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The Discourse on Multi-Child Families in South Korea's Media and Popular Culture 韩国媒体与大众文化中的多子女家庭话语
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0009
Irene Yung Park
Abstract:In the last 60 years the typical Korean family has dramatically changed its size due to a drastic drop in the national fertility rates, which plummeted from 6.2 in 1960 to 0.98 in 2018. This transformation was actively supported by population policies that promoted not only a change in behavior but also in values and cultural perceptions on childrearing and family size, mobilizing all sorts of communication media for that purpose. Families with multiple children were associated with negative connotations such as backwardness, poverty, unhappiness, and lack of education or parental responsibility, making of it an abnormal, and later on invisible, reality. Since the mid-2000s however, following the rising concern of government officials for the decreasing fertility rates and coinciding with the enactment of childbirth encouragement policies, there has been an increasing visibility of multichild families (two or more children) in local media and popular culture. This paper examines the multi-child family representations involved in these reactions to population policy by identifying patterns of representation and critically analyzing their cultural meaning. Specifically, it focuses on how these representations confirm, contradict, contrast, or interact in complex ways with existing discourses on family and parenting and with new policies.
摘要:在过去的60年里,由于全国生育率的急剧下降,韩国典型家庭的规模发生了巨大变化,从1960年的6.2下降到2018年的0.98。这一转变得到了人口政策的积极支持,这些政策不仅促进了行为的改变,而且促进了关于养育子女和家庭规模的价值观和文化观念的改变,并为此目的动员了各种传播媒介。有多个孩子的家庭与落后、贫穷、不幸福、缺乏教育或父母责任等负面含义联系在一起,使其成为一种不正常的、后来看不见的现实。然而,自2000年代中期以来,随着政府官员对生育率下降的日益关注,以及鼓励生育政策的颁布,多子女家庭(两个或两个以上子女)在当地媒体和流行文化中的可见度越来越高。本文通过识别代表模式并批判性地分析其文化意义,研究了这些对人口政策的反应中涉及的多子女家庭代表。具体来说,它关注的是这些表述如何以复杂的方式与现有的家庭和育儿话语以及新政策相证实、矛盾、对比或相互作用。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to the Special Section Music That Moves: Sonic Narratives in Modern Korea “移动的音乐:现代韩国的声音叙事”专题导论
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0001
Dafna Zur, Susan Hwang
The starting place for the papers in this special section is music. Music is not bound to material forms as is painting and sculpture or to language like literature and poetry. It travels as waves with kinetic energy through space. Music is governed by organizational principles, to be sure, but the porosity of its delivery and the purported universality of its form — no prior knowledge is required to experience it — makes music one of the most effective conveyors of human emotion.
在这个特殊的部分,论文的起点是音乐。音乐不像绘画和雕塑那样受限于物质形式,也不像文学和诗歌那样受限于语言。它以波的形式带着动能在空间中传播。诚然,音乐是受组织原则支配的,但音乐传递的多孔性和其形式的所谓普遍性——体验音乐不需要事先的知识——使音乐成为人类情感最有效的传播者之一。
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引用次数: 0
Top-down Democracy in South Korea by Erik Mobrand (review) 《自上而下的韩国民主》作者:埃里克·莫布兰德(Erik Mobrand)
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0015
Myunghee Lee
mobile subjects legible as foreigners and aliens while competing for identifying bordered subjects as “our” people. And the Tumen Valley showcases a critical borderland that evinces the contested borders and sovereignty experiments through the case of mobile Koreans who had been subjected to the multiple sovereignties—China, Japan, Russia, and Chosŏn. June Hee Kwon California State University, Sacramento
可移动的主体可辨认为外国人和外国人,同时竞争识别边界主体为“我们的”人民。图们江展示了一个重要的边界地带,通过受中国、日本、俄罗斯和Chosŏn等多个主权国家统治的流动朝鲜人的案例,证明了有争议的边界和主权实验。June Hee Kwon加州州立大学,萨克拉门托
