International Journal of Public Theology最新文献

This article attempts to present how the church has struggled with public justice and righteousness in Zimbabwe where the past and old dominate the national debate without giving room for emerging personalities and ideas. The church introduced programmes, organisations and documents in an attempt to theoretically break away with the past. The documents are results of transformative projects designed to address the holistic needs of people in Zimbabwe against both the localised and internationalised neoliberal paradigms of Capitalism, Colonialism and Christianity that disempowered rather than liberated followers. Being critical of the past, Derrida says: “To ask such questions, such difficult questions, requires that we change the most resistant, archaic structures of our desire”. The Zimbabwe Heads of Christian Denominations (ZHOCD s) introduced the post-liberation discourse through the Zimbabwe We Want Document (ZWWD) in 2006, and a national economic discussion through the National Holistic Agenda for Renewal and Empowerment (NHARE) in 2019 against the idea that the Church must be confined in the pews and politicians in the public arena. These documents and programmes engaged with both politicians and citizens in critical ways to achieve both justice and righteousness. Justice and righteousness are big themes in the Bible and Christian doctrine. Breaking away with the past promised to reverse the slippery slope on public life in Zimbabwe that increased national poverty, class inequalities, and factionalised politics. The opening of space in public life by the ZHOCD allowed citizens to engage in all public life and justice struggles, which is “a revival of a voice that has been silenced after independence, or was send to the Intensive Care Unit (ICU), paralysed, captured, neutralised or unauthorised”. It explored new alternatives to engaging state theology in relationship to the margins. Scripture has been useful in the church’s engagement with the state on public life goods, hence the question: “Why is the old dying and the new not being born”? The article pursues this question in view of the church programmes and documents.

In a period of mass media emergence and renewal of Catholicism after Vatican II, the church initiated into a profound approach to its Social Doctrine on the media. With a theology of communication as a cornerstone, numerous ecclesial documents published during the Papacy of Paul VI explored the implications of the media for society and the internal life of the church. This study aims to analyse the contents on the media addressed in official documents of the Catholic Church during the Pontificate of Paul VI. The conclusions of the research show to what extent communication is a significant issue for public theology and delve into the meaning of the right to information and public opinion, the place of the media in education, the training of communicators and recipients, the importance of the media for the church, and the involvement of Catholics in the media.

This article sets out to compare the works of Pope Francis’ Laudato Si’ and Leonardo Boff’s Cry of the Earth, Cry of the Poor in the way in which they share a common theme to do with the environmental crisis facing our earth. The similarities include their focus on Latin America, the importance of cross-cultural dialogue, and their concern for the welfare of the poor and other created beings. Both authors argue that anthropocentrism is a misinterpretation of Scripture and that a new cross-cultural dialogue is necessary to address this issue. While Pope Francis advocates using the power of science and technology to create an ‘integral ecology’, Boff prefers to start with cosmology and develop ‘new paradigms’. A comparative study can contribute to a reflection on the relationship between Christian theology and ecology, politics, and human beings; an analysis of anthropocentrism can clarify how human beings deal with their relationship with other created beings.

After his death on 11 November 2021, social media in South Africa was immediately inundated with reactions to the mixed legacy of Frederik Willem de Klerk, the last President of South Africa during apartheid (1989–1994) and the former Vice President of Nelson Mandela (1994–1996) under the democratic dispensation. In most transitional justice processes, truth is often required in exchange for reconciliatory or peace accords. With the benefits of the literature review, this article problematises the deficiency of truth-telling or its absence thereof, by beneficiaries of apartheid, with particular stress on statements made by F.W. de Klerk during and after the TRC public hearings. It focuses on truth-telling as a neglected aspect in previous studies examining the work of the TRC. It uses the biblical understanding of the concept of truth as a foundational component of reconciliation to test the authenticity of the acclaimed reconciliation after the TRC hearings.

This article is a public theological discourse, arguing that the protocols, such as handwashing, social distancing, and face-covering, used to halt the spread of COVID-19, have biblical antecedents. Some observers contend that church leaders failed to inspire biblical hope, faith and courage when they focused on promoting the preventive protocols. It can be argued that promoting these protocols was a means of promoting biblical hope, faith, and courage in the face of the pandemic. In the Hebrew Bible, priests were commanded to wash their hands and feet before going into the tent of meeting. Isolation or quarantine was imposed on anyone with a suspected skin disease until examinations confirmed the disease or otherwise. Though these protocols were mostly for religious ceremonial and ritualistic purposes, they might have helped to halt the spread of infectious diseases. The article thus provides an exegesis of Exodus 30:17–21 and Leviticus 13:1–8, 45–46.

This article proposes a public theology of justice in light of police brutality and broad injustice in American policing. That public theology is created through rediscovering the socially and politically transformative nature of the atonement to build a foundation for understanding justice as a proactive, communal, and transformative force. By diagnosing the sickness via historical context and engaging with a plurality of voices, the result is an holistic approach within a framework that catalyzes the conversation forward toward transformative justice.

National conservatism is a post-liberal political ideology associated with conferences held by the Edmund Burke Foundation. The intellectual core of this ideology is the use of natural theologies of gender to undergird a transnational and interfaith approach to political theology. This mode of political theology is analyzed in the thinking of political theorist Yoram Hazony, theologian R.R. Reno, philosopher Patrick Deneen, and theologian Albert Mohler. These thinkers do more than simply rejecting the premises of liberal democracy as a political order: they all assert the fundamental role of patriarchal gender roles in the survival and prosperity of the nation state. While they hold that the nation is the primary political unit, their understanding of gender is even more fundamental as a foundation for the nation.

This article sets out to address the root of religious-based intolerance cases in Indonesia arising out of particular groups of Muslims in Indonesia. It seeks to identify which group triggers those cases and offers a possible response for Indonesian Christians faced with this confronting reality. The case is made for a non-violent response that opens up the possibility of reconciliation with those whose political stance is opposed to them.

The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism upon American evangelicalism. It does so in the season of climate change. Given the commitment of neo-liberalism to the sovereignty of individual, the notion of government intervention in implementing climate mitigation policies is perceived as an unacceptable violation of freedom. It sits along the ideological challenge of neo-conservatism. Its emphasis on an ‘enduring-moral order’ has inadvertently culminated in ethnocentric anti-globalism, which theoretically conflicts with neo-liberalism’s ideals. These two worldviews are both to be found in expressions of American evangelicalism, however. What might be a biblical-theological response? The argument draws upon the corporate nature of salvific claims, the early church governance in Luke-Acts and finally the social-gospel movement to challenge the association of evangelicalism with the Republican Party. The significance of this critique is due to the way in which this association lies at the heart of climate scepticism.

This article addresses the question of how the spirit of love, as articulated in the Samae spirit (three loves – divine, humanity and environment), can offer a concrete approach to translating divine-love into actionable expressions in a volatile religious pluralistic context, such as Nigeria. Drawing lessons from the theory of the Samae Spirit, we argue that love for God should not be considered in isolation from divine-love for the world and the religious other. We conclude that the all-embracing and concrete interpretation and understanding of divine-love has the potential to foster and nurture life-giving religious pluralism, making divine-love a force immanent in Nigeria.