Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2017.29.1.001
Sangwon Jung
Even during the Kim Jong Un era, the rationing system of North Korea has not yet been recovered. In addition, the thought control system has been weaker than during the Kim Jong Il era. The Kim Jong Un regime stays in power mainly by strengthening political and social control by law enforcement agencies (including police and intelligence agencies). However, there is a lacuna in the control of governmental authority in that giving bribes to public officials enables people to avoid the control. In 2016, social control was strengthened in a situation in which DPRK`s economy cannot be improved due to the sanctions imposed by the UN on it. This will exacerbate the instability of the Kim Jong Un regime. Although the unstable factors during the Kim Jong Un era have increased, it is hard to say that those factors will lead to contingency in North Korea under current conditions. Firstly, a change of people`s consciousness in North Korea is insufficient to bring about a change in its system. Secondly, it is difficult to mobilize and organize the people`s discontent over the Kim Jong-un regime due to the strict control by law enforcement agencies. Thus, a change in the social control system is necessary for fundamental system change in North Korea. To do this, not only further economic sanctions on North Korea and inflow of external information, but also, a lot of pressure especially focused on the North Korean Human Rights Act are required.
{"title":"Kim Jong Un Regime’s Social Control Policy: Continuities and Changes","authors":"Sangwon Jung","doi":"10.22883/KJDA.2017.29.1.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22883/KJDA.2017.29.1.001","url":null,"abstract":"Even during the Kim Jong Un era, the rationing system of North Korea has not yet been recovered. In addition, the thought control system has been weaker than during the Kim Jong Il era. The Kim Jong Un regime stays in power mainly by strengthening political and social control by law enforcement agencies (including police and intelligence agencies). However, there is a lacuna in the control of governmental authority in that giving bribes to public officials enables people to avoid the control. In 2016, social control was strengthened in a situation in which DPRK`s economy cannot be improved due to the sanctions imposed by the UN on it. This will exacerbate the instability of the Kim Jong Un regime. Although the unstable factors during the Kim Jong Un era have increased, it is hard to say that those factors will lead to contingency in North Korea under current conditions. Firstly, a change of people`s consciousness in North Korea is insufficient to bring about a change in its system. Secondly, it is difficult to mobilize and organize the people`s discontent over the Kim Jong-un regime due to the strict control by law enforcement agencies. Thus, a change in the social control system is necessary for fundamental system change in North Korea. To do this, not only further economic sanctions on North Korea and inflow of external information, but also, a lot of pressure especially focused on the North Korean Human Rights Act are required.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"29 1","pages":"1-24"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68342753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2016.28.2.001
In-Taek Hyun
This paper sheds new light on the North Korean nuclear conundrum, which has long been the source of security dilemmas on the Korean Peninsula, and South Korea’s strategic choices with regard to it. In doing this, this paper deals with four research questions: 1) How serious are North Korea’s nuclear and missile capabilities?; 2) What are the implications of international sanctions and countries’ positions?; 3) Can and will South Korea and the international community stop the North Korean nuclear program successfully?; and 4) And if not, what should South Korea do? This paper indicates that in the wake of North Korea’s fourth nuclear test and subsequent missile test, North Korea’s nuclear Pandora’s Box is almost about to open. It urges that if it indeed opens, it would completely change the strategic environment of the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia. This deep frustration and a sense of urgency have driven South Korea and the international community to impose stronger and tougher sanctions against North Korea than before. However, this paper argues that multiple factors..South Korea’s limited ability; the escalation of the U.S.-China global and regional rivalry; the strategic consideration of countries involved, especially China; and North Korea’s tenacious survival strategy-engage in strong pessimism, leaving the North Korean nuclear situation unresolved. Therefore, on the one hand, South Korea has to make every effort to denuclearize North Korea until the last minute, exhausting every possible option and means. However, on the other hand, it has to prepare for a worst-case scenario. This paper points out that South Korea’s exit strategy should be a “strategy of delicate deterrence” that is a comprehensive strategy of deterrence to combine military, political and diplomatic means.
