Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1163/19552629-15010006
Víctor Fernández-Mallat, M. Newman
This study uses an innovative translation task method to explore second person singular (2ps) address patterns in New York City Spanish (nycs), a new dialect that formed in contact with English and among multiple dialects of Spanish. Results reveal more continuity than disruption in address choice with source varieties of Spanish, unlike some other diasporic language communities that show radical simplification in address systems. However, there was acceleration of trends found in most Spanish-speaking regions with greater use of the familiar tuteo variant over the formal ustedeo in apparent time. Our findings also point to spending adolescence in nyc as a key predictor of conformity to nycs patterns. This finding contrasts with studies of formal features in new dialect formation that have found middle childhood to be when conformity to local patterns mostly occurs.
{"title":"Continuity and Change in New Dialect Formation: Tú vs. Usted in New York City Spanish","authors":"Víctor Fernández-Mallat, M. Newman","doi":"10.1163/19552629-15010006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-15010006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study uses an innovative translation task method to explore second person singular (2ps) address patterns in New York City Spanish (nycs), a new dialect that formed in contact with English and among multiple dialects of Spanish. Results reveal more continuity than disruption in address choice with source varieties of Spanish, unlike some other diasporic language communities that show radical simplification in address systems. However, there was acceleration of trends found in most Spanish-speaking regions with greater use of the familiar tuteo variant over the formal ustedeo in apparent time. Our findings also point to spending adolescence in nyc as a key predictor of conformity to nycs patterns. This finding contrasts with studies of formal features in new dialect formation that have found middle childhood to be when conformity to local patterns mostly occurs.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77526240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1163/19552629-15010001
Jesús Francisco Olguín Martinéz
It is now clear that languages not-genetically related can come to share syntactic structures that were not necessarily borrowed directly in their modern forms. Although it can be challenging to spot these structures, striking similarities in certain patterns and in fine details of usage may shed light on this process. Not only may spotting the patterns be a difficult task, but also establishing the source of diffusion of a trait (i.e., who passed it to whom). These points are illustrated here with constructions termed ‘adverbial clauses’. Examples are drawn from Mixtec languages. The analysis focuses on six types of adverbial clauses. In particular, it is explained how several Mixtec adverbial clause-linking strategies may have spread to Huasteca Nahuatl (Uto-Aztecan) and vice versa.
{"title":"Contact-Induced Language Change: the Case of Mixtec Adverbial Clauses","authors":"Jesús Francisco Olguín Martinéz","doi":"10.1163/19552629-15010001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-15010001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 It is now clear that languages not-genetically related can come to share syntactic structures that were not necessarily borrowed directly in their modern forms. Although it can be challenging to spot these structures, striking similarities in certain patterns and in fine details of usage may shed light on this process. Not only may spotting the patterns be a difficult task, but also establishing the source of diffusion of a trait (i.e., who passed it to whom). These points are illustrated here with constructions termed ‘adverbial clauses’. Examples are drawn from Mixtec languages. The analysis focuses on six types of adverbial clauses. In particular, it is explained how several Mixtec adverbial clause-linking strategies may have spread to Huasteca Nahuatl (Uto-Aztecan) and vice versa.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83087604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1163/19552629-15010003
Afifa Eve Kheir
Israbic is a language variety that is spoken by a majority of the Druze community in Israel and is characterised by a mixture of Israeli Hebrew and Palestinian Arabic. Longitudinal data of Palestinian Arabic/Israeli Hebrew code-switching from the Israeli Druze community collected in 2000, 2017 and 2018 indicate that Israbic went through a gradual process of language mixing. The process started with code-switching, was followed by a composite matrix language formation and ultimately resulted in a mixed language. Some linguists (see Backus, 2003; Bakker, 2003) claim that mixed languages cannot arise out of code-switching. Conversely, others (see Auer, 1999; Myers-Scotton, 2003) have proposed theoretical models to mixed languages as outcomes of code-switching, and some (see McConvell, 2008; McConvel and Meakins, 2005; Meakins, 2012; O’Shannessy, 2012) have provided empirical evidence under which mixed languages arise out of code-switching. This research sought to gather further empirical evidence showing that Israbic is another mixed language that arose out of code-switching. This study also wished to emphasise the uniqueness of Israbic, which is a mixture of closely related languages. Such mixtures are scarce in the literature (Auer, 2014). An examination of Israbic in relation to Auer’s and Myers-Scotton’s models and general definitions in the literature and comparisons of Israbic with other widely accepted mixed languages reveals that Israbic is an excellent example of a mixed language. However, such models and definitions are based on existing languages that have been subject to discussion in the literature. Of these languages, the majority arose from contact between languages from different language families, whereas this study is concerned with investigating a mixed language from the same language family. Thus, this raises the question as to whether such concepts have the same validity for closely related languages.
