Pub Date : 2023-05-17DOI: 10.1163/19552629-15020006
Jeff Good
Commonly recommended methods for documenting endangered languages are built around the assumption that a given documentary project will focus on a single language rather than a multilingual ecology. This hinders the potential usability of documentary materials for the study of language contact. Research in domains such as ethnography and sociolinguistics has developed conceptual and analytical tools for understanding patterns of multilingual usage, but the insights of such work have yet to be translated into concrete recommendations for enhancements to documentary practice. This paper considers how standard documentary approaches can be adapted to multilingual contexts with respect to activities such as the collection of metadata, the use of ethnographic methods, and the recording and annotation of naturalistic multilingual discourse. A particular focus of the discussion are ways in which documentary projects can create better records of multilingual practices even if these are not the focus of the work.
{"title":"Adapting Methods of Language Documentation To Multilingual Settings","authors":"Jeff Good","doi":"10.1163/19552629-15020006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-15020006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Commonly recommended methods for documenting endangered languages are built around the assumption that a given documentary project will focus on a single language rather than a multilingual ecology. This hinders the potential usability of documentary materials for the study of language contact. Research in domains such as ethnography and sociolinguistics has developed conceptual and analytical tools for understanding patterns of multilingual usage, but the insights of such work have yet to be translated into concrete recommendations for enhancements to documentary practice. This paper considers how standard documentary approaches can be adapted to multilingual contexts with respect to activities such as the collection of metadata, the use of ethnographic methods, and the recording and annotation of naturalistic multilingual discourse. A particular focus of the discussion are ways in which documentary projects can create better records of multilingual practices even if these are not the focus of the work.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84321745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-17DOI: 10.1163/19552629-15020002
Paul V. Kroskrity
Data from long-term research in two ideologically divergent Native American linguistic communities demonstrate the importance, first, of indigenous multilingualisms and, second, of distinctive ideologies of multilingualism in shaping the divergent language contact outcomes and practices of those communities as they adapted to such forces as economic incorporation, colonization, assimilationist policies, and later decolonization and attempted language revitalization. Indigenous ideological differences in these communities were key factors in producing divergent patterns of language shift as well as in community efforts to document and revitalize their respective heritage languages. The Village of Tewa (NE Arizona) still partially retains a multilingual adaptation in all generations except youth and young adults (Kroskrity, 1993; 2014). The Western Mono (Central California) were traditionally multilingual with neighboring languages of the Yokuts and Southern Sierra Miwok groups (Kroskrity, 2009a). Though both groups were historically multilingual, multilingual practices were differentially influenced by distinctive language ideologies such as those emphasizing purism/syncretism and the expressive/utilitarian functions of language. This observation suggests the importance of understanding indigenous multilingualisms and their consequences for language contact within their language ideological assemblages (Kroskrity, 2018).
{"title":"Multilingual Language Ideological Assemblages: Language Contact, Documentation and Revitalization","authors":"Paul V. Kroskrity","doi":"10.1163/19552629-15020002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-15020002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Data from long-term research in two ideologically divergent Native American linguistic communities demonstrate the importance, first, of indigenous multilingualisms and, second, of distinctive ideologies of multilingualism in shaping the divergent language contact outcomes and practices of those communities as they adapted to such forces as economic incorporation, colonization, assimilationist policies, and later decolonization and attempted language revitalization. Indigenous ideological differences in these communities were key factors in producing divergent patterns of language shift as well as in community efforts to document and revitalize their respective heritage languages. The Village of Tewa (NE Arizona) still partially retains a multilingual adaptation in all generations except youth and young adults (Kroskrity, 1993; 2014). The Western Mono (Central California) were traditionally multilingual with neighboring languages of the Yokuts and Southern Sierra Miwok groups (Kroskrity, 2009a). Though both groups were historically multilingual, multilingual practices were differentially influenced by distinctive language ideologies such as those emphasizing purism/syncretism and the expressive/utilitarian functions of language. This observation suggests the importance of understanding indigenous multilingualisms and their consequences for language contact within their language ideological assemblages (Kroskrity, 2018).","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87064007","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1163/19552629-bja10038
Szymon Gruda
The paper presents an analysis of Nahuatl coinages for six artifacts: ‘bicycle,’ ‘car,’ ‘clock,’ ‘key,’ ‘pen,’ and ‘umbrella,’ as attested in interviews with speakers from four communities in Mexico. These artifacts have been selected because of their shared characteristics: the terms for them do not belong to the core vocabulary; they tend to be referred to with Spanish loanwords or with terms created ad hoc using descriptive phrases; the non-borrowed terminology for them is highly varied. The analysis reveals that, despite the ongoing process of language shift and pervasive borrowing from Spanish, new terminology continues to be created in Nahuatl both innovatively and according to established patterns of word formation inherited from previous stages of language contact. This suggests that even a situation of language marginalization, displacement and massive substitutive borrowing, does not impair speakers’ ability to create new lexemes according to established patterns, or the ability to innovate morphosemantic patterns.
