK. It is to take part in the U.S.-led Multinational Peace Operations. After 9/11, the United States has badly needed assistance from its allies, engaging in a tough war on terrorism. So far the ROK has deployed troops several times as part of the U.S.-led Multinational Forces (MNF) missions. Yet, except for fighting in the Vietnam War, South Korea's troop deployment appears relatively limited, th...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"407-420"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.519924","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-12-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.519934
C. Park
Abstract Can the United States' extended deterrence guarantee the security of South Korea against nuclear threats posed by North Korea? North Korea manipulates its nuclear capability not only as a means of deterrence but also as a military leverage to threaten the very existence of South Korea. Considering the current pattern of North Korea's behavior and the geopolitical and strategic implications for the Korean peninsula, the U.S. promise of extended deterrence for South Korea appears to have many limitations. In fact, as demonstrated in the sinking of the ROK naval frigate Cheonan incident, North Korea, with its nuclear capability intact, now threatens South Korean security more openly. Accordingly, measures to increase the credibility of America's extended deterrence become ever more imperative such that it will act as a stronger deterrence against further aggressive actions by North Korea and give greater assurance to South Koreans. The U.S. extended deterrence statement in its Nuclear Posture Review...
{"title":"ROK–U.S. cooperation in preparation for hostile actions by North Korea in possession of nuclear weapons","authors":"C. Park","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.519934","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.519934","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Can the United States' extended deterrence guarantee the security of South Korea against nuclear threats posed by North Korea? North Korea manipulates its nuclear capability not only as a means of deterrence but also as a military leverage to threaten the very existence of South Korea. Considering the current pattern of North Korea's behavior and the geopolitical and strategic implications for the Korean peninsula, the U.S. promise of extended deterrence for South Korea appears to have many limitations. In fact, as demonstrated in the sinking of the ROK naval frigate Cheonan incident, North Korea, with its nuclear capability intact, now threatens South Korean security more openly. Accordingly, measures to increase the credibility of America's extended deterrence become ever more imperative such that it will act as a stronger deterrence against further aggressive actions by North Korea and give greater assurance to South Koreans. The U.S. extended deterrence statement in its Nuclear Posture Review...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"499-513"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.519934","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-12-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.519935
Tae-Hyung Kim
Abstract Outer space has become a vital part of international security. Since Sputnik, space has been gradually militarized, if not yet weaponized. During the Cold War, fierce competition between the two superpowers extended to space. In the post-Cold War period, new powers have joined the military competition in outer space, most notably China, India, and the European Union. Other middle-sized nations have also shown strong interest and made significant efforts in this area. Yet compared to the abundant literature on the space policy of major powers, there has been little study of the space policy of middle-sized states. To fill the gap, this article focuses on the evolution of South Korea's space policy as it relates to its national security: how Seoul's space policy will enhance, and has been enhancing, South Korea's military capability. After briefly outlining the development of security-related space policy in general, including South Korea's neighbors, Seoul's space policy is examined, including its...
{"title":"South Korea's space policy and its national security implications","authors":"Tae-Hyung Kim","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.519935","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.519935","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Outer space has become a vital part of international security. Since Sputnik, space has been gradually militarized, if not yet weaponized. During the Cold War, fierce competition between the two superpowers extended to space. In the post-Cold War period, new powers have joined the military competition in outer space, most notably China, India, and the European Union. Other middle-sized nations have also shown strong interest and made significant efforts in this area. Yet compared to the abundant literature on the space policy of major powers, there has been little study of the space policy of middle-sized states. To fill the gap, this article focuses on the evolution of South Korea's space policy as it relates to its national security: how Seoul's space policy will enhance, and has been enhancing, South Korea's military capability. After briefly outlining the development of security-related space policy in general, including South Korea's neighbors, Seoul's space policy is examined, including its...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"515-529"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.519935","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806906","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-12-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.519930
Man‐ho Heo
Abstract Since the preceding Roh Moo-hyun government, the move toward a new peace regime has become more evident. However, the question of the Korean War civilian abductees remains noticeably absent from any talks or agreement. In as much as the North Korean authorities deny any large-scale abduction of civilians, this research aims to prove North Korea's complicity in these abductions and also explain their purpose. Accordingly, this study analyzes the trends of the abductions by examining the number of abductees by region, the timing of the abductions, the abduction agents, the process of the abductions, the occupations of the abductees, and the expected value of the abductees. As a result, it can be proven that the civilian abductions were undertaken as an important and integral part of the North Korean war policy. Furthermore, this research points out the mistakes in policy and bargaining tactics committed by the UN side during the armistice talks. Finally, when considering the non-observance of the e...