{"title":"Passing the Test of Split: Israbic-A New Mixed Language","authors":"Afifa Eve Kheir","doi":"10.1163/19552629-15010003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-15010003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Israbic is a language variety that is spoken by a majority of the Druze community in Israel and is characterised by a mixture of Israeli Hebrew and Palestinian Arabic. Longitudinal data of Palestinian Arabic/Israeli Hebrew code-switching from the Israeli Druze community collected in 2000, 2017 and 2018 indicate that Israbic went through a gradual process of language mixing. The process started with code-switching, was followed by a composite matrix language formation and ultimately resulted in a mixed language. Some linguists (see Backus, 2003; Bakker, 2003) claim that mixed languages cannot arise out of code-switching. Conversely, others (see Auer, 1999; Myers-Scotton, 2003) have proposed theoretical models to mixed languages as outcomes of code-switching, and some (see McConvell, 2008; McConvel and Meakins, 2005; Meakins, 2012; O’Shannessy, 2012) have provided empirical evidence under which mixed languages arise out of code-switching. This research sought to gather further empirical evidence showing that Israbic is another mixed language that arose out of code-switching. This study also wished to emphasise the uniqueness of Israbic, which is a mixture of closely related languages. Such mixtures are scarce in the literature (Auer, 2014). An examination of Israbic in relation to Auer’s and Myers-Scotton’s models and general definitions in the literature and comparisons of Israbic with other widely accepted mixed languages reveals that Israbic is an excellent example of a mixed language. However, such models and definitions are based on existing languages that have been subject to discussion in the literature. Of these languages, the majority arose from contact between languages from different language families, whereas this study is concerned with investigating a mixed language from the same language family. Thus, this raises the question as to whether such concepts have the same validity for closely related languages.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84888265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1163/19552629-15010004
Mikael Parkvall, B. Jacobs
This paper investigates the origins of Guianese French Creole. Whereas the existing literature assumes Guianese was formed in situ, we argue the creole is in fact genetically related to Lesser Antillean French Creole. We support our hypothesis by means of a range of comparative linguistic data. Furthermore, a historical framework is provided that accounts for linguistic transfer from the Lesser Antilles to French Guiana in the second half of the 17th century.
{"title":"The Lesser Antillean Origins of Guianese","authors":"Mikael Parkvall, B. Jacobs","doi":"10.1163/19552629-15010004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-15010004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper investigates the origins of Guianese French Creole. Whereas the existing literature assumes Guianese was formed in situ, we argue the creole is in fact genetically related to Lesser Antillean French Creole. We support our hypothesis by means of a range of comparative linguistic data. Furthermore, a historical framework is provided that accounts for linguistic transfer from the Lesser Antilles to French Guiana in the second half of the 17th century.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":"72 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84151071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1163/19552629-14030001
Mikel Martínez-Areta
Basque is the only non-Indo-European language in western Europe. This fact, and particularly its ergative alignment, make its morphosyntactic structure and its verb different from those of Standard Average European. However, the massive and prolonged influence which Basque has received first from Latin and later from Romance has conditioned the layout of the analytic vps (the open type) in a very curious way. Since Basque synthetic verbs have a template of the type S-vb.root for intransitives and O-vb.root-A for transitives, as opposed to vb.root-A/S for any kind of verb in sae, lexical borrowing of verbs from Latin was impossible. A solution arose when the old periphrastic resultative perfect was grammaticalized in Late Latin as the primary expression of the perfect. This form distinguished intransitive and transitive verbs, so it served as an entry point for Latin and Romance verbal lexicon into Basque, by means of autochthonous auxiliaries.