{"title":"Continuity and Change in Modern Nahuatl Word Formation","authors":"Szymon Gruda","doi":"10.1163/19552629-bja10038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-bja10038","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The paper presents an analysis of Nahuatl coinages for six artifacts: ‘bicycle,’ ‘car,’ ‘clock,’ ‘key,’ ‘pen,’ and ‘umbrella,’ as attested in interviews with speakers from four communities in Mexico. These artifacts have been selected because of their shared characteristics: the terms for them do not belong to the core vocabulary; they tend to be referred to with Spanish loanwords or with terms created ad hoc using descriptive phrases; the non-borrowed terminology for them is highly varied. The analysis reveals that, despite the ongoing process of language shift and pervasive borrowing from Spanish, new terminology continues to be created in Nahuatl both innovatively and according to established patterns of word formation inherited from previous stages of language contact. This suggests that even a situation of language marginalization, displacement and massive substitutive borrowing, does not impair speakers’ ability to create new lexemes according to established patterns, or the ability to innovate morphosemantic patterns.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91135908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1163/19552629-15010005
M. Barking, A. Backus, Maria Mos
Bilingual speakers of typologically closely related languages tend to frequently experience language transfer, which suggests that similarity between languages is likely to play an important role in the transfer process. In this paper, we explore how three different types of similarity affect transfer of light verb constructions (lvc s), such as take a walk or set an alarm, from Dutch to German by native German speakers living in the Netherlands, namely: (a) similarity to existing constructions, (b) surface similarity based on whether the noun in the lvc is a cognate in Dutch and German, and (c) similarity in the light verb’s collocational contexts. The results suggest that all three types of similarity influence transfer: speakers add similar constructions to their language and they drop existing ones that happen to be less similar, ultimately facilitating convergence across the speakers’ languages.
{"title":"Similarity in Language Transfer – Investigating Transfer of Light Verb Constructions From Dutch to German","authors":"M. Barking, A. Backus, Maria Mos","doi":"10.1163/19552629-15010005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-15010005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Bilingual speakers of typologically closely related languages tend to frequently experience language transfer, which suggests that similarity between languages is likely to play an important role in the transfer process. In this paper, we explore how three different types of similarity affect transfer of light verb constructions (lvc s), such as take a walk or set an alarm, from Dutch to German by native German speakers living in the Netherlands, namely: (a) similarity to existing constructions, (b) surface similarity based on whether the noun in the lvc is a cognate in Dutch and German, and (c) similarity in the light verb’s collocational contexts. The results suggest that all three types of similarity influence transfer: speakers add similar constructions to their language and they drop existing ones that happen to be less similar, ultimately facilitating convergence across the speakers’ languages.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83840228","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1163/19552629-15010006
Víctor Fernández-Mallat, M. Newman
This study uses an innovative translation task method to explore second person singular (2ps) address patterns in New York City Spanish (nycs), a new dialect that formed in contact with English and among multiple dialects of Spanish. Results reveal more continuity than disruption in address choice with source varieties of Spanish, unlike some other diasporic language communities that show radical simplification in address systems. However, there was acceleration of trends found in most Spanish-speaking regions with greater use of the familiar tuteo variant over the formal ustedeo in apparent time. Our findings also point to spending adolescence in nyc as a key predictor of conformity to nycs patterns. This finding contrasts with studies of formal features in new dialect formation that have found middle childhood to be when conformity to local patterns mostly occurs.
{"title":"Continuity and Change in New Dialect Formation: Tú vs. Usted in New York City Spanish","authors":"Víctor Fernández-Mallat, M. Newman","doi":"10.1163/19552629-15010006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-15010006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study uses an innovative translation task method to explore second person singular (2ps) address patterns in New York City Spanish (nycs), a new dialect that formed in contact with English and among multiple dialects of Spanish. Results reveal more continuity than disruption in address choice with source varieties of Spanish, unlike some other diasporic language communities that show radical simplification in address systems. However, there was acceleration of trends found in most Spanish-speaking regions with greater use of the familiar tuteo variant over the formal ustedeo in apparent time. Our findings also point to spending adolescence in nyc as a key predictor of conformity to nycs patterns. This finding contrasts with studies of formal features in new dialect formation that have found middle childhood to be when conformity to local patterns mostly occurs.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77526240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1163/19552629-15010001
Jesús Francisco Olguín Martinéz
It is now clear that languages not-genetically related can come to share syntactic structures that were not necessarily borrowed directly in their modern forms. Although it can be challenging to spot these structures, striking similarities in certain patterns and in fine details of usage may shed light on this process. Not only may spotting the patterns be a difficult task, but also establishing the source of diffusion of a trait (i.e., who passed it to whom). These points are illustrated here with constructions termed ‘adverbial clauses’. Examples are drawn from Mixtec languages. The analysis focuses on six types of adverbial clauses. In particular, it is explained how several Mixtec adverbial clause-linking strategies may have spread to Huasteca Nahuatl (Uto-Aztecan) and vice versa.
