Pub Date : 2024-09-19DOI: 10.1353/jsw.2024.a937368
Harry J. Winters Jr.
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> 'O'odham Astronomy <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <h2>'O'<small>odham</small> D<small>aamkaachim</small> M<small>aachig</small></h2> <p>In 'O'odham Ñi'ok, the 'O'odham language, maachig is knowledge of something. The heavens above us are called daamkaachim. Daam means above and kaachim means lying spread out. So we will call astronomy daamkaachim maachig. As we shall see, our discussion at times will carry us a little beyond pure physical science.</p> <p>This essay is based on what I have been taught since 1956 by 'O'odham elders from many villages in the Tohono 'O'odham Nation. The old-timers, kekelibaḍ, had extensive knowledge of the heavens and objects in them. They truly led an outdoor life. Farmers slept under the night sky in their fields to protect their crops from coyotes and other varmints. One bite out of a melon by a coyote for the moisture in it ruined it. Some farmers were still sleeping in their fields around 1950, for example at Koahadk in the Sif Oidak District of the Tohono 'O'odham Nation. After the 'O'odham acquired livestock, cowboys often camped under the stars near their herds. You might not see real cowboys for days at a time because they stayed out near the herds.</p> <p>Many of the 'O'odham mentioned in this essay are deceased. The respectful way to refer to a deceased person by name in speech is by adding the suffix -baḍ to his or her name. For example, Steven becomes Stevenbaḍ. I have not written the names of deceased friends this way in this essay, but I acknowledge here that I respect them all and thank them for teaching me. <strong>[End Page 208]</strong></p> <h2>1. T<small>he</small> S<small>ky</small></h2> <p>The sky, day or night, is daamkaachim. It is what lies spread out above us. Since Christianity came to 'O'odham country in the seventeenth century, this term also has been used for the Christian heaven in the spiritual sense. For example, see the seventeenth-century entry, Cielo, in Pennington (1979, 21). The association of a spiritual heaven with something beyond the sky was not a concept of the 'O'odham prior to the coming of Christianity. To the huhugam, ancients, the afterlife was lived somewhere to the east, si'aligwui, of the present home of the 'O'odham. Someone who had been very sick but had recovered might say, "Si'aligbaasho 'i n noḍagid" ("I turned myself back right in front of the east"). This is the 'O'odham equivalent of I was at death's door. Note that huhugam is an 'O'odham word meaning people who are gone, which might include your great-grandfather. It is not the same as Hohokam, an English word used by archaeologists to refer to ancients of a specific culture.</p> <p>Two elders of the Hickiwan District told me another word for sky. They were Caesario Lewis of Vavhia Chiñ and Santos Ortega in S-Toa Bidk village. Both men were extremel
{"title":"'O'odham Astronomy","authors":"Harry J. Winters Jr.","doi":"10.1353/jsw.2024.a937368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsw.2024.a937368","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> 'O'odham Astronomy <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <h2>'O'<small>odham</small> D<small>aamkaachim</small> M<small>aachig</small></h2> <p>In 'O'odham Ñi'ok, the 'O'odham language, maachig is knowledge of something. The heavens above us are called daamkaachim. Daam means above and kaachim means lying spread out. So we will call astronomy daamkaachim maachig. As we shall see, our discussion at times will carry us a little beyond pure physical science.</p> <p>This essay is based on what I have been taught since 1956 by 'O'odham elders from many villages in the Tohono 'O'odham Nation. The old-timers, kekelibaḍ, had extensive knowledge of the heavens and objects in them. They truly led an outdoor life. Farmers slept under the night sky in their fields to protect their crops from coyotes and other varmints. One bite out of a melon by a coyote for the moisture in it ruined it. Some farmers were still sleeping in their fields around 1950, for example at Koahadk in the Sif Oidak District of the Tohono 'O'odham Nation. After the 'O'odham acquired livestock, cowboys often camped under the stars near their herds. You might not see real cowboys for days at a time because they stayed out near the herds.</p> <p>Many of the 'O'odham mentioned in this essay are deceased. The respectful way to refer to a deceased person by name in speech is by adding the suffix -baḍ to his or her name. For example, Steven becomes Stevenbaḍ. I have not written the names of deceased friends this way in this essay, but I acknowledge here that I respect them all and thank them for teaching me. <strong>[End Page 208]</strong></p> <h2>1. T<small>he</small> S<small>ky</small></h2> <p>The sky, day or night, is daamkaachim. It is what lies spread out above us. Since Christianity came to 'O'odham country in the seventeenth century, this term also has been used for the Christian heaven in the spiritual sense. For example, see the seventeenth-century entry, Cielo, in Pennington (1979, 21). The association of a spiritual heaven with something beyond the sky was not a concept of the 'O'odham prior to the coming of Christianity. To the huhugam, ancients, the afterlife was lived somewhere to the east, si'aligwui, of the present home of the 'O'odham. Someone who had been very sick but had recovered might say, \"Si'aligbaasho 'i n noḍagid\" (\"I turned myself back right in front of the east\"). This is the 'O'odham equivalent of I was at death's door. Note that huhugam is an 'O'odham word meaning people who are gone, which might include your great-grandfather. It is not the same as Hohokam, an English word used by archaeologists to refer to ancients of a specific culture.</p> <p>Two elders of the Hickiwan District told me another word for sky. They were Caesario Lewis of Vavhia Chiñ and Santos Ortega in S-Toa Bidk village. Both men were extremel","PeriodicalId":43344,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE SOUTHWEST","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142255290","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-19DOI: 10.1353/jsw.2024.a937367
Julia Fonseca
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> G. E. P. Smith and Arizona's Failed Water Code <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Julia Fonseca (bio) </li> </ul> <h2>I<small>ntroduction</small></h2> <p>Alfred Atkinson, president of the University of Arizona, was troubled. One of the university's most able professors had verbally attacked the state water commissioner during a January 1938 event. There on page 1 of the Sunday-morning paper were Professor George Edson Philip Smith's acerbic remarks. Among them: "Arizona officials have indicated that they prefer to warm a chair cushion rather than to do the very essential field work directed by the code."<sup>1</sup></p> <p>Evidently, Atkinson observed, Smith's intention was to "stimulate the state official into action," but this criticism of Commissioner Jesse Wanslee was unfortunate.<sup>2</sup> The troublesome professor had, only three years earlier, been fired by the Arizona Board of Regents, perhaps at the behest of former governor Benjamin Baker Mouer. The regents, however, had quickly decided this was a mistake, after hearing from Smith's many supporters.<sup>3</sup></p> <p>Yes, Professor Smith was indispensable, even if arrogant. Smith had written the state's water code nearly twenty years earlier (Figure 1). Throughout the course of his career, Smith had demonstrated considerable initiative, often launching investigations that later advanced important state goals. Smith's research had determined "safe yield" or the amount of groundwater pumping that could be sustained long term in several agricultural districts. His understanding of Colorado River matters provided a factual basis for Arizona's opposition to the Colorado Compact. And recently Governor Rawglie C. Stanford had appointed Smith to a committee to develop regulations for groundwater pumping.<sup>4</sup> <strong>[End Page 187]</strong> With a sigh, Atkinson penned a letter to Dean Burgess, suggesting they meet to discuss counseling the argumentative professor.<sup>5</sup></p> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution Figure 1. <p><em>George Edson Philip Smith went by the name G.E.P</em>. Photograph courtesy of Arizona Historical Society, Tucson General Photo Collection, Portraits—Smith, G.E.P. (Maude), #56513.</p> <p></p> <p><strong>[End Page 188]</strong></p> <p>To understand Smith's frustrations with the state's water administrator, this paper will examine the motivations behind Arizona's adoption of Smith's 1919 water code and the factors that ultimately undermined regulation of water claims under the new law. As the university professor who drafted the code, worked for its passage by the legislature, and helped the young state's Water Commission do its work, Smith provides a firsthand account of how this critical period in southwestern water management set the stage for some of Arizona's current water problems.</p> <h2>B<small>ackground</small></h
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： G. E. P. Smith 与亚利桑那州失败的水法 茱莉亚-丰塞卡（简历） 引言 亚利桑那大学校长阿尔弗雷德-阿特金森很烦恼。在 1938 年 1 月的一次活动中，亚利桑那大学一位最有能力的教授对州水务专员进行了口头攻击。周日早报第一版刊登了乔治-埃德森-菲利普-史密斯教授尖刻的言论。其中包括"1 显然，阿特金森注意到，史密斯的意图是 "刺激州政府官员采取行动"，但他对杰西-万斯利专员的批评是不幸的。然而，在听取了史密斯的众多支持者的意见后，董事会很快就认定这是一个错误。3 是的，史密斯教授是不可或缺的，尽管他很傲慢。3 是的，史密斯教授是不可或缺的，即使他很傲慢。近二十年前，史密斯就编写了本州的水法（图 1）。在他的职业生涯中，史密斯表现出了相当大的主动性，他经常发起一些调查，这些调查后来推进了州政府的重要目标。史密斯的研究确定了 "安全产量 "或几个农业区可长期维持的地下水抽水量。他对科罗拉多河事务的了解为亚利桑那州反对科罗拉多州契约提供了事实依据。最近，州长罗格利-斯坦福（Rawglie C. Stanford）任命史密斯为一个委员会的成员，负责制定地下水抽取条例。4 [第 187 页完] 阿特金森叹了口气，写了一封信给伯吉斯院长，建议他们见面讨论如何辅导这位好辩的教授。照片由亚利桑那州历史学会提供，图森综合照片集，肖像-史密斯，G.E.P. (莫德)，#56513。 [为了解史密斯对该州水管理者的不满，本文将研究亚利桑那州采用史密斯 1919 年水法背后的动机，以及最终破坏新法对水要求监管的因素。史密斯是起草该法典的大学教授，曾努力促使立法机构通过该法典，并帮助年轻的亚利桑那州水务委员会开展工作，他以第一手资料说明了西南部水资源管理的这一关键时期是如何为亚利桑那州当前的一些水资源问题埋下伏笔的。背景 G. E. P. Smith 于 1874 年出生于佛蒙特州，1900 年来到亚利桑那州 "看看这个国家"，并在图森的亚利桑那大学教授测量学、物理学和土木工程。他本打算去加利福尼亚，因为他的父亲和姐姐都去了那里生活。但几年后，他的计划发生了变化。6 史密斯对亚利桑那州的机遇产生了浓厚的兴趣。到 1904 年底，他骑马、步行、骑自行车和坐火车走遍了亚利桑那州的大部分地区。他目睹了 1905 年盐河和科罗拉多河的特大洪水、加州青翠的帝王谷以及路易斯-希尔雄心勃勃的罗斯福大坝建设计划7。史密斯提议加入农业试验站，担任顾问工程师。试验站是大学的研究机构，致力于促进亚利桑那州的农业发展。试验站的工作人员为数以千计的农民和牧场主提供了有关土壤、气候、作物、燃料和灌溉方法的实用信息，并为有意在亚利桑那州投资的外州商人提供了宝贵的信息。作为农业试验站系列出版物的撰稿人，史密斯赢得了超过 2500 名订户，其中包括美国垦务局和美国地质调查局等机构。农业试验站起步缓慢，但在罗伯特-福布斯（Robert H. Forbes）的领导下，试验站开始吸引州政府和联邦政府的资助。