{"title":"Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax","authors":"Mikel Martínez-Areta","doi":"10.1163/19552629-14030001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14030001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Basque is the only non-Indo-European language in western Europe. This fact, and particularly its ergative alignment, make its morphosyntactic structure and its verb different from those of Standard Average European. However, the massive and prolonged influence which Basque has received first from Latin and later from Romance has conditioned the layout of the analytic vps (the open type) in a very curious way. Since Basque synthetic verbs have a template of the type S-vb.root for intransitives and O-vb.root-A for transitives, as opposed to vb.root-A/S for any kind of verb in sae, lexical borrowing of verbs from Latin was impossible. A solution arose when the old periphrastic resultative perfect was grammaticalized in Late Latin as the primary expression of the perfect. This form distinguished intransitive and transitive verbs, so it served as an entry point for Latin and Romance verbal lexicon into Basque, by means of autochthonous auxiliaries.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82155294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1163/19552629-14030007
Michał Németh
This article is a continuation of the analysis of the Karaim -p edi- past tense presented, for the first time in scholarly literature, in Németh (2015). In the latter paper, this verbal category was described on the basis of a few South-Western Karaim examples, only, and was termed plusquamperfectum ii. In this paper the description of its semantic scope has been refined based on an analysis of recently discovered North- and South-Western Karaim examples as well as on a further evaluation of Turkic (including Eastern Karaim) data. Importantly, it is argued that the practice of (also) expressing habitual events by means of this verbal category (which is quite an unusual feature in the Turkic linguistic world) is a consequence of contact-linguistic factors, namely the influence of the Polish language, in which Western Karaims were (and still are) proficient. Finally, to obtain a complete picture of its evolution the -p edi- pluperfect is placed in the broader context of the Karaim past tense system. Following Németh (2015) and Németh (2019), this paper is the third in a series of articles introducing previously undocumented grammatical categories of Western Karaim.
{"title":"A Historical Morphology of Western Karaim: The Two Pluperfect Tenses in Diachronic and Areal Perspective","authors":"Michał Németh","doi":"10.1163/19552629-14030007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14030007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article is a continuation of the analysis of the Karaim -p edi- past tense presented, for the first time in scholarly literature, in Németh (2015). In the latter paper, this verbal category was described on the basis of a few South-Western Karaim examples, only, and was termed plusquamperfectum\u0000 ii. In this paper the description of its semantic scope has been refined based on an analysis of recently discovered North- and South-Western Karaim examples as well as on a further evaluation of Turkic (including Eastern Karaim) data. Importantly, it is argued that the practice of (also) expressing habitual events by means of this verbal category (which is quite an unusual feature in the Turkic linguistic world) is a consequence of contact-linguistic factors, namely the influence of the Polish language, in which Western Karaims were (and still are) proficient. Finally, to obtain a complete picture of its evolution the -p edi- pluperfect is placed in the broader context of the Karaim past tense system. Following Németh (2015) and Németh (2019), this paper is the third in a series of articles introducing previously undocumented grammatical categories of Western Karaim.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81058970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1163/19552629-14030005
Justin Pinta
This article provides qualitative and quantitative analyses of variable gender agreement in Correntino Spanish, the variety of Spanish spoken by both Spanish-Guarani bilinguals and Correntino Spanish monolinguals in the province of Corrientes, Argentina. Drawing on data collected from fieldwork in the province, it will be shown that this variation is conditioned by distance effects and modifier class. Synchronic gender agreement variation in Correntino Spanish is attributed to diachronic source language agentivity effects (Van Coetsem, 1988) given the lack of gender inflection in Guarani. This phenomenon would be unsurprising as a contact effect if found synchronically only in bilinguals; however, its occurrence in monolinguals sets it aside as a rare instance of variable gender agreement in monolingual Spanish. This loosening of gender agreement mirrors the development of gender in Argentine Guarani (Cerno, 2010), and these phenomena taken together shed light on the malleability of gender systems under situations of intense language contact. Together they provide a valuable example of mutual contact-induced changes in gender systems.
