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Editor's Note 编者按
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2021.0000
C. Kim
In the aftermath of South Korea’s recent presidential election, while the public, regardless of party alignment, was still reeling from Yun Sŏkyŏl’s victory, there emerged a startling voting pattern. Almost sixty percent of men under the age of thirty had voted for the far right-wing candidate. This was a group that had been important in the historic Candlelight Movement of 2016–2017, which ousted the ultra-conservative president Pak Kŭnhye and brought in the presidency of the center-right Mun Jaein, anticipating the lengthy rule of Mun’s party, the Democratic Party. Five years is a long time in liberal politics, but the fact that in the period of a single presidential term the majority of South Korea’s young men rejected the Democratic Party and its capable, if not slightly slick, candidate Yi Chaemyŏng and found resonance in far right-wing politics was bewildering—and symptomatic of a cultural fissure in the country. The on-going MeToo movement in South Korea is a crucial rectifying process, but it has also mademore audible the discontent of underprivileged men who experience disadvantages in university admission, secure employment, and social life, largely due to the economic class and geographic region they were born into. They see—misrecognize—the new culture of feminism, with its sophisticated use of art, scholarly research, and social media, as another layer of unfairness over which they have little influence (when in reality it will uplift them, too). At the same time, we are observing that the conservative turn of young men is a global phenomenon driven by the conditions of labor precarity. And naturally,
在韩国最近的总统选举结束后,尽管公众仍在为尹炳世Sŏkyŏl的胜利而感到震惊,但却出现了一种令人吃惊的投票模式。30岁以下的男性中有近60%投票给了极右翼候选人。这是在2016-2017年历史性的烛光运动中发挥重要作用的团体。烛光运动推翻了极端保守的朴槿惠Kŭnhye总统,让中间偏右的文在寅(moon Jaein)当选总统,预计文在寅所属的民主党将长期执政。在自由政治中,5年是很长的一段时间,但在一个总统任期内,大多数韩国年轻人拒绝了民主党及其有能力(如果不是略显圆滑的话)的候选人李Chaemyŏng,并在极右翼政治中找到共鸣,这一事实令人困惑,也是这个国家文化裂痕的症状。韩国正在进行的“我也是”(MeToo)运动是一个至关重要的纠正过程,但它也让那些在大学入学、稳定就业和社会生活方面处于劣势的弱势男性的不满更加清晰地表达出来,这些弱势男性的主要原因是他们的经济阶层和地理区域。他们把女权主义的新文化——以及它对艺术、学术研究和社交媒体的复杂运用——看作是另一层不公平,而他们对这层不公平几乎没有什么影响力(而实际上这也会提升他们的影响力)。与此同时,我们观察到,年轻人的保守转向是一种全球现象,这种现象是由不稳定的劳动条件驱动的。和自然,
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引用次数: 0
The Power of the Brush: Epistolary Practices in Chosŏn Korea by Hwisang Cho (review) 笔刷的力量:Chosŏn韩国的书信体实践赵焕相著(书评)
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0013
Owen Stampton
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引用次数: 0
Songs of the Multitude: The April Revolution, the 6.3 Uprising, and South Korea's Protest Music of the 1960s 《群众之歌:四月革命、6.3起义与1960年代韩国的抗议音乐》
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0005
Pil Ho Kim
Abstract:The decade of the 1960s is remembered for worldwide political upheavals, with South Korea's April Revolution of 1960 being one early episode. Protesters of the April Revolution appropriated a variety of songs, including the national anthem, Korean War songs, school songs, and children's songs. But these appropriated protest songs have received scant scholarly attention. Four years later in 1964, college students launched a protest movement known as the 6.3 Uprising to stop the military government's implementation of a deeply unpopular normalization treaty with Japan. The movement added a few original songs to the protest music repertoire, but they have since fallen into obscurity. Protest music scholarship in South Korea has largely overlooked the legacy of the 1960s, favoring more polished musical interventions by the pre-Korean War leftist movement and the People's Song Movement of the 1980s. This paper examines the forgotten protest songs of the 1960s from daily newspaper archives and other sources. Recognizing the multitude who pushed forward the April Revolution, I argue that South Korea's protest songs—"people's songs" or minjung kayo—are best understood as songs of the multitude.