{"title":"G. E. P. Smith and Arizona's Failed Water Code","authors":"Julia Fonseca","doi":"10.1353/jsw.2024.a937367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsw.2024.a937367","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> G. E. P. Smith and Arizona's Failed Water Code <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Julia Fonseca (bio) </li> </ul> <h2>I<small>ntroduction</small></h2> <p>Alfred Atkinson, president of the University of Arizona, was troubled. One of the university's most able professors had verbally attacked the state water commissioner during a January 1938 event. There on page 1 of the Sunday-morning paper were Professor George Edson Philip Smith's acerbic remarks. Among them: \"Arizona officials have indicated that they prefer to warm a chair cushion rather than to do the very essential field work directed by the code.\"<sup>1</sup></p> <p>Evidently, Atkinson observed, Smith's intention was to \"stimulate the state official into action,\" but this criticism of Commissioner Jesse Wanslee was unfortunate.<sup>2</sup> The troublesome professor had, only three years earlier, been fired by the Arizona Board of Regents, perhaps at the behest of former governor Benjamin Baker Mouer. The regents, however, had quickly decided this was a mistake, after hearing from Smith's many supporters.<sup>3</sup></p> <p>Yes, Professor Smith was indispensable, even if arrogant. Smith had written the state's water code nearly twenty years earlier (Figure 1). Throughout the course of his career, Smith had demonstrated considerable initiative, often launching investigations that later advanced important state goals. Smith's research had determined \"safe yield\" or the amount of groundwater pumping that could be sustained long term in several agricultural districts. His understanding of Colorado River matters provided a factual basis for Arizona's opposition to the Colorado Compact. And recently Governor Rawglie C. Stanford had appointed Smith to a committee to develop regulations for groundwater pumping.<sup>4</sup> <strong>[End Page 187]</strong> With a sigh, Atkinson penned a letter to Dean Burgess, suggesting they meet to discuss counseling the argumentative professor.<sup>5</sup></p> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution Figure 1. <p><em>George Edson Philip Smith went by the name G.E.P</em>. Photograph courtesy of Arizona Historical Society, Tucson General Photo Collection, Portraits—Smith, G.E.P. (Maude), #56513.</p> <p></p> <p><strong>[End Page 188]</strong></p> <p>To understand Smith's frustrations with the state's water administrator, this paper will examine the motivations behind Arizona's adoption of Smith's 1919 water code and the factors that ultimately undermined regulation of water claims under the new law. As the university professor who drafted the code, worked for its passage by the legislature, and helped the young state's Water Commission do its work, Smith provides a firsthand account of how this critical period in southwestern water management set the stage for some of Arizona's current water problems.</p> <h2>B<small>ackground</small></h","PeriodicalId":43344,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE SOUTHWEST","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142255288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-19DOI: 10.1353/jsw.2024.a937372
Harry J. Winters Jr.
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Place Name, Eloy, Arizona <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <p>To the best of my knowledge, up to today the meaning and origin of the name Eloy has not been discovered. Barnes (1935, 144) wrote, "In the year 1902 the Southern Pacific (Railroad) built a switch here, naming it Eloi, a word taken from the Syrian language, meaning 'My God.' It was soon called Eloy after the Spanish pronunciation." Barnes took this information from a letter from "Mrs. M. M. Fordham, President Woman's Club, Eloy." Barnes' "switch" was a siding and section house. I worked for the Southern Pacific Railroad from 1958 to 1961 and had frequent contact with section gangs and train crews. I heard a fair amount of cussing but never in Syrian or Aramaic.</p> <p>I know that Barnes was uncertain about the origin of this name since I have seen correspondence between him and Fr. Bonaventure Oblasser, O.F.M, in which he asked Fr. Bonaventure if Eloy was a Papago (Tohono 'O'odham) word and if he knew the meaning. Bonaventure responded that he did not know but would try to find out. I have no information that he ever did. He was widely regarded as a leading authority on Papago history and the Papaguería in general, a reputation he definitely deserved. He was fluent in the 'O'odham language. If anyone could, he would have been able to find out if Eloy was an 'O'odham word. In over 60 years of learning and speaking the 'O'odham language, I have never heard a word pronounced like Eloy.</p> <p>Granger (1960, 294) rejected Fordham's explanation of the origin of the name. She wrote, "Eloy does not appear on GLO (General Land Office) maps until 1921. As late as 1918 there was no town or settlement of any kind in the vicinity of the present Eloy, but merely a section of land belonging to the railroad and bearing the name Eloy." She went on, "Why the railroad named a section Eloy has not been ascertained. Locally a tall tale has come into existence." The tall tale, as she related it, is an embellished version of Fordham's explanation. Granger concludes, <strong>[End Page 282]</strong> "There is apparently no basis for this story." In my opinion, Granger was correct.</p> <p>What might the real explanation be? There are really two questions. First, does Eloy mean anything, and if so, what? Second, if it does mean something how did the railroad siding and later the town come to have the name? The answer to the first question is, yes! Eleuterio is a Spanish proper first name. It is not a common name, but like so many Spanish first names it has a hypocoristic (Spanish <em>hipocorístico</em>) form, and that form is "Eloy." Eloy is to Eleuterio what Pepe is to José, Nacho is to Ignacio, or what Pancho is to Francisco. It is possible that there was a Mexican in the area, perhaps a farmer or someone who was of service to the railroad in 1902,
{"title":"The Place Name, Eloy, Arizona","authors":"Harry J. Winters Jr.","doi":"10.1353/jsw.2024.a937372","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsw.2024.a937372","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Place Name, Eloy, Arizona <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <p>To the best of my knowledge, up to today the meaning and origin of the name Eloy has not been discovered. Barnes (1935, 144) wrote, \"In the year 1902 the Southern Pacific (Railroad) built a switch here, naming it Eloi, a word taken from the Syrian language, meaning 'My God.' It was soon called Eloy after the Spanish pronunciation.\" Barnes took this information from a letter from \"Mrs. M. M. Fordham, President Woman's Club, Eloy.\" Barnes' \"switch\" was a siding and section house. I worked for the Southern Pacific Railroad from 1958 to 1961 and had frequent contact with section gangs and train crews. I heard a fair amount of cussing but never in Syrian or Aramaic.</p> <p>I know that Barnes was uncertain about the origin of this name since I have seen correspondence between him and Fr. Bonaventure Oblasser, O.F.M, in which he asked Fr. Bonaventure if Eloy was a Papago (Tohono 'O'odham) word and if he knew the meaning. Bonaventure responded that he did not know but would try to find out. I have no information that he ever did. He was widely regarded as a leading authority on Papago history and the Papaguería in general, a reputation he definitely deserved. He was fluent in the 'O'odham language. If anyone could, he would have been able to find out if Eloy was an 'O'odham word. In over 60 years of learning and speaking the 'O'odham language, I have never heard a word pronounced like Eloy.</p> <p>Granger (1960, 294) rejected Fordham's explanation of the origin of the name. She wrote, \"Eloy does not appear on GLO (General Land Office) maps until 1921. As late as 1918 there was no town or settlement of any kind in the vicinity of the present Eloy, but merely a section of land belonging to the railroad and bearing the name Eloy.\" She went on, \"Why the railroad named a section Eloy has not been ascertained. Locally a tall tale has come into existence.\" The tall tale, as she related it, is an embellished version of Fordham's explanation. Granger concludes, <strong>[End Page 282]</strong> \"There is apparently no basis for this story.\" In my opinion, Granger was correct.</p> <p>What might the real explanation be? There are really two questions. First, does Eloy mean anything, and if so, what? Second, if it does mean something how did the railroad siding and later the town come to have the name? The answer to the first question is, yes! Eleuterio is a Spanish proper first name. It is not a common name, but like so many Spanish first names it has a hypocoristic (Spanish <em>hipocorístico</em>) form, and that form is \"Eloy.\" Eloy is to Eleuterio what Pepe is to José, Nacho is to Ignacio, or what Pancho is to Francisco. It is possible that there was a Mexican in the area, perhaps a farmer or someone who was of service to the railroad in 1902,","PeriodicalId":43344,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE SOUTHWEST","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142255292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-19DOI: 10.1353/jsw.2024.a937369
Harry J. Winters Jr.
