Pub Date : 2010-08-18DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.500015
Jae-cheon Lim, Ho-yeol Yoo
Abstract By citing North Korean sources, the South Korean media have recently delivered the news that Kim Jong Il had already chosen his third son, Kim Jong Un, as his political successor in late 2008 or early 2009. He selected a son who was still young and inexperienced. What was the reason behind this decision? This paper attempts to provide a convincing answer to this perplexing question. According to institutionalists, individual actors develop an institution, and the institution in turn affects the actors and restrains their choices. We argue that, among the many political institutions in North Korea, those closely linked to the cult of the Kim Il Sung family are directly related to the logic behind the political succession decision. The institutionalization of the cult of the family provides a justification for political succession in the state. Kim Jong Il has been one of the chief architects of the institutionalization of the cult, and the institutionalization in turn has limited his choice in sel...
{"title":"Institutionalization of the cult of the Kims: its implications for North Korean political succession","authors":"Jae-cheon Lim, Ho-yeol Yoo","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.500015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.500015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract By citing North Korean sources, the South Korean media have recently delivered the news that Kim Jong Il had already chosen his third son, Kim Jong Un, as his political successor in late 2008 or early 2009. He selected a son who was still young and inexperienced. What was the reason behind this decision? This paper attempts to provide a convincing answer to this perplexing question. According to institutionalists, individual actors develop an institution, and the institution in turn affects the actors and restrains their choices. We argue that, among the many political institutions in North Korea, those closely linked to the cult of the Kim Il Sung family are directly related to the logic behind the political succession decision. The institutionalization of the cult of the family provides a justification for political succession in the state. Kim Jong Il has been one of the chief architects of the institutionalization of the cult, and the institutionalization in turn has limited his choice in sel...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"5 1","pages":"341-354"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.500015","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-08-18DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.500013
Chunlong Lu, Minhao Xia
Abstract This paper constructs a two-level model to explain China–U.S. relations. We find that at the state level, the interdependence between China and the United States, which comes from their bilateral trade and foreign direct investment, is asymmetric. Such asymmetric interdependence favors the United States in pushing the Chinese government to make concessions when they have conflicts. However, at the society level, China can penetrate into American society to intervene or influence American foreign policymaking. In this paper, it is argued that the outcome of China–U.S. relations is determined not only by the asymmetric interdependence at the state level or societal penetration respectively, but also by the interaction of these two factors in the process. Finally, the new development of China–U.S. relations since the inauguration of the Obama administration is also examined.
{"title":"The interdependence between China and the United States: a two-level analysis","authors":"Chunlong Lu, Minhao Xia","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.500013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.500013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper constructs a two-level model to explain China–U.S. relations. We find that at the state level, the interdependence between China and the United States, which comes from their bilateral trade and foreign direct investment, is asymmetric. Such asymmetric interdependence favors the United States in pushing the Chinese government to make concessions when they have conflicts. However, at the society level, China can penetrate into American society to intervene or influence American foreign policymaking. In this paper, it is argued that the outcome of China–U.S. relations is determined not only by the asymmetric interdependence at the state level or societal penetration respectively, but also by the interaction of these two factors in the process. Finally, the new development of China–U.S. relations since the inauguration of the Obama administration is also examined.","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"321-339"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.500013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-08-18DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.500001
Sung-han Kim
Abstract South Korea's strategic thought toward the United States has been evolving from a blood alliance during the Cold War era, to a transitional alliance during the post-Cold War era, and to a strategic alliance after September 11. Despite some trials and errors, South Korea has successfully adjusted itself to new strategic challenges by transforming and reinventing its alliance with the United States. As part of a soft-balancing strategy, this endeavor has been conducted in parallel with South Korea's improved relations with other major powers than the United States and its support for multilateral security cooperation so that the United States may not impose its own strategic preferences on South Korea. In these attempts, we can discover strategic elements that are realist (utilizing the U.S. as a strategic balancer between China and Japan), liberal (going beyond the military alliance), and constructivist (joining the regional community-building).