{"title":"An Enduring Dilemma on the Korean Peninsula: The North Korean Nuclear Conundrum and South Korea`s Strategic Choices","authors":"In-Taek Hyun","doi":"10.22883/KJDA.2016.28.2.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22883/KJDA.2016.28.2.001","url":null,"abstract":"This paper sheds new light on the North Korean nuclear conundrum, which has long been the source of security dilemmas on the Korean Peninsula, and South Korea’s strategic choices with regard to it. In doing this, this paper deals with four research questions: 1) How serious are North Korea’s nuclear and missile capabilities?; 2) What are the implications of international sanctions and countries’ positions?; 3) Can and will South Korea and the international community stop the North Korean nuclear program successfully?; and 4) And if not, what should South Korea do? This paper indicates that in the wake of North Korea’s fourth nuclear test and subsequent missile test, North Korea’s nuclear Pandora’s Box is almost about to open. It urges that if it indeed opens, it would completely change the strategic environment of the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia. This deep frustration and a sense of urgency have driven South Korea and the international community to impose stronger and tougher sanctions against North Korea than before. However, this paper argues that multiple factors..South Korea’s limited ability; the escalation of the U.S.-China global and regional rivalry; the strategic consideration of countries involved, especially China; and North Korea’s tenacious survival strategy-engage in strong pessimism, leaving the North Korean nuclear situation unresolved. Therefore, on the one hand, South Korea has to make every effort to denuclearize North Korea until the last minute, exhausting every possible option and means. However, on the other hand, it has to prepare for a worst-case scenario. This paper points out that South Korea’s exit strategy should be a “strategy of delicate deterrence” that is a comprehensive strategy of deterrence to combine military, political and diplomatic means.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"28 1","pages":"163-180"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68342648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2016.28.1.009
B. Kwon
Why were economic sanctions able to produce successful political outcomes in Iran but not in North Korea during 2006.2015? Experts have argued that sanctions are not really effective in changing a state’s objectionable policies or behavior. However, such conclusions should not be drawn without a close examination of the complex environment under which sanctions are imposed. This paper attempts to identify the conditions of sanctions success by comparing the economic sanctions imposed on Iran and North Korea. It begins with a critical assessment of extant evaluations of sanctions imposed on North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons program. Next, it examines Iran sanctions to identify the factors that facilitated the resumption of nuclear talks in 2013 and led to a political agreement in 2015. Subsequently, this is compared with North Korea sanctions to explain why sanctions were more effective in Iran. Finally, the paper extrapolates the conditions for sanctions success that incorporate the political and economic characteristics of the states involved as well as the sanctions policy per se. The paper concludes with a discussion of the lessons learned.
{"title":"The Conditions for Sanctions Success: A Comparison of the Iranian and North Korean Cases","authors":"B. Kwon","doi":"10.22883/KJDA.2016.28.1.009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22883/KJDA.2016.28.1.009","url":null,"abstract":"Why were economic sanctions able to produce successful political outcomes in Iran but not in North Korea during 2006.2015? Experts have argued that sanctions are not really effective in changing a state’s objectionable policies or behavior. However, such conclusions should not be drawn without a close examination of the complex environment under which sanctions are imposed. This paper attempts to identify the conditions of sanctions success by comparing the economic sanctions imposed on Iran and North Korea. It begins with a critical assessment of extant evaluations of sanctions imposed on North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons program. Next, it examines Iran sanctions to identify the factors that facilitated the resumption of nuclear talks in 2013 and led to a political agreement in 2015. Subsequently, this is compared with North Korea sanctions to explain why sanctions were more effective in Iran. Finally, the paper extrapolates the conditions for sanctions success that incorporate the political and economic characteristics of the states involved as well as the sanctions policy per se. The paper concludes with a discussion of the lessons learned.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"68 1","pages":"139-161"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68342593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-01DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2015.27.1.006
Geun-hye Kim, Kyungho Lee, Jong-in Lim
This paper aims to analyze confidence-building measures (CBMs) for cyberspace taking place in Northeast Asia. Accordingly, it explores features of cyber security in the Northeast Asian region and concepts of CBMs for cyberspace. Then, it studies networks of CBMs for cyberspace that took place on the government level in the region from 2009 through the first half of 2014 by using the network analysis method, which is useful for studying current social relations. This study analyzes the structure of CBMs networks used in the region for the past six years and the actors. Conclusions of this study are as follows: First, CBMs for cyberspace in Northeast Asia are focused on the United States. Second, the CBMs in the region have similar features to those of traditional security cooperation. Thirdly, they are strongly based on realism. From the perspective of networks, this study is meaningful in that it used a macro approach to analyze CBMs, which was difficult to perform by using conventional methods.