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Automobile Parts in 'O'odham Ñi'ok, the 'O'odham Language <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <p>This 'O'odham auto parts lexicon is a result of over 65 years of friendship with Tohono 'O'odham and 'Akimeli 'O'odham folks. I began learning the 'O'odham language when I was 17 years old and was befriended by the Miguel family of Koahadk village, Kohatk on maps, in the Sif Oidak District of today's Tohono 'O'odham Nation. Enos Miguel, the first Tohono 'O'odham cowboy I met, was the first person ever in Koahadk to own a car. He had progressed from a car that was started with a crank and had no top to a red Dodge pickup by the time I met him in the 1950s. An elder living in Hikwoñ today, who as an orphan was raised by Enos in Koahadk, remembers riding in that first car rain or shine all the way to Sonoyta, Sonora.</p> <p>There have been some excellent mechanics in the Hickiwan District. One of them had been a mechanic at the Stout Ranch in Gila Bend. I spent a lot of time with a couple of them for decades. We spent many days visiting junkyards and auto parts stores to find parts needed to get some aging cars and trucks back into at least local use. The 'O'odham names for some auto parts are ingenious and humorous. Some words migrated from their original 'O'odham uses to applications to horses and wagons and later to cars and trucks. Other words were borrowed from Spanish or English. Some words may be used only locally, while others are widely used.</p> <p>The entries in the lexicon are in alphabetical order in English. There are short explanations of the origins of some terms. There are also sentences showing how to use the words, for example when creosote punctures your tires or your friend who is driving is about to run off into a wash. <strong>[End Page 232]</strong></p> <p>In addition to the parts themselves, I have included some terminology on driving, insurance, etc. Words for bicycle and motorcycle are included as a bonus. There are two paragraphs on the pronunciation of 'O'odham words at the end of the lexicon.</p> <p>Mañ a s-taahadkahimch 'am 'o'ohon 'iidam 'O'odham ñi'oki 'ab 'amjeḍ g mamagina. Mat hu'i mapt s-'ap o 'e taatkadch 'am ha ñi'okculid. In English: I had a lot of fun writing down these 'O'odham words about cars. I hope you will enjoy reading them.</p> <h2>L<small>exicon</small></h2> <h3>air conditioner</h3> <p>Hevhogidakuḍ</p> <p>Literally gizmo for cooling something. The verb hevhogid means to cool something off.</p> <p>Bant 'i melich heg hevhogidakuḍ. I started up the air conditioner.</p> <p><em>See also</em> heater.</p> <h3>alignment</h3> <p>'Am g si sheeshelñim wuad heg kakioj! Align the wheels real straight!</p> <p>This comes from the verb sheeshelin, to straighten objects (plural) out.</p> <p><em>See also</em> tire or tires.</p> <h3>ambulance</h3> <p>kookodam ha 'u'udam<
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： 小哈里-J-温特斯 (Harry J. Winters Jr.) (简历) 这本《奥德汉姆汽车零部件词典》是我与托霍诺-奥德汉姆和阿基梅利-奥德汉姆人超过 65 年友谊的结晶。我 17 岁时开始学习奥德汉姆语，并与今天托霍诺-奥德汉姆民族西夫奥伊达克区地图上科哈德克村的米格尔一家结为好友。伊诺斯-米格尔是我遇到的第一个托霍诺-奥德汉姆牛仔，也是科哈德克村第一个拥有汽车的人。20 世纪 50 年代，当我见到他时，他已经从一辆用曲柄发动、没有顶篷的汽车发展到一辆红色道奇皮卡。如今住在希克沃恩的一位长者是伊诺斯在科阿哈德克抚养长大的孤儿，他还记得自己曾风雨无阻地乘坐第一辆汽车前往索诺拉州的索诺伊塔。希基万地区出过一些出色的机械师。其中一位曾是吉拉本德斯托特牧场的机械师。几十年来，我和他们中的几位相处了很长时间。我们花了很多天走访废品收购站和汽车配件商店，寻找所需的零件，让一些老旧的汽车和卡车至少能在当地重新使用。奥德汉姆人给一些汽车零件起的名字既巧妙又幽默。有些词从最初的奥德汉姆语用途迁移到马和马车上，后来又迁移到汽车和卡车上。还有一些词是从西班牙语或英语中借用过来的。有些词可能只在当地使用，而有些词则被广泛使用。词典中的词条按英文字母顺序排列。对一些词语的来源有简短的解释。还有一些句子展示了如何使用这些词语，例如当杂酚油刺破你的轮胎或你开车的朋友即将冲进水沟时。[第 232 页完] 除了部件本身，我还收录了一些关于驾驶、保险等方面的术语。自行车和摩托车的单词也在其中。词典末尾有两段关于'O'odham 词的发音。Mañ a s-taahadkahimch 'am 'o'ohon 'iidam 'O'odham ñi'oki 'ab 'amjeḍ g mamagina.Mat hu'i mapt s-'ap o 'e taatkadch 'am ha ñi'okculid.英语：我写下这些关于汽车的奥德汉姆语单词时非常开心。希望你们会喜欢阅读它们。词典空调 Hevhogidakuḍ 字面意思是冷却东西的小玩意儿。动词 hevhogid 的意思是冷却东西。Bant 'i melich heg hevhogidakuḍ。我启动了空调。对齐 'Am g si sheeshelñim wuad heg kakioj！把车轮对准！来自动词 sheeshelin，把物体（复数）拉直。救护车 kookodam ha 'u'udam 带病人走的车 automobile, car, truck maagina, plural mamagina 来自西班牙语 máquina。'I melichud g maagina！把车发动起来！Keshwañ g maagina！关闭汽车！汽车的一个古老术语是 hejel memeḍadam ，复数是 hehe'ejel woopo'odam，现在已经不常用了。Hejel 指自己，memeḍadam 指经常跑来跑去的人或物。[在二十世纪上半叶，汽车有时被称为 "uuli maagina"，即橡胶汽车，因为它有橡胶轮胎，而不是木制车轮。在 Koahadk，人们说："Hebichudch hab 'e 'a'aga 'uuli maagina nopi ge 'uuli shuushk"（"偶尔它被称为橡胶汽车，因为它有橡胶轮胎"）。如果对话的主题明确，二手车就是 hekyukam maagina，或者直接叫 hekyukam，旧车。例如："Hegi hekyukam, he'ekia 'i miiya？"（"那辆二手车（卡车），跑了多少英里？）回答（2011 年的实际案例）："160,000 miiya。Pi 'o wuḍ sha'i wechij, 'eḍa wuḍ ash sha ha 'oidchkam，"意思是 "16 万英里。它其实并不新，只是有点旧......