{"title":"From blood alliance to strategic alliance: Korea's evolving strategic thought toward the United States","authors":"Sung-han Kim","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.500001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.500001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract South Korea's strategic thought toward the United States has been evolving from a blood alliance during the Cold War era, to a transitional alliance during the post-Cold War era, and to a strategic alliance after September 11. Despite some trials and errors, South Korea has successfully adjusted itself to new strategic challenges by transforming and reinventing its alliance with the United States. As part of a soft-balancing strategy, this endeavor has been conducted in parallel with South Korea's improved relations with other major powers than the United States and its support for multilateral security cooperation so that the United States may not impose its own strategic preferences on South Korea. In these attempts, we can discover strategic elements that are realist (utilizing the U.S. as a strategic balancer between China and Japan), liberal (going beyond the military alliance), and constructivist (joining the regional community-building).","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"265-281"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.500001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-08-18DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.500005
Shi Yuan-hua, Qi Huaigao
Abstract Drawing support from international institution theory, this article analyzes China's new thinking about Asian diplomacy after the Cold War. Institutionalism was flexibly utilized by China in its peripheral regions—Central Asia, Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia and South Asia, which have adopted institutional models—dominant participation, deep participation, active participation, and moderate participation models. China tries to handle the presence of U.S. interests well and has responded reasonably to U.S. pragmatic institutional engagement. To realize the aim of compatibility and coexistence between China and the United States in Asia, the two countries should establish interconnecting institutions in both economic and political fields. With regard to the future interactive trends of China and the United States in Asia, the author, from the dimension of international institutionalism, works out an institutional interplay—nested and overlapping institutions—for China and the United States to achie...
{"title":"The new thinking on China's Asia diplomacy during the post-Cold War era: institutional model choices and Sino-U.S. compatibility","authors":"Shi Yuan-hua, Qi Huaigao","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.500005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.500005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Drawing support from international institution theory, this article analyzes China's new thinking about Asian diplomacy after the Cold War. Institutionalism was flexibly utilized by China in its peripheral regions—Central Asia, Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia and South Asia, which have adopted institutional models—dominant participation, deep participation, active participation, and moderate participation models. China tries to handle the presence of U.S. interests well and has responded reasonably to U.S. pragmatic institutional engagement. To realize the aim of compatibility and coexistence between China and the United States in Asia, the two countries should establish interconnecting institutions in both economic and political fields. With regard to the future interactive trends of China and the United States in Asia, the author, from the dimension of international institutionalism, works out an institutional interplay—nested and overlapping institutions—for China and the United States to achie...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"303-320"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.500005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59805869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-08-18DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.500027
C. Bluth
Abstract Ever since decolonization and the partition of the former British colony of India into the states of India and Pakistan, there has been an enduring conflict between them, which has resulted in various crises. It has continued despite dramatic changes in the geopolitical environment. The conflict is over national identity, territory, and the power position in the region. The Pakistani elite have been unable to accept the division of Jamma and Kashmir and seek equal status with India, while India sees itself as a great power in the region. The conflict escalated into war at the very creation of the state of Pakistan in 1947–48, as well as in 1965 and 1971. The war in 1971 resulted in the division of Pakistan, a defeat that instilled a great sense of insecurity in Pakistan and a greater determination to find a way to overcome India's military superiority. In order to balance India's conventional military superiority, Pakistan acquired a small-scale nuclear weapons capability using bombers and medium...