摘要:20世纪60年代是世界政治动荡的十年,1960年韩国的四月革命是早期的一个事件。四月革命示威队盗用了国歌、6•25战争歌曲、学校歌曲、儿童歌曲等多种歌曲。但这些被挪用的抗议歌曲却很少受到学术关注。四年后的1964年,大学生发起了一场被称为“6.3起义”的抗议运动,以阻止军政府实施与日本极不受欢迎的正常化条约。这场运动在抗议音乐曲目中加入了一些原创歌曲,但它们后来变得默默无闻。韩国的抗议音乐研究在很大程度上忽视了20世纪60年代的遗产,倾向于朝鲜战争前的左翼运动和20世纪80年代的人民歌曲运动(People’s Song movement)对音乐的更精致的干预。本文从日报档案和其他来源研究了20世纪60年代被遗忘的抗议歌曲。考虑到推动四月革命的群众,我认为韩国的抗议歌曲——“人民之歌”或民正歌——最好被理解为群众之歌。
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引用次数: 0
What's for Sale? Selling Songs and K-pop Idols in Korean Commercials 有什么东西出售?在韩国广告中销售歌曲和K-pop偶像
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0007
Roald Maliangkay

Abstract:

Music has the potential to stir feelings on both conscious and subconscious levels. Because audiences learn how to interpret musical clues, it does not matter whether the original intent of a piece of music bears any relation to the medium or narrative in which it is newly embedded. When it is used in a movie viewed by people other than the intended audience, however, music can disrupt the narrative flow. Where its purpose is to promote, as in commercials, music must therefore align well with its target audience. Alignment is behind the three key features of music in television commercials that Claudia Bullerjahn (2006) identifies: motivation, opportunity, and ability. While the first and second features relate to the use of music to attract and to convey information, respectively, the third relates to the use of music to help the target audience digest the information on account of a good "fit." But how do these features play out in TV commercials in South Korea, where celebrities, including K-pop idols, dominate the advertising world? Do the images that celebrities portray correspond with the commercials' music and target audience? In this study I explore the combined use of music and K-pop idols in South Korean commercials since 2009 and examine how advertisers ensure the commercial message is clear and persuasive. I argue that when a popular K-pop idol endorses many different products, rather than resulting in overexposure, this has a cumulative effect on the efficacy of the individual marketing campaigns.

摘要:音乐有可能在意识和潜意识层面激起情感。因为听众学会了如何解读音乐线索,所以一段音乐的初衷是否与它所嵌入的媒介或叙事有任何关系并不重要。然而,当音乐被用在非目标观众观看的电影中时,它可能会破坏叙事流程。如果音乐的目的是为了宣传,比如在广告中,那么它就必须与目标受众保持一致。Claudia Bullerjahn(2006)指出,电视广告中音乐的三个关键特征是:动机、机会和能力。第一个和第二个特征分别涉及到使用音乐来吸引和传达信息,第三个特征涉及到使用音乐来帮助目标受众消化信息,因为它很“适合”。但是,在包括K-pop偶像在内的名人主宰广告界的韩国,这些特点是如何在电视广告中发挥作用的呢?名人的形象与广告的音乐和目标受众相符吗?在这项研究中,我探讨了自2009年以来韩国广告中音乐和K-pop偶像的结合使用,并研究了广告商如何确保商业信息清晰和有说服力。我认为,当一个受欢迎的韩国流行偶像代言许多不同的产品时,而不是导致过度曝光,这对个人营销活动的效果有累积效应。
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引用次数: 0
When Songs Don't Work: Western Tonalities and Korean Breath in Children's Songs of the Colonial Period 当歌曲不起作用:殖民时期儿童歌曲中的西方调性和韩国气息
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2022.0002
Yoonah Hwang, Dafna Zur
Abstract:In the 1920s, colonial Korean children had different opportunities and materials to sing. Newly established missionary schools adapted hymns for children, and the colonial schools run by the Japanese regime considered song time to be essential to children's emotional and intellectual development. It is from this diverse ecology of musical offerings that original Korean sung poems, or tongyo, emerged. Tongyo were short poems written by often prominent writers that were then set to music by Korean composers, many of whom studied Western music in Japan. Tongyo composers wrote works that, unlike Christian hymns (ch'ansongga) and Japanese school songs (changga), were written in the Korean language and were intended for Korean voices but were structured by what was then novel Western musical conventions. Through an analysis of tongyo by two seminal figures, Yun Kŭgyŏng and Chŏng Sunch'ŏl, this paper illuminates the musical grammar by which Yun and Chŏng re-oriented the sensibilities of their young singers. This comparison reveals the challenges of fitting western tonalities to the Korean language, thereby questioning the prevalent assumption that tongyo were national forms whose value hinges on their effortless communication of authentic Korea emotions.