{"title":"Automobile Parts in 'O'odham Ñi'ok, the 'O'odham Language","authors":"Harry J. Winters Jr.","doi":"10.1353/jsw.2024.a937369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsw.2024.a937369","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Automobile Parts in 'O'odham Ñi'ok, the 'O'odham Language <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <p>This 'O'odham auto parts lexicon is a result of over 65 years of friendship with Tohono 'O'odham and 'Akimeli 'O'odham folks. I began learning the 'O'odham language when I was 17 years old and was befriended by the Miguel family of Koahadk village, Kohatk on maps, in the Sif Oidak District of today's Tohono 'O'odham Nation. Enos Miguel, the first Tohono 'O'odham cowboy I met, was the first person ever in Koahadk to own a car. He had progressed from a car that was started with a crank and had no top to a red Dodge pickup by the time I met him in the 1950s. An elder living in Hikwoñ today, who as an orphan was raised by Enos in Koahadk, remembers riding in that first car rain or shine all the way to Sonoyta, Sonora.</p> <p>There have been some excellent mechanics in the Hickiwan District. One of them had been a mechanic at the Stout Ranch in Gila Bend. I spent a lot of time with a couple of them for decades. We spent many days visiting junkyards and auto parts stores to find parts needed to get some aging cars and trucks back into at least local use. The 'O'odham names for some auto parts are ingenious and humorous. Some words migrated from their original 'O'odham uses to applications to horses and wagons and later to cars and trucks. Other words were borrowed from Spanish or English. Some words may be used only locally, while others are widely used.</p> <p>The entries in the lexicon are in alphabetical order in English. There are short explanations of the origins of some terms. There are also sentences showing how to use the words, for example when creosote punctures your tires or your friend who is driving is about to run off into a wash. <strong>[End Page 232]</strong></p> <p>In addition to the parts themselves, I have included some terminology on driving, insurance, etc. Words for bicycle and motorcycle are included as a bonus. There are two paragraphs on the pronunciation of 'O'odham words at the end of the lexicon.</p> <p>Mañ a s-taahadkahimch 'am 'o'ohon 'iidam 'O'odham ñi'oki 'ab 'amjeḍ g mamagina. Mat hu'i mapt s-'ap o 'e taatkadch 'am ha ñi'okculid. In English: I had a lot of fun writing down these 'O'odham words about cars. I hope you will enjoy reading them.</p> <h2>L<small>exicon</small></h2> <h3>air conditioner</h3> <p>Hevhogidakuḍ</p> <p>Literally gizmo for cooling something. The verb hevhogid means to cool something off.</p> <p>Bant 'i melich heg hevhogidakuḍ. I started up the air conditioner.</p> <p><em>See also</em> heater.</p> <h3>alignment</h3> <p>'Am g si sheeshelñim wuad heg kakioj! Align the wheels real straight!</p> <p>This comes from the verb sheeshelin, to straighten objects (plural) out.</p> <p><em>See also</em> tire or tires.</p> <h3>ambulance</h3> <p>kookodam ha 'u'udam<","PeriodicalId":43344,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE SOUTHWEST","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142255289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-19DOI: 10.1353/jsw.2024.a937370
Harry J. Winters Jr.
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Tohono 'O'odham Tradition of the 'A'al Hiaha'iñ, the Children's Burial Place <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <p>This Tohono 'O'odham tradition tells of an actual event that happened centuries ago. A man from the area of old 'Aji village in today's Gu Achi District of the Tohono 'O'odham Nation was on a trip in the Altar Valley of Sonora. He was the Basket Keeper, Vasha Ñuukuddam, for his village. The Basket Keeper was responsible for the care of a type of basket, vasha, in which important, and sometimes dangerous, ceremonial objects were kept. He was traveling during a period of extraordinarily heavy rains in southern Arizona and northern Sonora. While he was in the Altar Valley, a flash flood hit a village there and killed everyone except two children who were out playing in the hills. This man rescued the orphans and brought them with him to his village. Not long after he got back, suddenly water started seeping out of the ground in the little gap, or shapijk, between the two buttes through which the road from Santa Rosa to Hikwoñ passes today. Santa Rosa Wash, a major drainage channel, runs east through this shapijk. At first the amount of water coming out was very small but it kept increasing and increasing until it was gushing out. This badly frightened the people because in 'O'odham traditions the flood that had destroyed the world had started from the same kind of small beginning. The people decided to appoint four mamakai to discover what was causing this. These mamakai had knowledge of the supernatural that was much greater than that of ordinary men and women. This allowed them to understand events that other men and women could not.</p> <p>In 1950, J. Alden Mason published a monograph, <em>The Language of the Papago of Arizona</em>. Pages 71–76 of his monograph are devoted to the 'A'al Hiaha'iñ tradition which he calls the Sacrifice of the Children. Page 76 is a copy of the text of the tradition as originally written and translated by Juan Dolores, and which was the basis for Mason's study. <strong>[End Page 260]</strong> Mason commented that the text was probably written by Dolores about 1915. I first learned of this tradition from Mason's monograph. Fr. Bonaventure Oblasser, O.F.M., who devoted most of his life to the Tohono 'O'odham and was fluent in their language, told me about the tradition in the late 1950s. Since the 1950s I have heard it from Tohono 'O'odham and visited the shrine in the company of 'O'odham. For this essay I have used the wording of the Dolores version, but I have written it in an orthography intended to make it easier for a person who has learned to read English in American schools to pronounce the words correctly. For notes on the orthography I use, see Winters (2020, xlv–xlviii).</p> <p>With this background, we will now pick up the story in 'O'od
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： 儿童墓地 'A'al Hiaha'iñ 的 Tohono 'O'odham 传统 小哈利-J-温特斯（简历） 这个 Tohono 'O'odham 传统讲述了几个世纪前发生的一件真实事件。来自今天托霍诺-奥德汉姆族 Gu Achi 区旧'Aji 村'地区的一个人正在索诺拉的阿尔塔山谷旅行。他是村里的篮子管理员瓦沙-努库达姆（Vasha Ñuukuddam）。篮子看守人负责看管一种篮子，即瓦沙，里面存放着重要的、有时甚至是危险的祭祀物品。在亚利桑那州南部和索诺拉州北部的一次特大暴雨期间，他正在旅行。当他在祭坛山谷时，山洪袭击了那里的一个村庄，除了两个在山上玩耍的孩子外，其他人全部遇难。这个人救出了这两个孤儿，并把他们带回了自己的村子。就在他回来后不久，从圣罗莎到希克沃恩的公路今天要经过的两座山丘之间的一个小缺口（或称沙比克）突然开始渗水。Santa Rosa Wash 是一条主要的排水沟，向东流经这个缺口。起初流出的水量很小，但后来不断增加，直到喷涌而出。这让人们非常害怕，因为在奥德汉姆的传统中，毁灭世界的洪水也是从同样小的水量开始的。人们决定任命四位马马凯（mamakai）去探究造成这种情况的原因。这些马马凯人对超自然现象的了解远远超过普通人。这使他们能够理解其他男人和女人无法理解的事件。1950 年，J. Alden Mason 出版了一本专著《亚利桑那州帕帕戈人的语言》。专著的第 71-76 页专门介绍了'A'al Hiaha'iñ 传统，他称之为 "儿童祭祀"。第 76 页是胡安-多洛雷斯（Juan Dolores）最初撰写和翻译的该传统文本的副本，也是梅森研究的基础。[第 260 页末】梅森评论说，该文本可能是多洛雷斯在 1915 年左右写的。我最初是从梅森的专著中了解到这一传统的。20 世纪 50 年代末，O.F.M. Bonaventure Oblasser 神父向我讲述了这一传统。自 20 世纪 50 年代以来，我从托霍诺-奥德汉姆人那里听说过这个传统，并在奥德汉姆人的陪同下参观过圣地。在这篇文章中，我使用了多洛雷斯版本的措辞，但我使用了一种正字法，目的是让在美国学校学习英语的人更容易正确发音。关于我使用的正字法，请参见 Winters (2020, xlv-xlviii)。有了这些背景，我们现在将用奥德汉姆语（'O'odham Ñi'ok）来讲述这个故事，然后是翻译和评论。首先，我要说："Heg 'ant hab o 'aa matp hab chu'ig gaḍhu 'i 'amjeḍ。我要讲一个遥远过去的故事。胡安-多洛雷斯讲述的传统 'Ab ash vo'o g vasha heg'ab do'ag mo hemu hab cheegig 'A'al Hiaha'iñ.Kush 'ab ahavash da'iwush g shuudag k heg 'i ge'edahim k 'i ge'edahim k s-ta-'eebidam 'e juu.Kush wenog 'am ahava 'e hemapai g hemajkam k 'am ha chuuchia g mamakai mat hegam o s-mai mas haschu'aagch hab 'e wua ha'ichu.Sham ñei g hemajkam gi'ik s-chuhugam'ab k 'am 'i kuugi g ñe'i。Sh hab kaij g mamakai，"M o ki mo'i ha'ichu pi 'ap wua g Vasha Ñuukuddam k 'o ki heghekaj hab 'e wua.Kutp hab masma s-'ape matt 'ab o 'iagchul g t Si'ihe k 'ab o maa g Vasha Ñuukuddam 'a'aliga.Kutp 'ab o t sho'igid k o va t...