{"title":"India and Pakistan: a case of asymmetric nuclear deterrence","authors":"C. Bluth","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.500027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.500027","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Ever since decolonization and the partition of the former British colony of India into the states of India and Pakistan, there has been an enduring conflict between them, which has resulted in various crises. It has continued despite dramatic changes in the geopolitical environment. The conflict is over national identity, territory, and the power position in the region. The Pakistani elite have been unable to accept the division of Jamma and Kashmir and seek equal status with India, while India sees itself as a great power in the region. The conflict escalated into war at the very creation of the state of Pakistan in 1947–48, as well as in 1965 and 1971. The war in 1971 resulted in the division of Pakistan, a defeat that instilled a great sense of insecurity in Pakistan and a greater determination to find a way to overcome India's military superiority. In order to balance India's conventional military superiority, Pakistan acquired a small-scale nuclear weapons capability using bombers and medium...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"387-406"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.500027","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806228","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-08-18DOI: 10.1080/10163271.2010.500024
T. Kivimäki
Abstract South Korea's contribution to international peace has been on various levels, including official activities and unofficial ones. Furthermore, while its contribution has often been focused on security on the Korean peninsula, the Republic of Korea (ROK) has also contributed to a wider security environment globally and regionally. One of the major instruments of regional East Asian unofficial diplomacy has been the Jeju Process. This article focuses on the contribution of this forum to the relative peace in East Asia by first looking at what kind of activity the Jeju Process represents, and whether East Asian initiatives in general have an impact on East Asian security; or is East Asian security simply determined by global politics? Secondly, it will look at what the regional security is built on and what the main challenges are to that security. Finally, it will then look at how the types of activities that the Jeju Process represents affect the security challenges in East Asia. This paper adopts ...
{"title":"The Jeju Process and the relative peace in East Asia","authors":"T. Kivimäki","doi":"10.1080/10163271.2010.500024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271.2010.500024","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract South Korea's contribution to international peace has been on various levels, including official activities and unofficial ones. Furthermore, while its contribution has often been focused on security on the Korean peninsula, the Republic of Korea (ROK) has also contributed to a wider security environment globally and regionally. One of the major instruments of regional East Asian unofficial diplomacy has been the Jeju Process. This article focuses on the contribution of this forum to the relative peace in East Asia by first looking at what kind of activity the Jeju Process represents, and whether East Asian initiatives in general have an impact on East Asian security; or is East Asian security simply determined by global politics? Secondly, it will look at what the regional security is built on and what the main challenges are to that security. Finally, it will then look at how the types of activities that the Jeju Process represents affect the security challenges in East Asia. This paper adopts ...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"355-370"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271.2010.500024","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-06-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271003744454
Paek Jae-ok
The capacity of defense science and technology (S&T) at the level of an advanced nation is becoming an ever-more critical factor in the survival of the defense industry along with accumulation of m...
先进国家水平的国防科学技术(S&T)能力，随着军事实力的积累，越来越成为国防工业生存的关键因素。
{"title":"Defense science and technology of the ROK and desirable directions for relevant R&D policies","authors":"Paek Jae-ok","doi":"10.1080/10163271003744454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271003744454","url":null,"abstract":"The capacity of defense science and technology (S&T) at the level of an advanced nation is becoming an ever-more critical factor in the survival of the defense industry along with accumulation of m...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"197-215"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271003744454","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-06-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271003744447
R. Ayson
Abstract Australian defense policy suggests a case where strategic ambitions exceed the country's direct security needs. But there are some peculiar reasons for this state of affairs. These include the relationship between the size of the Australian continent and its proximity to maritime Asia; Australia's sense of itself as a medium power with a strong interest in the future of the wider regional strategic balance; and the long-standing judgment that Australia needs a capacity for independent military action in its own area because even its closest allies cannot always be expected to help out. The Rudd government's 2009 Defence White Paper, the first such document in nearly a decade, confirms this pattern of thinking. In particular it reflects Australia's interest in not falling behind the defense modernization in the wider region of strong and rising powers (including, but by no means limited to, China). It helps return a sense of coherence to Australian policy which went missing in the post-9/11 era. B...