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引用次数: 0
From Victimhood to Martyrdom: "March for the Beloved" and the Cultural Politics of Resistance in 1980s' South Korea 从受害者到殉道:“为心爱的人游行”与80年代韩国的文化抵抗政治
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0006
Su-kyoung Hwang
Abstract:In 1982, a group of activists gathered at a remote house in Kwangju. Evading the watchful eye of Chun Doo Hwan's military regime, the group clandestinely recorded "March for the Beloved" (Nim I wihan haengjin'gok), a song written to honor the "marriage-in-death" of two late activists Pak Ki-sun and Yun Sang-wŏn. Born in a city that witnessed a brutal massacre be transformed into the most consequential civilian uprising of the authoritarian period, the song moved vastly beyond its original intent of commemorating the union of Pak and Yun. Over the following decades, the song emerged as a central piece in South Korea's repertoire of resistance, resurfacing during some of the most politically contentious events in Korea and throughout Asia. As this article aims to demonstrate, "March for the Beloved" was instrumental in transforming the victims of state violence into martyrs and the subalterns of an unlawful state into political subjects of a morally righteous counter-state. In turn, this transformation enabled minjung [the (oppressed) people] to emerge as the most privileged category of collective resistance and persist as such through the 1980s. This article examines the cultural practices of resistance and the minjung traditions that gave birth to the song, analyzing the performative and affective dimensions that turned the song into an anthem of the counter-state. In conclusion, the article reflects upon the bizarre twists and turns of the song's afterlives as an occasion to think about the meaning of Kwangju and the perpetual struggle over its signification in contemporary South Korea.
摘要:1982年,一群社会活动家聚集在光州一处偏僻的房子里。为了纪念朴基善和尹炳世的“死婚”,该团体避开了全斗焕军事政权的监视,秘密录制了歌曲《献给爱人的进行曲》Sang-wŏn。这首歌出生在一个目睹了残酷的大屠杀转变为威权时期最重要的平民起义的城市,这首歌大大超出了它纪念朴和尹的初衷。在接下来的几十年里,这首歌成为韩国抵抗曲目中的核心曲目,在韩国乃至整个亚洲一些最具政治争议的事件中重新出现。正如本文旨在证明的那样,“为敬爱的人游行”在将国家暴力的受害者转变为烈士和将非法国家的下层人民转变为道德正义的反国家的政治主体方面发挥了重要作用。反过来,这种转变使minjung(受压迫的人)成为集体抵抗中最具特权的群体,并在整个20世纪80年代持续存在。本文考察了产生这首歌的抵抗文化实践和民宗传统,分析了将这首歌变成反政府圣歌的表演和情感维度。最后,文章反思了这首歌的离奇曲折,并以此为契机思考光州的意义,以及在当代韩国对其意义的持续斗争。
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引用次数: 0
The Cost of Belonging: An Ethnography of Solidarity and Mobility in Beijing's Koreatown by Sharon J. Yoon (review) 《归属的代价:北京韩国城的团结与流动的民族志》作者:莎朗·尹
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0017
Minjeong Kim
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引用次数: 0
Sovereignty Experiments: Korean Migrants and the Building of Borders in Northeast Asia, 1860–1945 by Alyssa M. Park (review) 《主权实验:朝鲜移民与东北亚边界的建立,1860-1945》,作者:Alyssa M. Park
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0014
J. Kwon
provoking contribution to the field and provides the academic community with a novel and stimulating text for further discussion. Through his research, we come to understand how “letter writing developed into the main discursive site in which major sociocultural change took place” (p. 29) in Chosŏn. His work is both accessible to the general reading public as well as the scholar and student of Korean studies, while also serving as a vital text that contributes towards global studies and critical enquiry into epistolary practices regardless of time, place, or culture.