{"title":"The Tohono 'O'odham Tradition of the 'A'al Hiaha'iñ, the Children's Burial Place","authors":"Harry J. Winters Jr.","doi":"10.1353/jsw.2024.a937370","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsw.2024.a937370","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Tohono 'O'odham Tradition of the 'A'al Hiaha'iñ, the Children's Burial Place <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <p>This Tohono 'O'odham tradition tells of an actual event that happened centuries ago. A man from the area of old 'Aji village in today's Gu Achi District of the Tohono 'O'odham Nation was on a trip in the Altar Valley of Sonora. He was the Basket Keeper, Vasha Ñuukuddam, for his village. The Basket Keeper was responsible for the care of a type of basket, vasha, in which important, and sometimes dangerous, ceremonial objects were kept. He was traveling during a period of extraordinarily heavy rains in southern Arizona and northern Sonora. While he was in the Altar Valley, a flash flood hit a village there and killed everyone except two children who were out playing in the hills. This man rescued the orphans and brought them with him to his village. Not long after he got back, suddenly water started seeping out of the ground in the little gap, or shapijk, between the two buttes through which the road from Santa Rosa to Hikwoñ passes today. Santa Rosa Wash, a major drainage channel, runs east through this shapijk. At first the amount of water coming out was very small but it kept increasing and increasing until it was gushing out. This badly frightened the people because in 'O'odham traditions the flood that had destroyed the world had started from the same kind of small beginning. The people decided to appoint four mamakai to discover what was causing this. These mamakai had knowledge of the supernatural that was much greater than that of ordinary men and women. This allowed them to understand events that other men and women could not.</p> <p>In 1950, J. Alden Mason published a monograph, <em>The Language of the Papago of Arizona</em>. Pages 71–76 of his monograph are devoted to the 'A'al Hiaha'iñ tradition which he calls the Sacrifice of the Children. Page 76 is a copy of the text of the tradition as originally written and translated by Juan Dolores, and which was the basis for Mason's study. <strong>[End Page 260]</strong> Mason commented that the text was probably written by Dolores about 1915. I first learned of this tradition from Mason's monograph. Fr. Bonaventure Oblasser, O.F.M., who devoted most of his life to the Tohono 'O'odham and was fluent in their language, told me about the tradition in the late 1950s. Since the 1950s I have heard it from Tohono 'O'odham and visited the shrine in the company of 'O'odham. For this essay I have used the wording of the Dolores version, but I have written it in an orthography intended to make it easier for a person who has learned to read English in American schools to pronounce the words correctly. For notes on the orthography I use, see Winters (2020, xlv–xlviii).</p> <p>With this background, we will now pick up the story in 'O'od","PeriodicalId":43344,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE SOUTHWEST","volume":"70 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142255291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-19DOI: 10.1353/jsw.2024.a937373
Gary Paul Nabhan
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>They Call You Back: A Lost History, a Search, a Memoir</em> by Tim Z. Hernandez <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Gary Paul Nabhan (bio) </li> </ul> <em>They Call You Back: A Lost History, a Search, a Memoir</em> By Tim Z. Hernandez 2024, 272 pages University of Arizona Press, Tucson ISBN 978-0-8165-5361-7 <p>Poet, oral historian, and storyteller Tim Z. Hernandez was honored in 2014 with an International Latino Book Award in historical fiction for <em>Mañana Means Heaven</em> and a Colorado Book Award for his poetry collection <em>Natural Takeover of Small Things</em>, but his searingly sad and beautiful nonfiction narrative <em>They Call You Back</em> is sure to remain in the cultural memory of the U.S./Mexico borderlands for many more decades, perhaps centuries. Its lasting value is because Hernandez has palpably felt and stared collective intergenerational grief right in the eyes and survived its debilitating trance.</p> <p>What superficially appears to be a sequel to his widely acclaimed 2017 book <em>All They Will Call You</em>—about the aftermath of the 1948 plane wreck at Los Gatos Canyon that songster Woody Guthrie made famous—is, and will remain, much more than that. Although the book seems to use the 2013 memorial for the victims of the worst plane wreck in California as its point of departure, the narrative weaves back and forth in space and time. It not only weaves in the story of Bea Franco, Jack Kerouac's Chicana lover who was the inspiration for Terry in <em>On the Road</em>, and that of the 2019 racially motivated mass killing at a Walmart in East El Paso, it also tells of trauma in the Hernandez family over four generations.</p> <p>Tim's own story blurs and bleeds into the others he has researched for two decades, as he absorbs the traumas of others, as many healers have done over the ages, before he spits them out onto the pages of his <strong>[End Page 285]</strong> skillfully integrated narrative. Although the short vignettes at first seem unrelated, they morph into a stunning whole that is so obviously greater than the sum of its parts.</p> <p>In this manner, what initially may seem to be chance encounters, uncanny coincidences, and bizarre convergences become a larger, more cohesive explanation of the Latinx experience in western North America. Rather than coldly analyzing the "dysfunctions" that emerge from intergenerational traumas, he guides you inside them, and you see what author Gregory Boyle calls "tattoos on the heart." You might say they are not dysfunctions at all, but part and parcel of adaptations that many among us have desperately relied upon merely to survive in a hostile environment.</p> <p>There is something both raw and tender in many of the parables in this book. Yes, there is also anger, disillusionment, and loss, but hope crawls up out of the cauldron of de
{"title":"They Call You Back: A Lost History, a Search, a Memoir by Tim Z. Hernandez (review)","authors":"Gary Paul Nabhan","doi":"10.1353/jsw.2024.a937373","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsw.2024.a937373","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>They Call You Back: A Lost History, a Search, a Memoir</em> by Tim Z. Hernandez <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Gary Paul Nabhan (bio) </li> </ul> <em>They Call You Back: A Lost History, a Search, a Memoir</em> By Tim Z. Hernandez 2024, 272 pages University of Arizona Press, Tucson ISBN 978-0-8165-5361-7 <p>Poet, oral historian, and storyteller Tim Z. Hernandez was honored in 2014 with an International Latino Book Award in historical fiction for <em>Mañana Means Heaven</em> and a Colorado Book Award for his poetry collection <em>Natural Takeover of Small Things</em>, but his searingly sad and beautiful nonfiction narrative <em>They Call You Back</em> is sure to remain in the cultural memory of the U.S./Mexico borderlands for many more decades, perhaps centuries. Its lasting value is because Hernandez has palpably felt and stared collective intergenerational grief right in the eyes and survived its debilitating trance.</p> <p>What superficially appears to be a sequel to his widely acclaimed 2017 book <em>All They Will Call You</em>—about the aftermath of the 1948 plane wreck at Los Gatos Canyon that songster Woody Guthrie made famous—is, and will remain, much more than that. Although the book seems to use the 2013 memorial for the victims of the worst plane wreck in California as its point of departure, the narrative weaves back and forth in space and time. It not only weaves in the story of Bea Franco, Jack Kerouac's Chicana lover who was the inspiration for Terry in <em>On the Road</em>, and that of the 2019 racially motivated mass killing at a Walmart in East El Paso, it also tells of trauma in the Hernandez family over four generations.</p> <p>Tim's own story blurs and bleeds into the others he has researched for two decades, as he absorbs the traumas of others, as many healers have done over the ages, before he spits them out onto the pages of his <strong>[End Page 285]</strong> skillfully integrated narrative. Although the short vignettes at first seem unrelated, they morph into a stunning whole that is so obviously greater than the sum of its parts.</p> <p>In this manner, what initially may seem to be chance encounters, uncanny coincidences, and bizarre convergences become a larger, more cohesive explanation of the Latinx experience in western North America. Rather than coldly analyzing the \"dysfunctions\" that emerge from intergenerational traumas, he guides you inside them, and you see what author Gregory Boyle calls \"tattoos on the heart.\" You might say they are not dysfunctions at all, but part and parcel of adaptations that many among us have desperately relied upon merely to survive in a hostile environment.</p> <p>There is something both raw and tender in many of the parables in this book. Yes, there is also anger, disillusionment, and loss, but hope crawls up out of the cauldron of de","PeriodicalId":43344,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE SOUTHWEST","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142255293","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-30DOI: 10.1353/jsw.2024.a933417
Gayle Harrison Hartmann, Sandra Martynec, Lorraine Marquez Eiler