摘要:在20世纪20年代,殖民地朝鲜儿童有不同的机会和材料来唱歌。新成立的教会学校为孩子们改编了赞美诗,日本政权开办的殖民学校认为唱歌时间对孩子们的情感和智力发展至关重要。正是在这种多样的音乐生态中,出现了原创的韩国唱诗(tongyo)。通歌是由著名作家创作的短诗,然后由韩国作曲家谱曲,其中许多人在日本学习西方音乐。与基督教的赞美诗和日本的校歌不同,通教作曲家写的作品是用朝鲜语写的,是为韩国人的声音写的,但结构是根据当时新颖的西方音乐惯例。本文通过对两位影响深远的人物Yun Kŭgyŏng和Chŏng Sunch'ŏl的通歌分析,阐明了Yun和Chŏng重新定位年轻歌手情感的音乐语法。这一对比揭示了将西方调性融入韩国语的挑战,从而质疑了通体是一种民族形式的普遍假设,这种形式的价值取决于它们毫不费力地传达了真实的韩国情感。
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引用次数: 0
From McArthur’s Landing to Trump’s Fire and Fury: Sonic Depictions of Struggle and Sacrifice in a North Korean Short Story, Film, and Opera 从麦克阿瑟的登陆到特朗普的火与怒:朝鲜短篇小说、电影和歌剧中对斗争和牺牲的声音描绘
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-18 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2018.0035
Alexandra Leonzini, P. Moody
Abstract:Since its founding in 1948, the North Korean state has devoted considerable resources to the development of ideological and historical narratives across media to imbue its people with the ethos of collectivity through spectacle. Especially noteworthy is how sound has functioned to resuscitate the memory of the Korean War and in the process unify those of disparate generations and occupations into a coherent national community. Adopting an intermedial analytical lens, and informed by participant observation undertaken in Pyongyang, this paper examines three retellings of the Battle of Incheon (1950): the 1952 short story "Burning Island," the 1982 film Wolmi Island, and the 2017 revolutionary opera Three Days of Wolmi Island. While the short story used the sounds of explosions to trigger a shared sense memory of the Korean War, the film used music and sound to universalize the heroic role of the Wolmi Island defenders across all sectors of society, and idealize self-sacrifice in a new era. Then, as tensions between the United States and the DPRK reached a boiling point in 2017, North Korea revived the story as a revolutionary opera to remind all citizens of the devastation of the Korean War, and their obligation to defend the nation from imperial aggression. In examining the transference of sound across these media, we shed light on how North Korean writers and artists have employed various forms of sonic culture in increasingly affective ways to enhance an in-group mentality and emphasize the need for unwavering commitment to the Korean Workers' Party.
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引用次数: 0
The Paradox of Genealogy: Family Politics and the Publishing Surge of Chokpo in Colonial Korea 宗谱的悖论:家族政治与殖民时期韩国《草书》的出版热潮
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-18 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2018.0034
Yanghee Hong
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引用次数: 0
What’s for Sale? Selling Songs and K-pop Idols in Korean Commercials 有什么东西出售?在韩国广告中销售歌曲和K-pop偶像
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-18 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2018.0036
Abstract:Music has the potential to stir feelings on both conscious and subconscious levels. Because audiences learn how to interpret musical clues, it does not matter whether the original intent of a piece of music bears any relation to the medium or narrative in which it is newly embedded. When it is used in a movie viewed by people other than the intended audience, however, music can disrupt the narrative flow. Where its purpose is to promote, as in commercials, music must therefore align well with its target audience. Alignment is behind the three key features of music in television commercials that Claudia Bullerjahn (2006) identifies: motivation, opportunity, and ability. While the first and second features relate to the use of music to attract and to convey information, respectively, the third relates to the use of music to help the target audience digest the information on account of a good "fit." But how do these features play out in TV commercials in South Korea, where celebrities, including K-pop idols, dominate the advertising world? Do the images that celebrities portray correspond with the commercials' music and target audience? In this study I explore the combined use of music and K-pop idols in South Korean commercials since 2009 and examine how advertisers ensure the commercial message is clear and persuasive. I argue that when a popular K-pop idol endorses many different products, rather than resulting in overexposure, this has a cumulative effect on the efficacy of the individual marketing campaigns.