{"title":"Contact-Induced Language Change: the Case of Mixtec Adverbial Clauses","authors":"Jesús Francisco Olguín Martinéz","doi":"10.1163/19552629-15010001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-15010001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 It is now clear that languages not-genetically related can come to share syntactic structures that were not necessarily borrowed directly in their modern forms. Although it can be challenging to spot these structures, striking similarities in certain patterns and in fine details of usage may shed light on this process. Not only may spotting the patterns be a difficult task, but also establishing the source of diffusion of a trait (i.e., who passed it to whom). These points are illustrated here with constructions termed ‘adverbial clauses’. Examples are drawn from Mixtec languages. The analysis focuses on six types of adverbial clauses. In particular, it is explained how several Mixtec adverbial clause-linking strategies may have spread to Huasteca Nahuatl (Uto-Aztecan) and vice versa.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83087604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1163/19552629-15010003
Afifa Eve Kheir
Israbic is a language variety that is spoken by a majority of the Druze community in Israel and is characterised by a mixture of Israeli Hebrew and Palestinian Arabic. Longitudinal data of Palestinian Arabic/Israeli Hebrew code-switching from the Israeli Druze community collected in 2000, 2017 and 2018 indicate that Israbic went through a gradual process of language mixing. The process started with code-switching, was followed by a composite matrix language formation and ultimately resulted in a mixed language. Some linguists (see Backus, 2003; Bakker, 2003) claim that mixed languages cannot arise out of code-switching. Conversely, others (see Auer, 1999; Myers-Scotton, 2003) have proposed theoretical models to mixed languages as outcomes of code-switching, and some (see McConvell, 2008; McConvel and Meakins, 2005; Meakins, 2012; O’Shannessy, 2012) have provided empirical evidence under which mixed languages arise out of code-switching. This research sought to gather further empirical evidence showing that Israbic is another mixed language that arose out of code-switching. This study also wished to emphasise the uniqueness of Israbic, which is a mixture of closely related languages. Such mixtures are scarce in the literature (Auer, 2014). An examination of Israbic in relation to Auer’s and Myers-Scotton’s models and general definitions in the literature and comparisons of Israbic with other widely accepted mixed languages reveals that Israbic is an excellent example of a mixed language. However, such models and definitions are based on existing languages that have been subject to discussion in the literature. Of these languages, the majority arose from contact between languages from different language families, whereas this study is concerned with investigating a mixed language from the same language family. Thus, this raises the question as to whether such concepts have the same validity for closely related languages.
{"title":"Passing the Test of Split: Israbic-A New Mixed Language","authors":"Afifa Eve Kheir","doi":"10.1163/19552629-15010003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-15010003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Israbic is a language variety that is spoken by a majority of the Druze community in Israel and is characterised by a mixture of Israeli Hebrew and Palestinian Arabic. Longitudinal data of Palestinian Arabic/Israeli Hebrew code-switching from the Israeli Druze community collected in 2000, 2017 and 2018 indicate that Israbic went through a gradual process of language mixing. The process started with code-switching, was followed by a composite matrix language formation and ultimately resulted in a mixed language. Some linguists (see Backus, 2003; Bakker, 2003) claim that mixed languages cannot arise out of code-switching. Conversely, others (see Auer, 1999; Myers-Scotton, 2003) have proposed theoretical models to mixed languages as outcomes of code-switching, and some (see McConvell, 2008; McConvel and Meakins, 2005; Meakins, 2012; O’Shannessy, 2012) have provided empirical evidence under which mixed languages arise out of code-switching. This research sought to gather further empirical evidence showing that Israbic is another mixed language that arose out of code-switching. This study also wished to emphasise the uniqueness of Israbic, which is a mixture of closely related languages. Such mixtures are scarce in the literature (Auer, 2014). An examination of Israbic in relation to Auer’s and Myers-Scotton’s models and general definitions in the literature and comparisons of Israbic with other widely accepted mixed languages reveals that Israbic is an excellent example of a mixed language. However, such models and definitions are based on existing languages that have been subject to discussion in the literature. Of these languages, the majority arose from contact between languages from different language families, whereas this study is concerned with investigating a mixed language from the same language family. Thus, this raises the question as to whether such concepts have the same validity for closely related languages.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84888265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1163/19552629-15010004
Mikael Parkvall, B. Jacobs
This paper investigates the origins of Guianese French Creole. Whereas the existing literature assumes Guianese was formed in situ, we argue the creole is in fact genetically related to Lesser Antillean French Creole. We support our hypothesis by means of a range of comparative linguistic data. Furthermore, a historical framework is provided that accounts for linguistic transfer from the Lesser Antilles to French Guiana in the second half of the 17th century.