{"title":"Abduction of civilians during the Korean War: analysis of abductee lists and armistice talks","authors":"Man‐ho Heo","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.519930","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.519930","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since the preceding Roh Moo-hyun government, the move toward a new peace regime has become more evident. However, the question of the Korean War civilian abductees remains noticeably absent from any talks or agreement. In as much as the North Korean authorities deny any large-scale abduction of civilians, this research aims to prove North Korea's complicity in these abductions and also explain their purpose. Accordingly, this study analyzes the trends of the abductions by examining the number of abductees by region, the timing of the abductions, the abduction agents, the process of the abductions, the occupations of the abductees, and the expected value of the abductees. As a result, it can be proven that the civilian abductions were undertaken as an important and integral part of the North Korean war policy. Furthermore, this research points out the mistakes in policy and bargaining tactics committed by the UN side during the armistice talks. Finally, when considering the non-observance of the e...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"453-466"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.519930","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-12-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.519932
Kunal Mukherjee
Abstract This article takes a look at Chinese state policies toward the predominantly Buddhist community in Tibet from the 1950s till the year 2008 and analyzes to what extent these policies have changed, if at all. After providing some background information in relation to state ideology, the article looks at the decades of the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, 1980s and 1990s and gives an overview of state policies. Many of these policies show that the Chinese state has followed a policy of high handedness toward this region, which has broader implications in relation to human rights issues and security. “Reforms” introduced in Tibet have had more to do with tightening state control over Tibet rather than raising the material standards of the indigenous people. Ultimately, to understand the complex situation in Tibet, one needs to examine at the interaction between religion, nationalism and state reform in the region. The article argues that state reform needs to be more balanced, taking into consideration the relig...
{"title":"China–Tibet Relations from 1950 untill 2008: the interaction between religion, nationalism, and reform","authors":"Kunal Mukherjee","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.519932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.519932","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article takes a look at Chinese state policies toward the predominantly Buddhist community in Tibet from the 1950s till the year 2008 and analyzes to what extent these policies have changed, if at all. After providing some background information in relation to state ideology, the article looks at the decades of the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, 1980s and 1990s and gives an overview of state policies. Many of these policies show that the Chinese state has followed a policy of high handedness toward this region, which has broader implications in relation to human rights issues and security. “Reforms” introduced in Tibet have had more to do with tightening state control over Tibet rather than raising the material standards of the indigenous people. Ultimately, to understand the complex situation in Tibet, one needs to examine at the interaction between religion, nationalism and state reform in the region. The article argues that state reform needs to be more balanced, taking into consideration the relig...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"467-483"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.519932","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-12-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.519928
Kwangsik Kim
Abstract A survey on the postwar generation of Korea clearly reveals two facts. One is that the Korean War is becoming a “forgotten war” among Koreans, and the other is that the perception gaps regarding the issues of the war, homeland, national security, and unification among the generations are increasing. Both changes have been brought about by the lapse of a period of 60 years. It is natural that memories of the war fade away with the passage of two biological generations. Also, the generational gaps may be seen as inevitable in light of the condensed transformation of Korean society since 1945. Yet, the generations should be integrated at an optimal level if the wounds of the war are to be healed and a unified nation state is to be built and maintained. For such national imperatives, there should be a new understanding of the Korean War, especially on its characteristics and consequences, and a new cognitive paradigm shared by all generations in order to enhance awareness of war, national security, a...
{"title":"Historical awareness of the post-war generation in Korea and national and social responsibility","authors":"Kwangsik Kim","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.519928","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.519928","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A survey on the postwar generation of Korea clearly reveals two facts. One is that the Korean War is becoming a “forgotten war” among Koreans, and the other is that the perception gaps regarding the issues of the war, homeland, national security, and unification among the generations are increasing. Both changes have been brought about by the lapse of a period of 60 years. It is natural that memories of the war fade away with the passage of two biological generations. Also, the generational gaps may be seen as inevitable in light of the condensed transformation of Korean society since 1945. Yet, the generations should be integrated at an optimal level if the wounds of the war are to be healed and a unified nation state is to be built and maintained. For such national imperatives, there should be a new understanding of the Korean War, especially on its characteristics and consequences, and a new cognitive paradigm shared by all generations in order to enhance awareness of war, national security, a...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"435-452"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.519928","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-12-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.519933
Sungjong Yun
Abstract The ROK military needs to expand the use of private resources to fulfill defense management reform. Utilization of private resources can lead to a higher efficiency of national defense management and reduce the burden on the defense budget. In carrying out private entrustment, the Ministry of National Defense (MND) should make sure that wartime missions are uninterrupted, and loss of jobs among outgoing militaries are minimized through the efforts to create job positions that can leverage military expertise and experience. To transform an organization into a more flexible and professional one, the basic management rule of a military executive agency needs to be continuously modified on the basis of the results of performance evaluation. For a successful private investment project, there should be key elements such as a clear policy, appropriate legislation, procedures capable of efficient implementation and facilitation of private investment projects, and guidelines for project development and co...