{"title":"Gender Agreement in Correntino Spanish","authors":"Justin Pinta","doi":"10.1163/19552629-14030005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14030005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article provides qualitative and quantitative analyses of variable gender agreement in Correntino Spanish, the variety of Spanish spoken by both Spanish-Guarani bilinguals and Correntino Spanish monolinguals in the province of Corrientes, Argentina. Drawing on data collected from fieldwork in the province, it will be shown that this variation is conditioned by distance effects and modifier class. Synchronic gender agreement variation in Correntino Spanish is attributed to diachronic source language agentivity effects (Van Coetsem, 1988) given the lack of gender inflection in Guarani. This phenomenon would be unsurprising as a contact effect if found synchronically only in bilinguals; however, its occurrence in monolinguals sets it aside as a rare instance of variable gender agreement in monolingual Spanish. This loosening of gender agreement mirrors the development of gender in Argentine Guarani (Cerno, 2010), and these phenomena taken together shed light on the malleability of gender systems under situations of intense language contact. Together they provide a valuable example of mutual contact-induced changes in gender systems.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":"92 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90723579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1163/19552629-14030006
Susanna Tavi, Lauri Tavi
This paper investigates the lexical similarities and formation of neologisms of two written standard varieties of Karelian, North and Livvi Karelian, spoken in the Republic of Karelia, Russia. Firstly, a naïve Bayes statistical model was generated to classify North and Livvi Karelian newspaper texts automatically. Secondly, the word formation strategies of neologisms from the classified newspaper texts were studied. The strategies between the two varieties were compared in terms of the code-copying framework. The results from the automatic classification and the investigation of neologisms show that the standards differ in lexicon and phonology, but the strategies of forming neologisms are similar: the most common strategy is to form words by language-internal means, and the other strategies are selective and global copying from Finnish, Russian, and English. The similar strategies in both standards suggest similar language planning.
{"title":"Vocabulary-Based Classification and Contact-Induced Formation of Neologisms in Two Standard Varieties of Karelian","authors":"Susanna Tavi, Lauri Tavi","doi":"10.1163/19552629-14030006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14030006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper investigates the lexical similarities and formation of neologisms of two written standard varieties of Karelian, North and Livvi Karelian, spoken in the Republic of Karelia, Russia. Firstly, a naïve Bayes statistical model was generated to classify North and Livvi Karelian newspaper texts automatically. Secondly, the word formation strategies of neologisms from the classified newspaper texts were studied. The strategies between the two varieties were compared in terms of the code-copying framework. The results from the automatic classification and the investigation of neologisms show that the standards differ in lexicon and phonology, but the strategies of forming neologisms are similar: the most common strategy is to form words by language-internal means, and the other strategies are selective and global copying from Finnish, Russian, and English. The similar strategies in both standards suggest similar language planning.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":"398 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76689613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1163/19552629-14030003
G. Arcodia
Macanese, the near-extinct Portuguese creole of Macao, is an Asian Portuguese Creole language closely related to Malaccan Papia Kristang. In this paper, I argue that a distinctive feature of Macanese vis-à-vis other Asian Portuguese Creoles is its system of negation; specifically, its usage of the negators nunca and nádi. Negators deriving from Portuguese nunca ‘never’ and não há-de ‘shall not’ are attested in several Asian Portuguese Creoles: while their usage varies considerably, the former usually acts as the negator for realis predicates, whereas the latter typically negates irrealis predicates. In this paper I argue that, differently from other Asian Portuguese Creoles, Macanese nunca is also the only available negator for adjectival and nominal predicates, independently from tam features. Through a comparison with other Asian Portuguese creoles, and with the adstrates and substrates of Macanese, I also discuss the possible origin of these features.
