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Asian Americans and the Intelligence War 亚裔美国人与情报战
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0021
K. Peiss
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引用次数: 0
Black Freedom, Indigenous Sovereignty, and Reconstruction 黑人自由、原住民主权与重建
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0019
Kyle T. Mays
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引用次数: 0
Colonization and U.S. Imperial Racial Republicanism 殖民与美国帝国种族共和主义
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0015
J. Jones
In The World Colonization Made: The Racial Geography of Early American Empire, Brandon Mills skillfully explores early-nineteenth-century American discourses and U.S. policies addressing the “Negro Problem” and the “Indian Question,” arguing that “white Americans initially created the ideology of colonization... to manage the domestic racial threats posed by slavery and settlement” (p. 3). What makes Mills’s study unique is his insistence that the fate of Indigenous and Black peoples in the early American republic unfolded in the context of colonization debates in which the campaign for colonizing African Americans outside the republic predated Indian removal as a federal policy. He deftly analyzes a range of printed primary sources to reveal why federal politicians rejected Indigenous peoples as potential settlers in the Western “frontier” and simultaneously refused to monetarily support Black colonization abroad. As he notes, this was not a repudiation of colonization, but rather a reorientation of U.S. imperial strategies. Mills demonstrates that the organizing logic of colonization later informed U.S. global expansion and white Americans’ “racialized worldview” (p. 3). Mills traces the genesis of the American ideology of colonization from the Jefferson administration to the Civil War. Beginning with Jefferson’s seminal writings about the racial makeup of the United States, Mills takes the reader on a journey of letters and political debates where prominent white elites, white politicians, white and Black abolitionists, and subordinated Indigenous nations and African Americans grappled with the meaning of the racial republic that was the “Empire of Liberty.” Mills exposes the myriad ways that these groups framed the debate around a series of questions: Who is an American? Who has rights to citizenship as defined by the white settler empire? Can non-whites be assimilated into the body politic of the American settler state? Colonization emerged as a potential panacea for what white Americans con-
在《世界殖民制造:早期美国帝国的种族地理学》一书中,布兰登·米尔斯(Brandon Mills)巧妙地探讨了19世纪初美国针对“黑人问题”和“印第安人问题”的话语和政策,认为“美国白人最初创造了殖民化意识形态……以应对奴隶制和定居带来的国内种族威胁”(第3页)。米尔斯的研究之所以独特,是因为他坚持认为,美洲共和国早期土著和黑人的命运是在殖民辩论的背景下展开的,在殖民辩论中,在共和国之外对非裔美国人进行殖民的运动早于将印第安人驱逐为联邦政策。他巧妙地分析了一系列印刷的主要来源,以揭示为什么联邦政客拒绝将土著人民视为西方“边境”的潜在定居者,同时拒绝从金钱上支持黑人在国外的殖民。正如他所指出的,这并不是对殖民化的否定,而是对美国帝国战略的重新定位。米尔斯证明,殖民化的组织逻辑后来影响了美国的全球扩张和美国白人的“种族化世界观”(第3页)。米尔斯追溯了美国殖民主义意识形态的起源,从杰斐逊政府到南北战争。米尔斯从杰斐逊关于美国种族构成的开创性著作开始,带领读者踏上了一段书信和政治辩论的旅程,在这段旅程中,杰出的白人精英、白人政治家、白人和黑人废奴主义者、从属的土著民族和非裔美国人都在努力理解“自由帝国”这个种族共和国的意义。米尔斯揭露了这些团体围绕一系列问题展开辩论的无数方式:谁是美国人?谁有白人定居者帝国所定义的公民权?非白人能融入美国定居者国家的政治体系吗?殖民主义成为解决美国白人骗局的潜在灵丹妙药-
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引用次数: 0