{"title":"CBMs for Cyberspace beyond the Traditional Security Environment: Focusing on Features for CBMs for Cyberspace in Northeast Asia","authors":"Geun-hye Kim, Kyungho Lee, Jong-in Lim","doi":"10.22883/KJDA.2015.27.1.006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22883/KJDA.2015.27.1.006","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to analyze confidence-building measures (CBMs) for cyberspace taking place in Northeast Asia. Accordingly, it explores features of cyber security in the Northeast Asian region and concepts of CBMs for cyberspace. Then, it studies networks of CBMs for cyberspace that took place on the government level in the region from 2009 through the first half of 2014 by using the network analysis method, which is useful for studying current social relations. This study analyzes the structure of CBMs networks used in the region for the past six years and the actors. Conclusions of this study are as follows: First, CBMs for cyberspace in Northeast Asia are focused on the United States. Second, the CBMs in the region have similar features to those of traditional security cooperation. Thirdly, they are strongly based on realism. From the perspective of networks, this study is meaningful in that it used a macro approach to analyze CBMs, which was difficult to perform by using conventional methods.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"27 1","pages":"87-106"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68342582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Retrospect and Prospect of the ROK-US Alliance at 60 and Beyond","authors":"C. Kang","doi":"10.1057/9781137541710_2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137541710_2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"25 1","pages":"29-41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58222828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim290050056
Seo Jungkun
How and why do legislative members weigh in on foreign policy dilemmas? U.S. Congress often seeks to carve out spheres of influence over international relations and yet we know little about why and how some America`s lawmakers take North Korea seriously. This article explores a host of North Korea measures during the111th and 112th U.S. Congress (2009.2012) and identifies the sources of legislative activism toward Pyongyang`s nuclear weapons threats and atrocious human rights records. Empirical analyses show that a group of congressional members use bill cosponsor ship strategies and call on the Obama administration to revamp its policy concerning North Korea. The findings shed light on why lawmakers would bother to introduce such specialized foreign policy bills even if their prospects for becoming law are uncertain.
{"title":"Who Takes North Korea Seriously? U.S. Congress and Policy toward Pyongyang, 2009-2012","authors":"Seo Jungkun","doi":"10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim290050056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim290050056","url":null,"abstract":"How and why do legislative members weigh in on foreign policy dilemmas? U.S. Congress often seeks to carve out spheres of influence over international relations and yet we know little about why and how some America`s lawmakers take North Korea seriously. This article explores a host of North Korea measures during the111th and 112th U.S. Congress (2009.2012) and identifies the sources of legislative activism toward Pyongyang`s nuclear weapons threats and atrocious human rights records. Empirical analyses show that a group of congressional members use bill cosponsor ship strategies and call on the Obama administration to revamp its policy concerning North Korea. The findings shed light on why lawmakers would bother to introduce such specialized foreign policy bills even if their prospects for becoming law are uncertain.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"25 1","pages":"191-209"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64435536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2013.25.2.002
Geunwook Lee
{"title":"A Spear and a Shield: Dilemmas of the American Strategy in East Asia","authors":"Geunwook Lee","doi":"10.22883/KJDA.2013.25.2.002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22883/KJDA.2013.25.2.002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"25 1","pages":"171-189"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68342525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-01-01DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2011.23.1.001
Bruce E. Bechtol
{"title":"Planning for the Unthinkable: Countering a North Korean Nuclear Attack and Management of Post-Attack Scenarios","authors":"Bruce E. Bechtol","doi":"10.22883/KJDA.2011.23.1.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22883/KJDA.2011.23.1.001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"23 1","pages":"1-17"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68342415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-01-01DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2011.23.1.003
J. Choi
Recognizing that the broader structure of East Asia`s regional order is going to change, this paper assumes that there are three major factors to drive and facilitate the East Asian order: (1) An existing security architecture comprised of various bilateral and multilateral mechanisms; (2) the role of America in adjusting the current security multilateralism to lead to it remaining cooperative and/or competitive; and (3) the bilateral relationship of the two powers, the United States and China. The paper argues that East Asian order has been and will be determined by the changing state of Sino-U.S. relations. Then it explores what relationship the United States and China engage in and where it is directed. The next section discusses what effect the Sino-U.S. relationship has on the security order in East Asia focusing on the major multilateral security arrangements as seen in Figure 1. To do this, the two distinct multilateral security mechanisms, the U.S.-Japan-Australia Trilateral Strategic Dialogue (TSD) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), will be analyzed. Additionally, as a bridge between the United States and China for security cooperation, the Korea-China-Japan Tripartite Cooperation Dialogue (TCD) will be explored. The future of both Sino-U.S. relations and its relations with the East Asian security order are dealt with in the conclusion. Since the current state of U.S.-China relations is a more complicated, lovehate relationship in locked interdependency, the East Asian order is characterized as a foggy, complex hybrid system. Until a power transition between the United States and China comes close to the threshold, the order will be led more by U.S. chosen bilateralism than Chinese preferred multilateralism. As the Obama administration came into office signaling greater enthusiasm for a multilateral enterprise, Washington`s concern over multilateral security architecture in the region will increase. The viability of a multilateral security institution in East Asia, supported by and with the participation of the United States, will become critical as a non-confrontational way to tame China`s rising power. As a result the Tripartite Cooperation Dialogue (TCD) among South Korea, China and Japan, and the Six-Party Talks will probably become influential as multilateral institutions in which the United States and China both share common strategic interests in East Asia. This development would lead the TCD to become a pivotal security mechanism. This then would contribute to freeing East Asian order of a hybrid and complex system.