对该领域做出了令人振奋的贡献,并为学术界提供了一个新颖而刺激的文本,供进一步讨论。通过他的研究,我们开始理解“书信写作如何发展成为主要的话语场所,其中发生了重大的社会文化变革”(第29页)Chosŏn。他的作品既适合普通读者,也适合韩国研究的学者和学生,同时也是一本重要的文本,有助于全球研究和对书信体实践的批判性探究,无论时间、地点或文化。
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引用次数: 0
Monopolizing Authority: The Construction of Presidential Power in South Korea 垄断权力:韩国总统权力的建构
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0008
Hyang-Joo Lee

Abstract:

The power of the president is a concept which is largely cultural and historically constructed. Although the prominent scholar Richard Neustadt claims that "presidential power is no more than the power to persuade," in South Korea, it has become far greater through the country's peculiar blend of history and culture. The Korean War and the influence of the Cold War, the prevalent authoritarianism, security threats from North Korea and the Confucian tradition, have all contributed strongly to the emergence of a strong presidency. From its first days in 1948 and the successive authoritarian regimes to the democratic days of 1987, South Korea's political system has fostered the power of its president. But if power relies on each president's individual will and capacity, their personal ability is still firmly embedded in the state's historical and cultural context. Thus, every president since 1948 has exercized substantial power in most state affairs, much greater than Neustadt would concede. In the past, the South Koreans' long-term experience of authoritarianism persuaded them to leave their destiny in the president's controlling hands. Hence, even though the country modelled its presidential system on that of the United States, the actual power of its president is much greater than that of the American president and from the outset South Korea developed a presidential system all of its own.

摘要:总统权力在很大程度上是一个文化和历史建构的概念。虽然著名学者理查德·纽施塔特(Richard Neustadt)声称,在韩国,“总统的权力不过是说服的权力”,但由于这个国家独特的历史和文化融合,这种权力变得大得多。6•25战争和冷战的影响、独裁主义盛行、北韩的安全威胁、儒家传统等,都对“强势总统”的出现做出了重要贡献。从1948年建国之初,到接连的独裁政权,再到1987年的民主时代,韩国的政治体制一直在培育总统的权力。但是,如果权力依赖于每位总统的个人意志和能力,那么他们的个人能力仍然牢牢地植根于国家的历史和文化背景中。因此,自1948年以来,每一位总统在大多数国家事务中都行使了相当大的权力,比纽施塔特承认的要大得多。在过去,韩国人长期的威权主义经历说服他们把自己的命运交给总统掌控。因此,尽管韩国模仿美国的总统制,但其总统的实际权力比美国总统大得多,而且从一开始就发展了自己的总统制。
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引用次数: 0
The Paradox of Genealogy: Family Politics and the Publishing Surge of Chokpo in Colonial Korea 宗谱的悖论:家族政治与殖民时期韩国《草书》的出版热潮
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0011
Yang-Hee Hong

Abstract:

In 1920s and 1930s colonial Korea, the practice of purchasing and publishing chokpo, the genealogical record of family lieange, became widespread. This trend was considered a strange phenomenon to reform-minded Korean intellectuals, since chokpo was seen as a symbol of past morality—a product of obsolete familism that contributed to Chosŏn Korea's collapse. Korea's familism, symbolized by chokpo, was hence recognized as an obstacle to the formation of nationhood necessary for rebuilding Korea: familism precluded the creation of a "one nation" identity. Despite the criticism, the Korean people's desire for chokpo did not abate but was strengthened by publishing companies and their brokers. The most fundamental reason for the increase in the desire for chokpo was the family system implemented by the Japanese colonial authority. The patrilineal succession of the household and the surname system, universally enforced to all Koreans under the colonial family system, were similar to the traditional family culture of upper class yangban. The colonial family system thus gave rise to the spread and enjoyment of yangban culture, which, in turn, resulted in the chokpo publishing surge. Eventually, the family system established by the Japanese colonial authority led to the universal acceptance of the patrilineal system by all Koreans. This acceptance strengthened the cultural identity of Koreans based on patrilineage, which served as the foundation of Korea's cultural nationalism