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Lorraine Marquez Eiler:<span>The Remarkable Life of a Hia-Ced O'odham Woman</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Gayle Harrison Hartmann (bio), Sandra Martynec (bio), and Lorraine Marquez Eiler (bio) </li> </ul> <h2>I<small>ntroductory</small> N<small>ote</small></h2> <p>The work on this article began in May 2021 with three long interviews that Gayle and Sandra conducted with Lorraine to document her remarkable and fascinating life. The first interview was held on Sandra and Rick Martynec's patio at Coyote Howls Campground near Why, Arizona, and the second and third were held at the Curley School in Ajo, Arizona. These initial interviews were followed by many in-person conversations, as well as phone and email communications. The commentary in first person below is by Lorraine and is taken from tapes of these interviews and other conversations. The photos are from a variety of sources, but the majority are Lorraine's and, if a photo is not credited to someone else, then it is from Lorraine's personal collection. Gayle organized the draft and wrote the figure captions as well as the bracketed notes that are in italics. Most of these notes are within the text, but a few, longer ones appear as endnotes. Each bracketed note is intended to clarify and expand upon the topic that precedes it. Sandra collected the majority of the photos and she repaired those that were old and in poor <strong>[End Page 47]</strong> condition. Sandra also helped obtain names of individuals and places and the dates for some of the photos.</p> <h2>G<small>rowing</small> U<small>p at</small> D<small>arby</small> W<small>ells and</small> I<small>ndian</small> V<small>illage</small></h2> <p>I was born at the hospital in Ajo on November 20, 1936, and my parents lived at Darby Wells. My birth certificate lists my first name as Hazel, but I didn't know that was my name until much later when I saw my birth certificate for the first time. As a small child my parents called me by an Indian name, Letha, but when I went to school, I was called Florence, Lorena, Lorraine, and Florina. All those names are on my report cards. I don't know where these names came from. I suppose the teachers at the school came up with them. Later when I got a job with the Indian Health Service in 1957, I had to choose a name and I chose Lorraine.</p> <p>I'm the oldest of nine children. My brothers are Emeterio, William, George, Thomas, and Alfred. My sisters are Geraldine, Nancy, Shirley (later, Sherry), Bernadette, and my half-sister Delfina. Delfina is older than I am. Emeterio, George, Thomas, Alfred, Geraldine, and Bernadette are no longer living. You can see that the total number of children is really 10, but since Geraldine only lived to be three and a half years old, I usually say I'm the oldest of nine, meaning I'm the oldest of nine who grew up.</p> <p>When I was a baby or a
{"title":"Lorraine Marquez Eiler: The Remarkable Life of a Hia-Ced O'odham Woman","authors":"Gayle Harrison Hartmann, Sandra Martynec, Lorraine Marquez Eiler","doi":"10.1353/jsw.2024.a933417","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsw.2024.a933417","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Lorraine Marquez Eiler:<span>The Remarkable Life of a Hia-Ced O'odham Woman</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Gayle Harrison Hartmann (bio), Sandra Martynec (bio), and Lorraine Marquez Eiler (bio) </li> </ul> <h2>I<small>ntroductory</small> N<small>ote</small></h2> <p>The work on this article began in May 2021 with three long interviews that Gayle and Sandra conducted with Lorraine to document her remarkable and fascinating life. The first interview was held on Sandra and Rick Martynec's patio at Coyote Howls Campground near Why, Arizona, and the second and third were held at the Curley School in Ajo, Arizona. These initial interviews were followed by many in-person conversations, as well as phone and email communications. The commentary in first person below is by Lorraine and is taken from tapes of these interviews and other conversations. The photos are from a variety of sources, but the majority are Lorraine's and, if a photo is not credited to someone else, then it is from Lorraine's personal collection. Gayle organized the draft and wrote the figure captions as well as the bracketed notes that are in italics. Most of these notes are within the text, but a few, longer ones appear as endnotes. Each bracketed note is intended to clarify and expand upon the topic that precedes it. Sandra collected the majority of the photos and she repaired those that were old and in poor <strong>[End Page 47]</strong> condition. Sandra also helped obtain names of individuals and places and the dates for some of the photos.</p> <h2>G<small>rowing</small> U<small>p at</small> D<small>arby</small> W<small>ells and</small> I<small>ndian</small> V<small>illage</small></h2> <p>I was born at the hospital in Ajo on November 20, 1936, and my parents lived at Darby Wells. My birth certificate lists my first name as Hazel, but I didn't know that was my name until much later when I saw my birth certificate for the first time. As a small child my parents called me by an Indian name, Letha, but when I went to school, I was called Florence, Lorena, Lorraine, and Florina. All those names are on my report cards. I don't know where these names came from. I suppose the teachers at the school came up with them. Later when I got a job with the Indian Health Service in 1957, I had to choose a name and I chose Lorraine.</p> <p>I'm the oldest of nine children. My brothers are Emeterio, William, George, Thomas, and Alfred. My sisters are Geraldine, Nancy, Shirley (later, Sherry), Bernadette, and my half-sister Delfina. Delfina is older than I am. Emeterio, George, Thomas, Alfred, Geraldine, and Bernadette are no longer living. You can see that the total number of children is really 10, but since Geraldine only lived to be three and a half years old, I usually say I'm the oldest of nine, meaning I'm the oldest of nine who grew up.</p> <p>When I was a baby or a ","PeriodicalId":43344,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE SOUTHWEST","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141866116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-30DOI: 10.1353/jsw.2024.a933420
Harry J. Winters Jr.
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Names of Arizona's Four Peaks <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <h2>Y<small>avapai</small> N<small>ame</small></h2> <p>The Four Peaks sit on the crest of the southern Mazatzal Mountains on the boundary between the old territories of the Kwevakapaya Yavapais on the west and the Dilzhę'e (Tonto Apaches) on the east. The Kwevakapaya are the Downstream or Southern Yavapais because their territory is downstream and south on the Verde River from the territory of their relatives on the middle Verde River. See the locator map for the location of the Four Peaks and other places named in this essay. The Four Peaks have many names. The Yavapais call themselves Baaja and their language Baaja Gwaawja. In Baaja Gwaawja the Four Peaks are Wii Kjasa, Chopped Mountain, from the shape of the peaks and the passes between them as seen from the west. See Figure 1. The earliest written record of this name that I know of is in Corbusier (1921, 8). His spelling is wē-ka-chá-sa and his translation is "Chopped Looking Rocks." Corbusier's original vocabulary was written in 1873, but did not include the name of the Four Peaks. Recently another name, Wii Huba, literally meaning Four Mountains, was coined from the English name, but it is not the historical Yavapai name for the peaks. I never heard Yavapai elders use it. <strong>[End Page 165]</strong></p> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution <p></p> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution Figure 1. <p><em>Four Peaks seen from the west</em>. Photo by Pete Kresan.</p> <p>from HW: This figure is in Maricopa Place Names, 2018, Figure 9.1 on page 133, SRI Press, Tucson, AZ, 2018. It is also Figure 8 in Winters and Darling, JSW, 64, 1 (Spring 2022: 159-191)</p> <p></p> <p><strong>[End Page 166]</strong></p> <h2>A<small>pache</small> N<small>ame</small></h2> <p>When the Dilzhę'e, Tonto Apaches in English, arrived in the Tonto Basin, they became friends and allies of the Kwevakapaya. The Dilzhę'e camped on the eastern slopes of the Mazatzal Mountains and shared the resources there with the Kwevakapaya. From the Tonto Basin side the Four Peaks look very different than from the Verde River side. The Dilzhę'e named them Tsēē Disdāāz, Rocks Sitting (like they have been put there). That's how they look from the east. See Figure 2.</p> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution Figure 2. <p><em>Four Peaks seen from the Tonto Basin east of the peaks</em>. Photo by Sal Cabibo.</p> <p></p> <h2>P<small>iipaash</small> N<small>ame</small></h2> <p>The Piipaash, Maricopas in English, call their language Piipaash Chuukwer. They call the Four Peaks Ikwem Kwiimash, Dancer With Antlers/Horns. Ikwe means "antlers," ikwem means "with antlers," and kwiimash, dancer, comes from the verb iima-k meaning "to dance." There is nothing about the appearance of
{"title":"The Names of Arizona's Four Peaks","authors":"Harry J. Winters Jr.","doi":"10.1353/jsw.2024.a933420","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsw.2024.a933420","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Names of Arizona's Four Peaks <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <h2>Y<small>avapai</small> N<small>ame</small></h2> <p>The Four Peaks sit on the crest of the southern Mazatzal Mountains on the boundary between the old territories of the Kwevakapaya Yavapais on the west and the Dilzhę'e (Tonto Apaches) on the east. The Kwevakapaya are the Downstream or Southern Yavapais because their territory is downstream and south on the Verde River from the territory of their relatives on the middle Verde River. See the locator map for the location of the Four Peaks and other places named in this essay. The Four Peaks have many names. The Yavapais call themselves Baaja and their language Baaja Gwaawja. In Baaja Gwaawja the Four Peaks are Wii Kjasa, Chopped Mountain, from the shape of the peaks and the passes between them as seen from the west. See Figure 1. The earliest written record of this name that I know of is in Corbusier (1921, 8). His spelling is wē-ka-chá-sa and his translation is \"Chopped Looking Rocks.\" Corbusier's original vocabulary was written in 1873, but did not include the name of the Four Peaks. Recently another name, Wii Huba, literally meaning Four Mountains, was coined from the English name, but it is not the historical Yavapai name for the peaks. I never heard Yavapai elders use it. <strong>[End Page 165]</strong></p> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution <p></p> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution Figure 1. <p><em>Four Peaks seen from the west</em>. Photo by Pete Kresan.</p> <p>from HW: This figure is in Maricopa Place Names, 2018, Figure 9.1 on page 133, SRI Press, Tucson, AZ, 2018. It is also Figure 8 in Winters and Darling, JSW, 64, 1 (Spring 2022: 159-191)</p> <p></p> <p><strong>[End Page 166]</strong></p> <h2>A<small>pache</small> N<small>ame</small></h2> <p>When the Dilzhę'e, Tonto Apaches in English, arrived in the Tonto Basin, they became friends and allies of the Kwevakapaya. The Dilzhę'e camped on the eastern slopes of the Mazatzal Mountains and shared the resources there with the Kwevakapaya. From the Tonto Basin side the Four Peaks look very different than from the Verde River side. The Dilzhę'e named them Tsēē Disdāāz, Rocks Sitting (like they have been put there). That's how they look from the east. See Figure 2.</p> <br/> Click for larger view<br/> View full resolution Figure 2. <p><em>Four Peaks seen from the Tonto Basin east of the peaks</em>. Photo by Sal Cabibo.</p> <p></p> <h2>P<small>iipaash</small> N<small>ame</small></h2> <p>The Piipaash, Maricopas in English, call their language Piipaash Chuukwer. They call the Four Peaks Ikwem Kwiimash, Dancer With Antlers/Horns. Ikwe means \"antlers,\" ikwem means \"with antlers,\" and kwiimash, dancer, comes from the verb iima-k meaning \"to dance.\" There is nothing about the appearance of","PeriodicalId":43344,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE SOUTHWEST","volume":"201 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141866119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-30DOI: 10.1353/jsw.2024.a933418
Harry J. Winters Jr.