{"title":"Australia's defense policy: medium power, even bigger ambitions?","authors":"R. Ayson","doi":"10.1080/10163271003744447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271003744447","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Australian defense policy suggests a case where strategic ambitions exceed the country's direct security needs. But there are some peculiar reasons for this state of affairs. These include the relationship between the size of the Australian continent and its proximity to maritime Asia; Australia's sense of itself as a medium power with a strong interest in the future of the wider regional strategic balance; and the long-standing judgment that Australia needs a capacity for independent military action in its own area because even its closest allies cannot always be expected to help out. The Rudd government's 2009 Defence White Paper, the first such document in nearly a decade, confirms this pattern of thinking. In particular it reflects Australia's interest in not falling behind the defense modernization in the wider region of strong and rising powers (including, but by no means limited to, China). It helps return a sense of coherence to Australian policy which went missing in the post-9/11 era. B...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"183-196"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271003744447","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-06-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271003744413
Eric A. McVadon
Abstract Korean issues in recent history and current affairs have been a remarkable and varied factor with respect to global and regional security and in relations between the United States and China—arguably the most important bilateral relationship in today's world. The extraordinary events and remarkable developments that compose this saga merit review, including many forgotten, unknown, or ignored developments and details. This examination is based on the author's experiences in various capacities, official and independent, over two decades. Much of it derives from his extensive contacts, conversations, and candid exchanges with People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of Korea (ROK) government officials, military officers (active and retired), think-tankers, and other scholars and specialists. It describes the ups and downs of relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and encompasses ROK-PRC and ROK-U.S. issues. The article co...
{"title":"Korean issues in U.S.-China relations 1990–2010","authors":"Eric A. McVadon","doi":"10.1080/10163271003744413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271003744413","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Korean issues in recent history and current affairs have been a remarkable and varied factor with respect to global and regional security and in relations between the United States and China—arguably the most important bilateral relationship in today's world. The extraordinary events and remarkable developments that compose this saga merit review, including many forgotten, unknown, or ignored developments and details. This examination is based on the author's experiences in various capacities, official and independent, over two decades. Much of it derives from his extensive contacts, conversations, and candid exchanges with People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of Korea (ROK) government officials, military officers (active and retired), think-tankers, and other scholars and specialists. It describes the ups and downs of relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and encompasses ROK-PRC and ROK-U.S. issues. The article co...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"141-162"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271003744413","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59806788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-06-10DOI: 10.1080/10163271003750527
Jia Qingguo
Abstract The election of an opposition party candidate into the White House usually leads to friction between China and the United States. This paper argues that Barack Obama's election will serve as an exception. Instead of taking a harsher line on China, President Obama would inherit many of Bush's pragmatic policies on China. This has already been proven by the stable development of relations between the two countries during the better part of Obama's first year in office. However, by the end of the year, relations between China and the United States appeared to be heading into some troubled waters. This paper begins with some thoughts on the election of an opposition candidate in general and that of Obama in particular in terms of its impact on China-U.S. relations. Then, it discusses the opportunities and challenges the election of Obama posed to China-U.S. relations. Afterward, it comes up with some speculations on the prospects for China-U.S. relations. And finally, it makes a preliminary assessmen...
{"title":"Exception to the rule: the Obama administration and China-U.S. relations","authors":"Jia Qingguo","doi":"10.1080/10163271003750527","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10163271003750527","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The election of an opposition party candidate into the White House usually leads to friction between China and the United States. This paper argues that Barack Obama's election will serve as an exception. Instead of taking a harsher line on China, President Obama would inherit many of Bush's pragmatic policies on China. This has already been proven by the stable development of relations between the two countries during the better part of Obama's first year in office. However, by the end of the year, relations between China and the United States appeared to be heading into some troubled waters. This paper begins with some thoughts on the election of an opposition candidate in general and that of Obama in particular in terms of its impact on China-U.S. relations. Then, it discusses the opportunities and challenges the election of Obama posed to China-U.S. relations. Afterward, it comes up with some speculations on the prospects for China-U.S. relations. And finally, it makes a preliminary assessmen...","PeriodicalId":43274,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of Defense Analysis","volume":"22 1","pages":"249-264"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2010-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10163271003750527","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59807080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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