{"title":"Expanding the use of private resources in the Republic of Korea's national defense","authors":"Sungjong Yun","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.519933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.519933","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The ROK military needs to expand the use of private resources to fulfill defense management reform. Utilization of private resources can lead to a higher efficiency of national defense management and reduce the burden on the defense budget. In carrying out private entrustment, the Ministry of National Defense (MND) should make sure that wartime missions are uninterrupted, and loss of jobs among outgoing militaries are minimized through the efforts to create job positions that can leverage military expertise and experience. To transform an organization into a more flexible and professional one, the basic management rule of a military executive agency needs to be continuously modified on the basis of the results of performance evaluation. For a successful private investment project, there should be key elements such as a clear policy, appropriate legislation, procedures capable of efficient implementation and facilitation of private investment projects, and guidelines for project development and co...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"485-498"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.519933","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-08-18DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.500026
Mohd Aminul Karim
Abstract Taiwan is a vexed issue, and having no definite sovereignty status at the inter-state level, it carries the potential for conflagration. There is palpably a contradiction between its de jure and de facto status. Contradiction is also discernible in realizing the right brand of nationalism and the question of justice in adopting the appropriate hierarchical mode of governance. As such, there is a need to rethink its status and also the surrounding security architecture. The actors concerned may have to confront high stakes if its status quo is changed. The “one China” policy is accepted by all—but its varying interpretations and ambiguities in different official documents and pronouncements, made mostly keeping in view the geopolitical and nationalist compulsions, give rise to concern. It has turned out to be a flashpoint whose political status will, hopefully, be finally decided peacefully in a mutually accepted agreement through dialogue and confidence-building measures. This paper examines the ...
{"title":"The vexed Taiwan issue and its implications","authors":"Mohd Aminul Karim","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.500026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.500026","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Taiwan is a vexed issue, and having no definite sovereignty status at the inter-state level, it carries the potential for conflagration. There is palpably a contradiction between its de jure and de facto status. Contradiction is also discernible in realizing the right brand of nationalism and the question of justice in adopting the appropriate hierarchical mode of governance. As such, there is a need to rethink its status and also the surrounding security architecture. The actors concerned may have to confront high stakes if its status quo is changed. The “one China” policy is accepted by all—but its varying interpretations and ambiguities in different official documents and pronouncements, made mostly keeping in view the geopolitical and nationalist compulsions, give rise to concern. It has turned out to be a flashpoint whose political status will, hopefully, be finally decided peacefully in a mutually accepted agreement through dialogue and confidence-building measures. This paper examines the ...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"371-385"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.500026","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-08-18DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.500002
H. Lee
Abstract This paper examines Korean–Chinese relations in the context of the framework of the strategic partnership that has been in place since the 1990s. The relationship was considered to share the same characteristics as those between China and Russia, China and India, China and Vietnam, and China and Pakistan—yet differed in terms of content and significance. Despite its strong non-alliance policy toward foreign nations, China still pushed through with the forging of a partnership with the Lee Myung-bak administration, which had just been launched under the newly reinforced ROK–U.S. alliance. This paper examines the reasons behind this partnership, theorizing that the significance hierarchy within the partnership had been weakened, and that the meaning of “strategic” had been expanded. Other reasons contributing to the forging of the new partnership between Korea and China included the following: counter-balancing the excessively pro-U.S. policy adopted by Korea and subsequent renewal of the strong RO...
{"title":"China's policy toward (South) Korea: objectives of and obstacles to the strategic partnership","authors":"H. Lee","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.500002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.500002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines Korean–Chinese relations in the context of the framework of the strategic partnership that has been in place since the 1990s. The relationship was considered to share the same characteristics as those between China and Russia, China and India, China and Vietnam, and China and Pakistan—yet differed in terms of content and significance. Despite its strong non-alliance policy toward foreign nations, China still pushed through with the forging of a partnership with the Lee Myung-bak administration, which had just been launched under the newly reinforced ROK–U.S. alliance. This paper examines the reasons behind this partnership, theorizing that the significance hierarchy within the partnership had been weakened, and that the meaning of “strategic” had been expanded. Other reasons contributing to the forging of the new partnership between Korea and China included the following: counter-balancing the excessively pro-U.S. policy adopted by Korea and subsequent renewal of the strong RO...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"283-301"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.500002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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