{"title":"The Lesser Antillean Origins of Guianese","authors":"Mikael Parkvall, B. Jacobs","doi":"10.1163/19552629-15010004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-15010004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper investigates the origins of Guianese French Creole. Whereas the existing literature assumes Guianese was formed in situ, we argue the creole is in fact genetically related to Lesser Antillean French Creole. We support our hypothesis by means of a range of comparative linguistic data. Furthermore, a historical framework is provided that accounts for linguistic transfer from the Lesser Antilles to French Guiana in the second half of the 17th century.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84151071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1163/19552629-14030001
Mikel Martínez-Areta
Basque is the only non-Indo-European language in western Europe. This fact, and particularly its ergative alignment, make its morphosyntactic structure and its verb different from those of Standard Average European. However, the massive and prolonged influence which Basque has received first from Latin and later from Romance has conditioned the layout of the analytic vps (the open type) in a very curious way. Since Basque synthetic verbs have a template of the type S-vb.root for intransitives and O-vb.root-A for transitives, as opposed to vb.root-A/S for any kind of verb in sae, lexical borrowing of verbs from Latin was impossible. A solution arose when the old periphrastic resultative perfect was grammaticalized in Late Latin as the primary expression of the perfect. This form distinguished intransitive and transitive verbs, so it served as an entry point for Latin and Romance verbal lexicon into Basque, by means of autochthonous auxiliaries.
{"title":"Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax","authors":"Mikel Martínez-Areta","doi":"10.1163/19552629-14030001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14030001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Basque is the only non-Indo-European language in western Europe. This fact, and particularly its ergative alignment, make its morphosyntactic structure and its verb different from those of Standard Average European. However, the massive and prolonged influence which Basque has received first from Latin and later from Romance has conditioned the layout of the analytic vps (the open type) in a very curious way. Since Basque synthetic verbs have a template of the type S-vb.root for intransitives and O-vb.root-A for transitives, as opposed to vb.root-A/S for any kind of verb in sae, lexical borrowing of verbs from Latin was impossible. A solution arose when the old periphrastic resultative perfect was grammaticalized in Late Latin as the primary expression of the perfect. This form distinguished intransitive and transitive verbs, so it served as an entry point for Latin and Romance verbal lexicon into Basque, by means of autochthonous auxiliaries.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82155294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1163/19552629-14030007
Michał Németh
This article is a continuation of the analysis of the Karaim -p edi- past tense presented, for the first time in scholarly literature, in Németh (2015). In the latter paper, this verbal category was described on the basis of a few South-Western Karaim examples, only, and was termed plusquamperfectum ii. In this paper the description of its semantic scope has been refined based on an analysis of recently discovered North- and South-Western Karaim examples as well as on a further evaluation of Turkic (including Eastern Karaim) data. Importantly, it is argued that the practice of (also) expressing habitual events by means of this verbal category (which is quite an unusual feature in the Turkic linguistic world) is a consequence of contact-linguistic factors, namely the influence of the Polish language, in which Western Karaims were (and still are) proficient. Finally, to obtain a complete picture of its evolution the -p edi- pluperfect is placed in the broader context of the Karaim past tense system. Following Németh (2015) and Németh (2019), this paper is the third in a series of articles introducing previously undocumented grammatical categories of Western Karaim.
{"title":"A Historical Morphology of Western Karaim: The Two Pluperfect Tenses in Diachronic and Areal Perspective","authors":"Michał Németh","doi":"10.1163/19552629-14030007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14030007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article is a continuation of the analysis of the Karaim -p edi- past tense presented, for the first time in scholarly literature, in Németh (2015). In the latter paper, this verbal category was described on the basis of a few South-Western Karaim examples, only, and was termed plusquamperfectum\u0000 ii. In this paper the description of its semantic scope has been refined based on an analysis of recently discovered North- and South-Western Karaim examples as well as on a further evaluation of Turkic (including Eastern Karaim) data. Importantly, it is argued that the practice of (also) expressing habitual events by means of this verbal category (which is quite an unusual feature in the Turkic linguistic world) is a consequence of contact-linguistic factors, namely the influence of the Polish language, in which Western Karaims were (and still are) proficient. Finally, to obtain a complete picture of its evolution the -p edi- pluperfect is placed in the broader context of the Karaim past tense system. Following Németh (2015) and Németh (2019), this paper is the third in a series of articles introducing previously undocumented grammatical categories of Western Karaim.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81058970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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