摘要:在20世纪二三十年代的殖民朝鲜,购买并出版家谱的做法变得普遍。这种趋势在具有改革思想的韩国知识分子看来是一种奇怪的现象,因为草服被视为过去道德的象征——是导致Chosŏn韩国崩溃的过时的家庭主义的产物。因此,以草布为象征的韩国家庭主义被认为是重建韩国所必需的国家形成的障碍:家庭主义阻碍了“一个国家”身份的形成。尽管受到了批评,但韩国人对草编的渴望并没有减弱,反而被出版社和经纪人加强了。日本殖民当局实行的家庭制度是人们对草布渴望增加的最根本原因。在殖民地家庭制度下,韩国人普遍实行的家族继承和姓氏制度,与上层阶级的传统家庭文化相似。因此,殖民地的家庭制度促进了阳板文化的传播和享受,阳板文化的传播和享受又导致了草板出版的热潮。最终,日本殖民当局建立的家庭制度导致了所有朝鲜人对父系制度的普遍接受。这种接受强化了以父系为基础的韩国人的文化认同,成为韩国文化民族主义的基础
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引用次数: 1
After the Korean War: An Intimate History by Heonik Kwon (review) 《6•25战争之后:亲密的历史》权宪尼克著(书评)
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0016
Hana Kim
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引用次数: 1
From Waifs to Songbirds: The World Vision Korean Orphan Choir 从流浪儿到鸣禽:世界宣明会韩国孤儿合唱团
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0003
Katherine In-Young Lee
Abstract:Within Korean studies, there has been an exponential interest in studying sound and music in relation to contemporary Korean expressive culture. What may have been traditionally engaged by only music and performance studies specialists is now open to scholars from outside the music disciplines. In this expanding subfield of Korean studies, it is important to keep in mind that intentionally tuning into the sonic and sensory experience of musical performance can only further enrich analyses. This sonic engagement does not require a musicologist's ear, but rather invites a consideration of the politics of sound.This article amplifies a 1963 recording that featured a collaboration between the American entertainer Burl Ives and the World Vision Korean Orphan Choir. On the first listen, the folksy balladeer most known for his mellifluous voice may seem an odd musical partner for 34 children from postwar South Korea. In this article I explore this unusual partnership and present some background context on World Vision—the faith based humanitarian organization founded by evangelical minister Bob Pierce in 1950. Drawing on archival research and oral history interviews, I attempt to unravel some of the threads of a larger story that involves Cold War politics, US/South Korea relations, evangelical Christianity, and transnational adoption. Through a close musical analysis of the 1963 recording, I argue that the performances of religiosity by the Korean Orphan Choir orchestrated some of the key affective themes that were mobilized to garner support for World Vision's child sponsorship program, which began in South Korea.
摘要:在韩国研究中,人们对声音和音乐与当代韩国表现文化的关系的研究兴趣呈指数增长。传统上可能只有音乐和表演研究专家参与的研究现在向音乐学科以外的学者开放。在这个不断扩大的韩国研究子领域中,重要的是要记住,有意识地调整到音乐表演的声音和感官体验中,只会进一步丰富分析。这种声音的参与不需要音乐学家的耳朵,而是引起对声音政治的考虑。这篇文章放大了1963年美国艺人伯尔·艾夫斯和世界宣明会韩国孤儿合唱团合作的录音。第一次听时,这位以悦耳动听的嗓音而闻名的民谣歌手对于34名战后韩国的孩子来说似乎是一个奇怪的音乐伙伴。在这篇文章中,我探讨了这种不同寻常的合作关系,并介绍了一些关于世界宣明会的背景。世界宣明会是一个基于信仰的人道主义组织,由福音派牧师鲍勃·皮尔斯于1950年创立。在档案研究和口述历史访谈的基础上,我试图解开一个更大的故事的一些线索,这个故事涉及冷战政治、美韩关系、福音派基督教和跨国收养。通过对1963年录音的音乐分析,我认为韩国孤儿合唱团对宗教虔诚的表演精心策划了一些关键的情感主题,这些主题被动员起来,为世界宣明会的儿童赞助计划获得支持,该计划始于韩国。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Korean Studies
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