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引用次数: 0
Dual Homeland: Cho Myŏng-hŭi and the Origins of Koryŏ Saram Literature 双重故乡:赵氏Myŏng-hŭi与高丽萨拉文学的起源
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-02-16 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2018.0032
S. Lim
This article constitutes a first step toward filling a crucial gap in English-language studies of Koryŏ Saram literature. I focus on the early formative period, which began in the 1920s in tandem with the establishment of Soviet power in the Russian Far East. Its protagonists are Cho Myŏng-hŭi, the proletarian writer from colonial Korea who crossed the border to the Soviet Union in 1928, in addition to the first generation of Soviet-Korean writers centered on the Korean-language newspaper Sŏnbong. This first, Far East, phase of Koryŏ Saram literature was violently terminated during the Stalinist purges with the deportation of the population to Central Asia in 1937, which was in turn preceded by the execution of thousands of Koryŏ Saram intellectuals and writers, including Cho. The rise of proletarian literature was one of the major developments of Korean literature of the early twentieth century. Among proletarian KAPF (Korean Proletarian Artists’ Federation) writers, Cho stands out from this group as the only writer who migrated—and so soon after writing “Naktong River”(1927), a landmark work of Korean proletarian literature—to the Soviet Union, the source and center of world socialism. Aside from his ideological commitment, what little has been known of Cho’s migration and Soviet period (1928–1938) has been understood within the dominant image of Cho as a fierce anti-colonial nationalist writer. But Cho’s efforts to lay the foundations of a Soviet Korean literature during his decade in the Russian Far East complicate the traditional notion of the exiled or diasporan writer longing for the homeland.
这篇文章是填补高丽萨拉姆文学英语研究的关键空白的第一步。我将重点放在早期的形成阶段,这一阶段始于20世纪20年代,与苏联在俄罗斯远东地区建立政权同时开始。除了以韩文报纸Sŏnbong为中心的第一代苏联作家之外,还有1928年逃到苏联的朝鲜无产阶级作家赵某Myŏng-hŭi。1937年,斯大林清洗运动将人口驱逐到中亚,导致高丽萨拉姆文学的第一个远东阶段被粗暴地终止,在此之前,包括赵在内的数千名高丽萨拉姆知识分子和作家被处决。无产阶级文学的兴起是20世纪初韩国文学的重大发展之一。在韩国无产阶级艺术家联合会(KAPF)的作家中,赵显龙是唯一一个在创作了韩国无产阶级文学的标志性作品《洛通河》(1927年)后不久就移居到世界社会主义的发源地和中心苏联的作家。除了他在思想上的承诺外,人们对赵承弼的移民和苏联时期(1928-1938)知之甚少,但人们对赵承弼作为一名激烈的反殖民民族主义作家的主导形象却有所了解。但是,赵承铉在俄罗斯远东的十年中为苏联韩国文学奠定基础的努力,使传统的流亡或流散作家对祖国的渴望变得复杂起来。
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引用次数: 0
Monopolizing Authority: The Construction of Presidential Power in South Korea 垄断权力:韩国总统权力的建构
IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-02-16 DOI: 10.1353/ks.2018.0033
Hyangjoon Lee
The power of the president is a concept which is largely cultural and historically constructed. Although the prominent scholar Richard Neustadt claims that “presidential power is no more than the power to persuade,” in South Korea, it has become far greater through the country’s peculiar blend of history and culture. The Korean War and the influence of the Cold War, the prevalent authoritarianism, security threats from North Korea and the Confucian tradition, have all contributed strongly to the emergence of a strong presidency. From its first days in 1948 and the successive authoritarian regimes to the democratic days of 1987, South Korea’s political system has fostered the power of its president. But if power relies on each president’s individual will and capacity, their personal ability is still firmly embedded in the state’s historical and cultural context. Thus, every president since 1948 has exercized substantial power in most state affairs, much greater than Neustadt would concede. In the past, the South Koreans’ long-term experience of authoritarianism persuaded them to leave their destiny in the president’s controlling hands. Hence, even though the country modelled its presidential system on that of the United States, the actual power of its president is much greater than that of the American president and from the outset South Korea developed a presidential system all of its own.
总统的权力是一个很大程度上是文化和历史建构的概念。虽然著名学者理查德·纽施塔特(Richard Neustadt)声称,在韩国,“总统的权力不过是说服的权力”,但由于这个国家独特的历史和文化融合,这种权力变得大得多。6•25战争和冷战的影响、独裁主义盛行、北韩的安全威胁、儒家传统等,都对“强势总统”的出现做出了重要贡献。从1948年建国之初,到接连的独裁政权,再到1987年的民主时代,韩国的政治体制一直在培育总统的权力。但是,如果权力依赖于每位总统的个人意志和能力,那么他们的个人能力仍然牢牢地植根于国家的历史和文化背景中。因此,自1948年以来,每一位总统在大多数国家事务中都行使了相当大的权力,比纽施塔特承认的要大得多。在过去,韩国人长期的威权主义经历说服他们把自己的命运交给总统掌控。因此,尽管韩国模仿美国的总统制,但其总统的实际权力比美国总统大得多,而且从一开始就发展了自己的总统制。
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引用次数: 0
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Korean Studies
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