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‘Who Touched Me?’ Embodied Witness as Public Theology “谁碰了我?”作为公共神学的具体见证
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1163/15697320-20230071
Ruth Wivell
This article addresses how trauma might inform the way Mark’s account of the haemorrhaging woman is read, and what a Christology derived therefrom might offer to Christians who wish to witness to people’s traumatic and posttraumatic realities. If Christians and theologians are called to witness to others’ suffering and their attempts to make sense of it, then they need to be able to inhabit a space that draws forth stories of those disempowered and traumatized. In particular, this article explores these issues by addressing inter-related facets of Jesus the Christ in Mark 5:24–34 as he responds to the haemorrhaging woman and is involved in her healing. It is Jesus’s shift to witness – as he loses power and cognition – that brings about the hope of ongoing restoration of the woman’s body and spirit.
本文探讨创伤如何影响马可对大出血妇女的描述,以及由此衍生的基督论可能为那些希望见证人们创伤和创伤后现实的基督徒提供什么。如果基督徒和神学家被召唤去见证他人的苦难,并试图理解这些苦难,那么他们就需要能够居住在一个空间里,描绘那些被剥夺权力和受到创伤的人的故事。这篇文章特别探讨了这些问题,在马可福音5:24-34中,耶稣基督回应了出血的女人,并参与了她的治疗。当耶稣失去力量和认知时,他转变为见证,这给女人的身体和精神带来了希望。
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引用次数: 0
‘Flood this Nation with the Bible’: Rev. Godfridah Sumaili, Politics and the People’s Bible in Zambia “用圣经淹没这个国家”:Godfridah Sumaili牧师,赞比亚的政治和人民圣经
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1163/15697320-20230072
C. Kaunda
Ever since the Declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation in 1991, the Bible has become foundational in the public of life, and often cited in public debates. This article employs symbolic power as an analytical tool to examine Sumaili’s state theology of the Bible which politicized and reduced the Bible in the public into a state apparatus for defining, shaping, and determining the meaning and content for governing Zambia. It proposes a Pentecostal public theology of the people’s Bible as a site of struggle against politics of dehumanization, oppression, exploitation, and systematic inequalities.
自从1991年赞比亚宣布成为基督教国家以来,《圣经》就成为公众生活的基础,并经常在公开辩论中被引用。本文以象征权力为分析工具,检视苏马利的《圣经》国家神学,这种神学将公众中的《圣经》政治化,并降低为一种国家机器,用来定义、塑造和决定治理赞比亚的意义和内容。它提出了一种五旬节派的公众神学,将《圣经》作为反对非人化、压迫、剥削和系统性不平等的政治斗争的场所。
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1163/15697320-01701000
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引用次数: 0
Lost for Words: Samoa’s Constitutional Crisis and the Case for a Public Theology 失语:萨摩亚的宪法危机和公共神学的案例
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1163/15697320-20230073
Sam Amosa
The Samoan election of 2021 provoked a constitutional crisis. It brought to an end sixty years of political stability that had been determined by the interweaving of democratic ideals with indigenous cultural values and Christian principles. The election had led to a tie on the night and led to various legal appeals, protests and the reluctance of the Prime Minister of more than twenty years refusing to stand down. With one exception – the Roman Catholic Archbishop – the churches were silent, ‘lost for words’. The crisis happened at a time when the first wave of localized and contextual public theologies were beginning to appear in theological research. Their particular focus was on a range of other issues (mainly due to timing). Their emergence, nevertheless, invites a consideration of what such a public theology might look like in a society where there is no history of a prophetic voice and the cultural system of fa’aSamoa relies upon a principle of respect (which was violated during the crisis).