"Community of Thieves": Blood, Violence, and Land in Narratives of the American West “盗贼社区”:美国西部叙事中的血腥、暴力和土地
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0016
E. Rafferty
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引用次数: 0
Masculine Insecurity State 男性不安全状态
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0022
K. Olmsted
FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, Senator Joe McCarthy, and attorney Roy Cohn were among the most villainous figures in mid-century U.S. politics. In addition to intimidating dissenters and promoting traditional racial and gender hierarchies, the three men frequently smeared liberals and radicals as dangerous “sexual perverts.” Yet Christopher Elias argues that they were finally undermined by the same forces they helped unleash—“to varying degrees, each man was ultimately hoist with his own petard,” he says (p. 17). These men who devoted their careers to constructing what Elias calls “surveillance state masculinity” eventually had their own manhood called into question. Elias might not persuade the reader that these men suffered much for their ruthless queering of their opponents, but in the process of analyzing their performative masculinity, he reveals some fascinating connections between extremist anti-communism, changing norms in gender and sexuality, and the culture of gossip. Elias also shows how these three men constructed identities and invented techniques that still haunt U.S. politics today. Elias’s analysis of his main characters turns on the intersection of three historical developments: the expansion of the national surveillance state; the revolution in gender and sexual norms; and the emergence of a culture of gossip in American media, politics, and society. The first two themes—the roles that Hoover, McCarthy, and Cohn played in creating the surveillance state and their conscious construction of their own masculine identities—have received attention from scholars. Ellen Schrecker’s Many Are the Crimes (1998), Curt Gentry’s J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and the Secrets (1991), Athan Theoharis and John Stuart Cox’s The Boss (1988), Robert Griffith’s The Politics of Fear (1970), and David Oshinsky’s A Conspiracy So Immense (1983), among many other books, have described how Hoover and McCarthy gained and retained power by weaponizing American fears of communist infiltration. Claire Bond Potter’s War on Crime (1998) and Richard Gid Powers’s G-Men (1983) traced
联邦调查局局长J·埃德加·胡佛、参议员乔·麦卡锡和律师罗伊·科恩是本世纪中叶美国政治中最邪恶的人物。除了恐吓持不同政见者和宣扬传统的种族和性别等级制度外,这三人还经常抹黑自由主义者和激进分子是危险的“性变态”。然而,克里斯托弗·埃利亚斯认为,他们最终被他们帮助释放的同一股力量所削弱——“在不同程度上,每个人最终都是被自己的手掌吊起来的,”他说(第17页)。这些人的职业生涯致力于构建埃利亚斯所说的“监控国家的男子气概”,最终他们自己的男子气概受到了质疑。埃利亚斯可能无法说服读者,这些人因为无情地折磨对手而遭受了太多痛苦,但在分析他们表演性的男子气概的过程中,他揭示了极端主义反共、不断变化的性别和性规范以及八卦文化之间的一些迷人联系。埃利亚斯还展示了这三个人是如何构建身份和发明技术的,这些技术至今仍困扰着美国政治。埃利亚斯对其主要人物的分析转向了三个历史发展的交叉点:国家监控国家的扩张;性别和性规范的革命;以及八卦文化在美国媒体、政治和社会中的出现。前两个主题——胡佛、麦卡锡和科恩在创造监视状态中所扮演的角色,以及他们对自己男性身份的自觉建构——受到了学者们的关注。Ellen Schrecker的《许多都是罪行》(1998)、Curt Gentry的J.Edgar Hoover的《人与秘密》(1991)、Athan Theoharis和John Stuart Cox的《老板》(1988)、Robert Griffith的《恐惧的政治》(1970)和David Oshinsky的《如此巨大的阴谋》(1983),描述了胡佛和麦卡锡如何通过将美国对共产主义渗透的恐惧武器化来获得和保留权力。克莱尔·邦德·波特的《打击犯罪的战争》(1998年)和理查德·吉德·鲍尔斯的《G-Men》(1983年)
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引用次数: 0
Gideon's Cold War Origins 吉迪恩的冷战起源