澳门葡语是一种近乎灭绝的澳门葡萄牙克里奥尔语，是一种与马六甲语密切相关的亚洲葡萄牙克里奥尔语。本文认为澳门葡语相对于-à-vis其他亚洲葡萄牙克里奥尔语的一个显著特征是其否定体系;具体来说，它对否定词nunca和nádi的使用。否定词来源于葡萄牙语nunca (never)和n o há-de (shall not)，在几个亚洲葡萄牙克里奥尔语中得到证实:尽管它们的用法差异很大，前者通常用作现实谓词的否定词，而后者通常用于否定非现实谓词。在本文中，我认为，与其他亚洲葡萄牙克里奥尔语不同，澳门葡语的nunca也是唯一可用于形容词和名义谓词的否定词，独立于tam特征。通过与其他亚洲葡萄牙克里奥尔语的比较，以及与澳门葡语的行政和基板的比较，我也讨论了这些特征的可能起源。
{"title":"Macanese Negation in Comparative Perspective: Typology and Ecology","authors":"G. Arcodia","doi":"10.1163/19552629-14030003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14030003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Macanese, the near-extinct Portuguese creole of Macao, is an Asian Portuguese Creole language closely related to Malaccan Papia Kristang. In this paper, I argue that a distinctive feature of Macanese vis-à-vis other Asian Portuguese Creoles is its system of negation; specifically, its usage of the negators nunca and nádi. Negators deriving from Portuguese nunca ‘never’ and não há-de ‘shall not’ are attested in several Asian Portuguese Creoles: while their usage varies considerably, the former usually acts as the negator for realis predicates, whereas the latter typically negates irrealis predicates. In this paper I argue that, differently from other Asian Portuguese Creoles, Macanese nunca is also the only available negator for adjectival and nominal predicates, independently from tam features. Through a comparison with other Asian Portuguese creoles, and with the adstrates and substrates of Macanese, I also discuss the possible origin of these features.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":"257 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77133702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1163/19552629-14030004
Melanie Uth
This paper provides a comparative analysis of word-final nasals in Yucatecan Spanish and Yucatec Maya based on speech data from Quintana Roo (Mexico). In Yucatecan Spanish, a nasal is often pronounced as [m] if placed at the end of a word (e.g., Yucatá[m] instead of Yucatá[n]). Since this phenomenon is widespread on the Yucatán Peninsula, but largely unknown in other Spanish-speaking regions, it is often linked to the influence of the indigenous language Yucatec Maya. Our Spanish dataset differs from our Yucatec Mayan one in that the labialization rate significantly increases with the length of the subsequent pause in the former, but not in the latter. Thus, even if the feature was originally transferred from Yucatec Maya to Spanish, it seems that it has taken on a life of its own in Yucatecan Spanish, determined by its function as a marker of prosodic prominence.
{"title":"Labialization of Word-Final Nasals in Yucatecan Spanish and Yucatec Maya: Language Contact, Prosodic Prominence Marking, and Local Identity","authors":"Melanie Uth","doi":"10.1163/19552629-14030004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14030004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper provides a comparative analysis of word-final nasals in Yucatecan Spanish and Yucatec Maya based on speech data from Quintana Roo (Mexico). In Yucatecan Spanish, a nasal is often pronounced as [m] if placed at the end of a word (e.g., Yucatá[m] instead of Yucatá[n]). Since this phenomenon is widespread on the Yucatán Peninsula, but largely unknown in other Spanish-speaking regions, it is often linked to the influence of the indigenous language Yucatec Maya. Our Spanish dataset differs from our Yucatec Mayan one in that the labialization rate significantly increases with the length of the subsequent pause in the former, but not in the latter. Thus, even if the feature was originally transferred from Yucatec Maya to Spanish, it seems that it has taken on a life of its own in Yucatecan Spanish, determined by its function as a marker of prosodic prominence.","PeriodicalId":43304,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language Contact","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91100206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：