{"title":"Asian Security Architecture in the Growth of U.S.-China Strategic Competition in the 21st Century","authors":"J. Choi","doi":"10.22883/KJDA.2011.23.1.003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22883/KJDA.2011.23.1.003","url":null,"abstract":"Recognizing that the broader structure of East Asia`s regional order is going to change, this paper assumes that there are three major factors to drive and facilitate the East Asian order: (1) An existing security architecture comprised of various bilateral and multilateral mechanisms; (2) the role of America in adjusting the current security multilateralism to lead to it remaining cooperative and/or competitive; and (3) the bilateral relationship of the two powers, the United States and China. The paper argues that East Asian order has been and will be determined by the changing state of Sino-U.S. relations. Then it explores what relationship the United States and China engage in and where it is directed. The next section discusses what effect the Sino-U.S. relationship has on the security order in East Asia focusing on the major multilateral security arrangements as seen in Figure 1. To do this, the two distinct multilateral security mechanisms, the U.S.-Japan-Australia Trilateral Strategic Dialogue (TSD) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), will be analyzed. Additionally, as a bridge between the United States and China for security cooperation, the Korea-China-Japan Tripartite Cooperation Dialogue (TCD) will be explored. The future of both Sino-U.S. relations and its relations with the East Asian security order are dealt with in the conclusion. Since the current state of U.S.-China relations is a more complicated, lovehate relationship in locked interdependency, the East Asian order is characterized as a foggy, complex hybrid system. Until a power transition between the United States and China comes close to the threshold, the order will be led more by U.S. chosen bilateralism than Chinese preferred multilateralism. As the Obama administration came into office signaling greater enthusiasm for a multilateral enterprise, Washington`s concern over multilateral security architecture in the region will increase. The viability of a multilateral security institution in East Asia, supported by and with the participation of the United States, will become critical as a non-confrontational way to tame China`s rising power. As a result the Tripartite Cooperation Dialogue (TCD) among South Korea, China and Japan, and the Six-Party Talks will probably become influential as multilateral institutions in which the United States and China both share common strategic interests in East Asia. This development would lead the TCD to become a pivotal security mechanism. This then would contribute to freeing East Asian order of a hybrid and complex system.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"23 1","pages":"37-55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68342465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-01-01DOI: 10.22883/KJDA.2011.23.1.005
I. Holliday, B. Howe
For the past 15 years, the concept of human security has been promoted as a significant extension of traditional security studies. However, while human security has been present and visible in academic and practitioner discourse, it is yet truly to capture the imagination of specialists. Partly this is a result of the belligerent direction global politics has taken in the new millennium. Partly, however, it results from conceptual inadequacies internal to the notion itself. This article confronts the latter problem. It first examines the emergence of human security within the wider security studies literature, homes in on debates about human security, and draws important parallels between development and human security. It then builds on this to restate human security as freedom from fear and freedom from want, and to demonstrate how this conceptualization can be understood as a dual responsibility initially to protect and subsequently to provide. It finally considers whether a responsibility to intervene is generated by this approach. The brief conclusion summarizes the argument that this conceptualization generates a fresh way forward for human security studies.
{"title":"Human security: A global responsibility to protect and provide","authors":"I. Holliday, B. Howe","doi":"10.22883/KJDA.2011.23.1.005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22883/KJDA.2011.23.1.005","url":null,"abstract":"For the past 15 years, the concept of human security has been promoted as a significant extension of traditional security studies. However, while human security has been present and visible in academic and practitioner discourse, it is yet truly to capture the imagination of specialists. Partly this is a result of the belligerent direction global politics has taken in the new millennium. Partly, however, it results from conceptual inadequacies internal to the notion itself. This article confronts the latter problem. It first examines the emergence of human security within the wider security studies literature, homes in on debates about human security, and draws important parallels between development and human security. It then builds on this to restate human security as freedom from fear and freedom from want, and to demonstrate how this conceptualization can be understood as a dual responsibility initially to protect and subsequently to provide. It finally considers whether a responsibility to intervene is generated by this approach. The brief conclusion summarizes the argument that this conceptualization generates a fresh way forward for human security studies.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"23 1","pages":"73-91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68342479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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