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0011
A. Hughett
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引用次数: 0
Hitler's Greatest Gamble 希特勒最大的赌博
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0008
J. Sheehan
Among the greatest challenges facing the historian of modern warfare is capturing war’s extraordinary scale without losing sight of its human dimension. Operation Barbarossa, the German invasion of the Soviet Union that began in June 1941, was one of the greatest battles in history, engaging millions of combatants, raging across hundreds of miles, lasting six months. Behind these figures were the broken lives of individual soldiers and civilians who were caught in the battle’s murderous machinery. Barbarossa set in motion four years of vicious combat in which both sides were profligate with the lives of their troops and savage in their treatment of the enemy. To cite just one statistic: of the 5.7 million Soviet soldiers captured by the Germans, some 3.3 million perished from hunger, disease, or mistreatment. Those who managed to survive captivity were often punished after their liberation, since the Soviet authorities regarded being captured as a form of treason. Jonathan Dimbleby’s book does justice to both the battle’s scale and its impact on individuals’ lives. Barbarossa’s is, as he shows in convincing detail, an extraordinary story that begins when 3.3 million German troops attacked along an 1800-kilometer front, stretching from the Baltic to the Balkans. During the first weeks of the campaign, things went just as the invaders hoped: badly led, equipped with inferior weapons, and pursuing poorly executed tactics, the Soviets lost massive amounts of men, weapons, and aircraft. By the first week of July, well-informed German commanders predicted a rapid and relatively easy victory. But then the momentum of the German advance began to slow. By October, the Soviet resistance had stiffened, just as the first signs of winter appeared. In early December, the Russians launched a broad counter-offensive that did not destroy the Wehrmacht but did force it to assume defensive positions. This move, in effect, brought Barbarossa to an end. Neither Moscow nor St.Petersburg was captured, the regime remained intact, and the quality of the Red Army’s leadership and weaponry dramatically improved. In addition to providing a clear account of the ebb and flow of military opera-
现代战争历史学家面临的最大挑战之一是在不忽视人类因素的情况下,捕捉战争的巨大规模。德国入侵苏联的巴巴罗萨行动(Operation Barbarossa)始于1941年6月,是历史上最伟大的战役之一,数以百万计的战士参与其中,战火跨越数百英里,持续了六个月。在这些数字的背后,是被战争的杀人机器俘虏的士兵和平民破碎的生命。巴巴罗萨发动了为期四年的恶性战斗,双方都在挥霍自己军队的生命,对待敌人也很野蛮。仅举一个统计数字:在被德军俘虏的570万苏联士兵中,约330万人死于饥饿、疾病或虐待。那些在囚禁中幸存下来的人往往在获释后受到惩罚,因为苏联当局认为被俘虏是一种叛国罪。乔纳森·丁布尔比(Jonathan Dimbleby)的书公正地描述了这场战争的规模及其对个人生活的影响。巴巴罗萨用令人信服的细节描述了一个非凡的故事,故事开始于330万德国军队沿着1800公里的战线进攻,从波罗的海一直延伸到巴尔干半岛。在战役的头几个星期里,事情就像侵略者所希望的那样发展:领导糟糕,装备低劣的武器,执行不力的战术,苏军损失了大量的人员、武器和飞机。在7月的第一个星期,消息灵通的德军指挥官们预测会迅速而相对容易地取得胜利。但随后德军前进的势头开始放缓。到了10月,苏联的抵抗变得强硬起来,就在冬天来临的第一个迹象出现的时候。12月初,苏军发动了广泛的反攻,虽然没有摧毁德国国防军,但确实迫使其采取了防御立场。这一举动实际上终结了巴巴罗萨。莫斯科和圣彼得堡都没有被占领,政权保持完整,红军的领导和武器装备的质量得到了极大的提高。除了提供了一个明确的兴衰兴衰的军事歌剧的叙述
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the Outskirts of Civil War History 超越内战史的边缘
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0006
L. Frank