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Orthographies for the Winters Papers in This Issue <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <p>In these papers 'O'odham words are written in an alphabet that comes as close as possible to what someone who has learned to read English in American schools would expect. Differences are (1) all glottal stops are included and are written as apostrophes, (2) the English vowel "e" is used for the 'O'odham vowel that sounds like the "oo" in English "book," (3) the 'O'odham consonant that sounds like the Spanish "d" in "donde" is written as "ḍ", and (4) the 'O'odham consonant that sounds like the "ny" in English canyon is written as "ñ." This is the alphabet used in Winters (2012, xxxix–lii) and Winters (2020, xlv–xlviii). See one of those references for details.</p> <p>As in my other works, I always write the glottal stop as an apostrophe when it is the first consonant in an 'O'odham word, including in the word 'O'odham. This is to help readers who are not speakers of the 'O'odham language pronounce the words accurately. Other authors do not write the glottal stop when it is the first consonant of a word, presumably because it is not written in English words.</p> <h2>R<small>iver</small> Y<small>uman</small> S<small>pelling and</small> P<small>ronunciation</small></h2> <p>Piipaash (Maricopa), Quechan (Kwatsáan, Yuma) and Mojave words are written in the alphabets used in dictionaries of those languages. The alphabets are close to what someone who has learned to read English in American schools would expect. <strong>[End Page 115]</strong></p> <p>Differences are: (1) all glottal stops are included and written as apostrophes, (2) accent marks are written on Quechan words as they appear in the dictionary of that language, (3) the consonant written "x" in Quechan words sounds like the "j" in Spanish words (jamás, jugar), (4) the consonant written "ts" in Quechan words sounds like English "ch," and (5) the consonant written "th" in Quechan words sounds like the "d" in Spanish words (donde, desde). See Miller et al. (2022) for details on Quechan pronunciation.</p> <p>Spaces and hyphens in written River Yuman words do not affect pronunciation.</p> <p>See Winters (2018, xxv–-xxvii) for details on Piipaash spelling and pronunciation. See Munro, Brown, and Crawford (1992, 315–318) for details on Mojave pronunciation.</p> <h2>Y<small>avapai</small> S<small>pelling</small> and P<small>ronunciation</small></h2> <p>I write Yavapai words as my tutor, Irene McLevain, an elder who was fluent in the language, pronounced them at Ft. McDowell, often in one-on-one sessions over a period of four years. In my experience, it is easier for speakers of American English to learn to pronounce Yavapai words than 'O'odham words. There is no standard alphabet for the Yavapai language. Three or more different spelling systems have been us
为代替摘要，下面是内容的简要摘录： 本期温特斯论文的正字法 小哈利-J-温特斯（Harry J. Winters Jr. 在这些论文中，'奥德汉姆'单词的书写字母表尽可能接近在美国学校学习英语的人所期望的字母表。不同之处在于：(1) 所有喉塞音都包括在内，并写成撇号；(2) 用英语元音 "e "来表示听起来像英语 "book "中的 "oo "的奥德汉姆元音；(3) 把听起来像西班牙语 "donde "中的 "d "的奥德汉姆辅音写成 "ḍ"；(4) 把听起来像英语 "canyon "中的 "ny "的奥德汉姆辅音写成 "ñ"。这是温特斯（2012 年，xxxix-lii）和温特斯（2020 年，xlv-xlviii）中使用的字母表。详情请参见其中一篇参考文献。在我的其他作品中，当喉塞音是 "O'odham "单词（包括 "O'odham "一词）中的第一个辅音时，我总是将其写成撇号。这是为了帮助不懂奥德汉姆语的读者准确发音。其他作者在写单词的第一个辅音时不写喉塞音，可能是因为英语单词中不写喉塞音。里弗尤曼语的拼写和发音 皮帕阿什语（马里科帕语）、奎坎语（夸萨安语、尤马语）和莫哈韦语的单词是用这些语言词典中使用的字母书写的。这些字母与在美国学校学习英语的人所期望的字母很接近。[第 115 页末] 不同之处在于(1) 所有喉塞音都包括在内，并写成撇号；(2) 重音符号写在 Quechan 语单词上，与该语言词典中出现的一样；(3) 在 Quechan 语单词中写为 "x "的辅音听起来像西班牙语单词中的 "j"（jamás、jugar），（4）Quechan 语中写成 "ts "的辅音听起来像英语中的 "ch"，（5）Quechan 语中写成 "th "的辅音听起来像西班牙语中的 "d"（donde, desde）。有关 Quechan 语发音的详细信息，请参见 Miller 等人（2022 年）。河裕曼语书面语中的空格和连字符不影响发音。有关 Piipaash 拼写和发音的详情，请参见 Winters (2018, xxv--xxxvii)。有关莫哈韦发音的详情，请参见 Munro、Brown 和 Crawford（1992，315-318）。亚瓦派语拼写和发音 我是按照我的导师艾琳-麦克莱温（Irene McLevain）--一位精通亚瓦派语的长者--在麦克道尔堡（Ft. McDowell）的发音来书写亚瓦派语单词的。根据我的经验，对于说美式英语的人来说，学习亚瓦派语单词的发音比学习奥德汉姆语单词的发音要容易得多。亚瓦派语没有标准的字母表。语言学家在撰写有关普雷斯科特和维德营的亚瓦派语文章时，曾使用过三种或更多不同的拼写系统。我使用的字母表与在美国学校学说英语的人所期望的字母表很接近。不同之处在于(1）所有喉塞音都包括在内，并写成撇号；（2）写成 "q "的辅音在喉咙后部发音，像硬 "k "或硬 "g"。元音的发音通常与西班牙语相同。阿帕奇语的拼写和发音 阿帕奇语是一种声调语言，有长元音、短元音和鼻韵母。我听人说过下一篇论文中使用的几个阿帕奇语单词。遗憾的是，我还不会说这种语言，但我会学得更多。有关阿帕奇语拼写和发音的详细信息，请参见 de Reuse (2006, 7-28) 和 Bray (1998, xiv-xviii)。[Harry J. Winters Jr. Harry J. Winters 拥有亚利桑那大学地质工程博士学位。自 20 世纪 60 年代以来，他一直担任采矿业顾问，并从年轻时就开始讲奥德汉姆语。 参考文献 Bray、Dorothy 和白山阿帕奇部落。西部阿帕奇-英语字典》。双语出版社/双语编辑部，亚利桑那州坦佩，1998 年。Google Scholar de Reuse, Willem J. A Practical Grammar of the San Carlos Apache Language.LINCOM GmbH，德国慕尼黑，2006 年。Google Scholar Miller, Amy, A. M. Halpern, George Bryant, and the Quechan...