2021年的萨摩亚选举引发了一场宪法危机。它结束了六十年的政治稳定,这种稳定是由民主理想与土著文化价值和基督教原则交织在一起所决定的。选举导致当晚的平局,并导致各种法律上诉和抗议,以及担任了20多年总理的不情愿拒绝下台。除了一个例外——罗马天主教大主教——教堂里鸦雀无声,“说不出话来”。这场危机发生的时候,正是第一波本土化语境公共神学开始在神学研究中出现的时候。他们特别关注的是一系列其他问题(主要是由于时间)。然而,它们的出现引起了人们的思考,在一个历史上没有先知声音的社会中,这种公共神学可能会是什么样子,而fa 'aSamoa的文化体系依赖于尊重原则(在危机期间被违反)。
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引用次数: 0
Bringing Bonhoeffer into Dialogue with Schmitt in Contemporary China 将朋霍费尔带入当代中国与施密特的对话
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1163/15697320-20230069
Jason Lam
Since the 2000s there has been a group of prominent scholars in China embracing the political views of Carl Schmitt. They are aware of the dangerous side of his thought but have provided reasonable analysis in relation to the Chinese social situation. Outlining their discussions, this article will depict the phenomenon with a focus on Schmitt’s controversial political theology. That will be compared with the thought of Dietrich Bonhoeffer. Although their political alignments were opposed to each other, the theoretical structure of their thinking reveals striking similarities. This article will thus articulate the theological reasons that allow for the differences between their ideas and actions and will produce a reflection on the contemporary situation in China. It is not due to the theoretical structure, but to the image of the sovereign embraced, that the stances of the two thinkers differed. From this we may draw implications from a public theological discussion for constructing a democratic society in the context of China.
自2000年代以来,中国有一批杰出的学者接受卡尔·施密特的政治观点。他们意识到他的思想的危险的一面,但提供了合理的分析,与中国的社会形势。本文将概述他们的讨论,并将重点放在施密特有争议的政治神学上。这将与迪特里希·邦霍费尔的思想进行比较。虽然他们的政治联盟彼此对立,但他们思想的理论结构却显示出惊人的相似之处。因此,本文将阐明他们的思想和行动之间存在差异的神学原因,并将对当代中国的情况进行反思。这两位思想家的立场不同,不是因为理论结构,而是因为他们所拥抱的君主形象。由此,我们可以从一场公开的神学讨论中,得到在中国背景下构建民主社会的启示。
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引用次数: 0
Notes on Contributors 投稿人说明
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1163/15697320-20230079
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引用次数: 0
Ethnic Reconciliation from the Margins 来自边缘的种族和解
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1163/15697320-20230074
K.N. Ndereba
The Kenyan post-election violence of 2007 deepened the ethnic differences that have been growing for the past decades after independence. While the August 2022 elections revealed political maturity, the October 2017 re-elections indicated that the hostility was not a settled issue. Kenyan churches in the post-democratic space have courted with political alliances along ethnic blocs. Additionally, some of the protestant churches in Kenya such as Presbyterian, Methodist and Friends, are largely monoethnic despite their long history. To what extent can these churches follow the biblical vision of a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic church? This topic has generated theological interest yet few have assessed the role of the youth in ethnic reconciliation. This article will 1) survey the issue of ethnicity and the church; 2) offer a biblical-theological reflection on ethnicity, and 3) suggest how an inclusive-congregational youth ministry model can revitalize ethnic reconciliation in the church and by extension, society.