Thirty years ago, historian Drew Gilpin Faust transformed Civil War history by using the experiences of women to answer one of the field’s most central questions. In an essay in the Journal of American History and then a few years later in her award-winning Mothers of Invention (1996), Faust connected the declining morale of slaveholding women to the ultimate defeat of the Confederate army. The Confederacy lost, she explained, because the white women who put themselves on “Altars of Sacrifice” (1990) to sustain it ultimately withdrew their support. Despite longstanding assumptions to the contrary, men, machinery, and troop movements could not explain everything. Throughout the 1990s, other scholars similarly argued that women were more than inconsequential spectators to or victims of the war. Catherine Clinton, Tera W. Hunter, Elizabeth D. Leonard, George C. Rable, Leslie A. Schwalm, Nina Silber, and LeeAnn Whites, to name a few, demonstrated that women indelibly altered the course of the Civil War. In addition to expanding the questions and shape of Civil War historiography, these scholars took direct aim at the terrain occupied by traditional military historians. They showed how wives shaped the tactical decisions of their officer husbands; how Black women’s actions dictated the course of emancipation; how women of all regions and backgrounds fueled supply lines and recruitment efforts; and how officers chose strategies and tactics that accounted for the white and Black civilians they knew they would encounter. The field flourished and the scholarship that followed “[bridged] the artificial gap separating military history from women and gender studies—a gap that did not exist for the participants.”1 A Campaign of Giants: The Battle for Petersburg, Volume One, From the Crossing of the James to the Crater, the first volume of A. Wilson Greene’s proposed trilogy, boldly claims it will ultimately create the most comprehensive exploration of the campaign to date. However, a generation after these award-winning studies of gender, women, and war, the 726 page-volume feels as incomplete as it is long. Greene’s exclusion of white and Black women from his analysis
30年前,历史学家德鲁·吉尔平·浮士德利用女性的经历来回答该领域最核心的问题之一,从而改变了内战历史。在《美国历史杂志》上的一篇文章中,以及几年后她获奖的《发明之母》(1996)中,浮士德将蓄奴妇女士气的下降与邦联军队的最终失败联系起来。她解释说,邦联之所以失败,是因为那些把自己放在“牺牲祭坛”(1990年)上以维持邦联的白人女性最终撤回了他们的支持。尽管长期以来的假设与此相反,但人员、机械和部队调动并不能解释一切。在整个20世纪90年代,其他学者也同样认为,女性不仅仅是战争的无关紧要的旁观者或受害者。凯瑟琳·克林顿(Catherine Clinton)、特拉·W·亨特(Tera W.Hunter)、伊丽莎白·D·伦纳德(Elizabeth D.Leonard)、乔治·C·拉布尔(George C.Rable。除了拓展内战史学的问题和形态外,这些学者还直接瞄准了传统军事历史学家所占据的领域。他们展示了妻子如何塑造军官丈夫的战术决策;黑人妇女的行为如何决定了解放的进程;所有地区和背景的妇女如何推动供应线和招聘工作;以及军官们如何选择策略和战术,以应对他们知道会遇到的白人和黑人平民。该领域蓬勃发展,随后的学术研究“弥合了军事史与女性和性别研究之间的人为差距——这一差距对参与者来说并不存在。”,大胆地宣称,它最终将创造迄今为止对这场运动最全面的探索。然而,在这些关于性别、女性和战争的获奖研究一代人之后,这本726页的书感觉既不完整又长。格林在分析中对白人和黑人女性的排斥
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引用次数: 0
Human Events and Whited Sepulchres 人类事件与白色坟墓
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0013
V. Scharff
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引用次数: 0
Slavery and the Enslaved at the Frontiers of Freedom 奴隶制和自由前线的奴役者
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0005
J. Rothman
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引用次数: 0
期刊
REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY
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