{"title":"Orthographies for the Winters Papers in This Issue","authors":"Harry J. Winters Jr.","doi":"10.1353/jsw.2024.a933418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsw.2024.a933418","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Orthographies for the Winters Papers in This Issue <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <p>In these papers 'O'odham words are written in an alphabet that comes as close as possible to what someone who has learned to read English in American schools would expect. Differences are (1) all glottal stops are included and are written as apostrophes, (2) the English vowel \"e\" is used for the 'O'odham vowel that sounds like the \"oo\" in English \"book,\" (3) the 'O'odham consonant that sounds like the Spanish \"d\" in \"donde\" is written as \"ḍ\", and (4) the 'O'odham consonant that sounds like the \"ny\" in English canyon is written as \"ñ.\" This is the alphabet used in Winters (2012, xxxix–lii) and Winters (2020, xlv–xlviii). See one of those references for details.</p> <p>As in my other works, I always write the glottal stop as an apostrophe when it is the first consonant in an 'O'odham word, including in the word 'O'odham. This is to help readers who are not speakers of the 'O'odham language pronounce the words accurately. Other authors do not write the glottal stop when it is the first consonant of a word, presumably because it is not written in English words.</p> <h2>R<small>iver</small> Y<small>uman</small> S<small>pelling and</small> P<small>ronunciation</small></h2> <p>Piipaash (Maricopa), Quechan (Kwatsáan, Yuma) and Mojave words are written in the alphabets used in dictionaries of those languages. The alphabets are close to what someone who has learned to read English in American schools would expect. <strong>[End Page 115]</strong></p> <p>Differences are: (1) all glottal stops are included and written as apostrophes, (2) accent marks are written on Quechan words as they appear in the dictionary of that language, (3) the consonant written \"x\" in Quechan words sounds like the \"j\" in Spanish words (jamás, jugar), (4) the consonant written \"ts\" in Quechan words sounds like English \"ch,\" and (5) the consonant written \"th\" in Quechan words sounds like the \"d\" in Spanish words (donde, desde). See Miller et al. (2022) for details on Quechan pronunciation.</p> <p>Spaces and hyphens in written River Yuman words do not affect pronunciation.</p> <p>See Winters (2018, xxv–-xxvii) for details on Piipaash spelling and pronunciation. See Munro, Brown, and Crawford (1992, 315–318) for details on Mojave pronunciation.</p> <h2>Y<small>avapai</small> S<small>pelling</small> and P<small>ronunciation</small></h2> <p>I write Yavapai words as my tutor, Irene McLevain, an elder who was fluent in the language, pronounced them at Ft. McDowell, often in one-on-one sessions over a period of four years. In my experience, it is easier for speakers of American English to learn to pronounce Yavapai words than 'O'odham words. There is no standard alphabet for the Yavapai language. Three or more different spelling systems have been us","PeriodicalId":43344,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE SOUTHWEST","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141866117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-30DOI: 10.1353/jsw.2024.a933419
Harry J. Winters Jr.
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Arizona Indian Peoples' Territories in the Nineteenth Century <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <p>In this paper I describe changes in the sizes and locations of the territories of several Arizona Indian peoples in the nineteenth century and the causes of those changes. The peoples whose territories I discuss are the Tohono 'O'odham, formerly called Papagos; the 'Akimeli 'O'odham, also called Pimas; the Hiach'eḍ 'O'odham, also called Sand Papagos and Areneños; the Piipaash and Halychduum, both also called Cocomaricopas and Maricopas in Spanish and later in English; the Quechan, also spelled Kwatsáan and called Yumas; the Baaja, also called Yavapais; and the Dilzhę'e, also called Tonto Apaches. See Appendix 1, Names of Arizona Indian Peoples, at the end of this essay for more on these names, which are interesting and important in themselves.</p> <p>I do not discuss the territory of the mixed Sobaipuri and Tohono 'O'odham peoples living along the Santa Cruz River in the nineteenth century. The Sobaipuris were 'O'odham and, based on limited evidence, spoke the same language as Tohono 'O'odham and 'Akimeli 'O'odham. In 1800 their lands may have extended as far downstream on the Santa Cruz as Cortaro. As of 1800 at the farming village of Vaak, the site of San Xavier del Bac mission, the original Sobaipuri population had been decreasing for years due to diseases brought by foreigners and to Apache raiding. For years before 1800, missionaries on the Santa Cruz had been inviting Tohono 'O'odham from the west to come to Vaak to take the place of Sobaipuris who had died. By 1800 many Tohono 'O'odham had done so and more would come.</p> <p>I discuss the territory of the Hiach'eḍ 'O'odham even though most of the land in which they lived in 1800 was in Sonora rather than in today's Arizona. 'A'al Vauphia, Little Wells, called Quitobaquito in Spanish, a very important village, was in today's Arizona. They traveled <strong>[End Page 118]</strong> across the desert between their territory in the south and places on the lower Gila River including Agua Caliente, two or three villages in the Wellton-Dome-Yuma area, and another near Somerton.</p> <p>I call the Baaja (Yavapais) by their four individual subtribe names, Tolkapaya, Yavpe, Wiipukpaa, and Kwevakapaya, unless I am discussing all subtribes as a group. In that case I call them Baaja, their name for themselves. Gifford lumped the Yavpe and the Wiipukpaa together into the Yavpe, although he recognized the Wiipukpaa as a "subgroup" of the Yavpe. See Gifford (1936, 249–250). The Baaja, Hualapai, and Havasupai in Arizona and the Paipai in Baja California are known as Mountain Yuman or Upland Yuman peoples. The Paipai are Baaja who emigrated from today's Arizona centuries ago, but have retained the Baaja language and traditions. The Baaja, Hualapai, and Hava
{"title":"Arizona Indian Peoples' Territories in the Nineteenth Century","authors":"Harry J. Winters Jr.","doi":"10.1353/jsw.2024.a933419","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsw.2024.a933419","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Arizona Indian Peoples' Territories in the Nineteenth Century <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry J. Winters Jr. (bio) </li> </ul> <p>In this paper I describe changes in the sizes and locations of the territories of several Arizona Indian peoples in the nineteenth century and the causes of those changes. The peoples whose territories I discuss are the Tohono 'O'odham, formerly called Papagos; the 'Akimeli 'O'odham, also called Pimas; the Hiach'eḍ 'O'odham, also called Sand Papagos and Areneños; the Piipaash and Halychduum, both also called Cocomaricopas and Maricopas in Spanish and later in English; the Quechan, also spelled Kwatsáan and called Yumas; the Baaja, also called Yavapais; and the Dilzhę'e, also called Tonto Apaches. See Appendix 1, Names of Arizona Indian Peoples, at the end of this essay for more on these names, which are interesting and important in themselves.</p> <p>I do not discuss the territory of the mixed Sobaipuri and Tohono 'O'odham peoples living along the Santa Cruz River in the nineteenth century. The Sobaipuris were 'O'odham and, based on limited evidence, spoke the same language as Tohono 'O'odham and 'Akimeli 'O'odham. In 1800 their lands may have extended as far downstream on the Santa Cruz as Cortaro. As of 1800 at the farming village of Vaak, the site of San Xavier del Bac mission, the original Sobaipuri population had been decreasing for years due to diseases brought by foreigners and to Apache raiding. For years before 1800, missionaries on the Santa Cruz had been inviting Tohono 'O'odham from the west to come to Vaak to take the place of Sobaipuris who had died. By 1800 many Tohono 'O'odham had done so and more would come.</p> <p>I discuss the territory of the Hiach'eḍ 'O'odham even though most of the land in which they lived in 1800 was in Sonora rather than in today's Arizona. 'A'al Vauphia, Little Wells, called Quitobaquito in Spanish, a very important village, was in today's Arizona. They traveled <strong>[End Page 118]</strong> across the desert between their territory in the south and places on the lower Gila River including Agua Caliente, two or three villages in the Wellton-Dome-Yuma area, and another near Somerton.</p> <p>I call the Baaja (Yavapais) by their four individual subtribe names, Tolkapaya, Yavpe, Wiipukpaa, and Kwevakapaya, unless I am discussing all subtribes as a group. In that case I call them Baaja, their name for themselves. Gifford lumped the Yavpe and the Wiipukpaa together into the Yavpe, although he recognized the Wiipukpaa as a \"subgroup\" of the Yavpe. See Gifford (1936, 249–250). The Baaja, Hualapai, and Havasupai in Arizona and the Paipai in Baja California are known as Mountain Yuman or Upland Yuman peoples. The Paipai are Baaja who emigrated from today's Arizona centuries ago, but have retained the Baaja language and traditions. The Baaja, Hualapai, and Hava","PeriodicalId":43344,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF THE SOUTHWEST","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141866121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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