2007年肯尼亚选举后的暴力事件加深了民族分歧,这种分歧在肯尼亚独立后的几十年里一直在扩大。虽然2022年8月的选举显示了政治上的成熟,但2017年10月的再次选举表明,敌意并不是一个解决的问题。后民主时代的肯尼亚教会一直在寻求与少数民族的政治联盟。此外,肯尼亚的一些新教教会,如长老会、卫理公会和友会,尽管历史悠久,但在很大程度上是单一民族的。这些教会在多大程度上可以遵循圣经对多元文化和多民族教会的愿景?这个话题引起了神学上的兴趣,但很少有人评估青年在种族和解中的作用。本文将1)调查种族与教会的问题;2)提供对种族的圣经神学反思,3)建议包容性的会众青年事工模式如何在教会乃至社会中振兴种族和解。
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引用次数: 0
Tension, War, Peace, and Unification: South Korea’s Unification Policies in the Light of Theological-Ethical Theories of War and Peace 紧张、战争、和平与统一:从战争与和平的神学伦理理论看韩国的统一政策
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1163/15697320-20230070
Chang-ho Lee
This article analyzes South Korea’s unification policies and makes ethical suggestions in light of Christian theological and ethical theories of war and peace. Since 1948, South and North Korea have repeatedly confronted each other with heavily armed forces. Unification would be considered the achievement of the Korean people’s endeavour to deter military warfare and promote peace between the two Koreas. In this regard, it is understandable that unification policy-making should retain tension reduction and peaceful coexistence as its fundamental goals. Public discussions in unification policy-making inevitably involve such issues as prohibition or justification of the use of violence or military force and procedures and methods of promoting peace. In analyzing unification policies in Christian ethical terms, such Christian war-peace tenets as pacifism, just war, and holy war contribute to this analysis, given that their primary concerns lie in maintaining peace and justifying violence for the sake of peace.
本文从基督教神学和战争与和平的伦理理论出发,分析了韩国的统一政策,并提出了伦理建议。自1948年以来,韩国和朝鲜多次以全副武装的军队对峙。统一将被视为朝鲜人民为制止军事战争和促进两个朝鲜之间的和平所作努力的成果。在这方面,统一政策的制定应保留缓和紧张局势和和平共处作为其基本目标,这是可以理解的。关于统一政策制定的公开讨论不可避免地涉及到禁止或证明使用暴力或军事力量以及促进和平的程序和方法等问题。在从基督教伦理的角度分析统一政策时,基督教的和平主义、正义战争、圣战等战争-和平信条有助于这种分析,因为它们的主要目的是维护和平,并为和平而暴力辩护。
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引用次数: 0
T&T Clark Handbook of Public Theology, edited by Christoph Hübenthal and Christiane Alpers T&T Clark公共神学手册,由Christoph hbenthal和Christiane Alpers编辑
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1163/15697320-20230077
M. Coulter
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引用次数: 0
Protestant Theological Perspectives on the Contribution of Military Chaplains to Moral Formation 从新教神学角度看军事牧师对道德形成的贡献
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1163/15697320-20230075
Thijs Oosterhuis, Pieter H. Vos, E. Olsman
Military chaplains are involved in the moral formation of military personnel. They have to do justice to the internal perspective on morality of their religion, while honouring the plurality of perspectives. The objective of this article is to examine how the contribution of military chaplains to the moral formation of military personnel can be substantiated from a Protestant theological perspective. We first discuss Tillich’s Protestant principle, which functions as a starting point and criterion in the moral discourse. We then show how Bonhoeffer combines a view of reality inspired by faith and a serviceable attitude towards reality. Finally, we focus on the role of theology and the role of the military chaplain as theologian in the moral formation of military personnel with the ideas of Volf and Croasmun. We conclude that Protestant theological perspectives on morality are vital to the moral formation of military personnel.
军事牧师参与军事人员的道德形成。他们必须在尊重多元观点的同时,公正地对待其宗教的内在道德观。本文的目的是研究如何从新教神学的角度来证实军事牧师对军事人员道德形成的贡献。我们首先讨论蒂利希的新教原则,它是道德话语的起点和标准。然后,我们展示了朋霍费尔是如何将信仰所激发的现实观和对现实的服务态度结合起来的。最后,我们以沃尔夫和克罗斯曼的思想为基础,着重探讨了神学的作用以及作为神学家的军事随军牧师在军事人员道德形成中的作用。我们得出结论,新教神学的道德观对军事人员的道德形成至关重要。
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International Journal of Public Theology
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