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SEEING SLAVES IN AESCHYLEAN SATYR DRAMA∗ 在埃斯库罗斯的羊人戏剧中看到奴隶*
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-12-29 DOI: 10.1111/2041-5370.12108
ANNA UHLIG

This article explores the thematization of the satyrs’ proverbial slave status with specific reference to Aeschylean satyr play. A survey of the extant fragments reveals only one explicit mention of the satyrs’ slavery, suggesting a stark contrast with the relatively frequent references in the satyr plays of Sophocles and Euripides. Situating Aeschylus’ often enigmatic satyr fragments within the broader historical framework of fifth-century Athenian slavery, it is possible to see that the chorus’ servitude is nonetheless obliquely figured in many of our extant passages. At the same time, Aeschylus’ reticence around the subject of slavery in his satyric works is shown to continue a disposition already in evidence in his tragic compositions, which manifest a similarly muted discourse around lower-class enslavement.

本文以埃斯库罗斯的羊人戏剧为例,探讨羊人奴隶地位的主题化。对现存碎片的调查显示,只有一次明确提到了森林之神的奴役,这与索福克勒斯和欧里庇德斯的森林之神戏剧中相对频繁的提及形成了鲜明的对比。将埃斯库罗斯经常神秘的萨提尔片段置于五世纪雅典奴隶制的更广泛的历史框架中,我们可以看到,尽管如此,合唱团的奴役在我们现存的许多段落中都是间接出现的。与此同时,埃斯库罗斯在他的讽刺作品中对奴隶制的主题保持沉默,这显示出他在悲剧作品中已经表现出的一种倾向,这表明他对下层阶级奴役的话语也同样沉默。
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引用次数: 0
THE ANCIENT RECEPTION OF AESCHYLEAN SATYR PLAY∗ 古代对埃斯库罗斯的羊人剧的接受*
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-12-29 DOI: 10.1111/2041-5370.12109
PAUL TOUYZ
In this article, I first discuss the reception of Aeschylus’ satyr plays in classical drama, the evidence for their reperformance, and their place in ancient criticism and scholarship. In the final section, I analyze the factors that contributed to the positive reputation of Aeschylean satyr play. Although the evidence is often very limited, I attempt to establish a framework for understanding this ancient reception. Here I propose that the importance placed on satyr play in Aeschylus’ reception in antiquity can be viewed as an extension of his image as the father of tragedy, through both the association of satyr play with the origins of tragedy and its place in the tetralogy.
在这篇文章中,我首先讨论了埃斯库罗斯的萨提尔戏剧在古典戏剧中的接受程度,它们重新演出的证据,以及它们在古代批评和学术中的地位。在最后一节,我分析了促成埃斯库罗斯羊人剧的正面声誉的因素。尽管证据通常非常有限,但我试图建立一个框架来理解这种古老的接受。在这里,我提出,在古代对埃斯库罗斯的接受中,萨梯剧的重要性可以被看作是他作为悲剧之父形象的延伸,通过萨梯剧与悲剧起源的联系以及它在四部曲中的地位。
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引用次数: 0
PRECARIOUS CHOREIA IN SATYR PLAY∗ 羊人戏中不稳定的舞蹈
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-12-29 DOI: 10.1111/2041-5370.12105
REBECCA LÄMMLE

Satyr drama is defined by the dominating presence of its eponymous chorus; yet its choreia always appears precarious and problematic. The satyrs sing and dance and are scolded for doing so, or they do not sing and dance and are scolded for not doing so. Even when they are singing and dancing, the satyrs themselves question their own choreia as they lament the impossibility of singing and dancing under current circumstances, share memories of better songs and past dances, or imagine them happening in the future. This paper considers the persistent problematization of choreia in satyr play and the specific uses of satyric choreia as a central element in the poetics of the genre, arguing that these are tied to an unabashedly Dionysiac re-construction of the origins of drama. Finally, a postscript shows how satyr drama’s treatment of choreia translates into the visual sphere on the famous Pronomos Vase.

森林之神戏剧是由其同名合唱团的主导存在所定义的;然而,它的舞蹈总是显得不稳定和有问题。森林之神唱歌跳舞,却因此受到责备,或者他们不唱歌跳舞,却因为不这样做而受到责备。即使在他们唱歌和跳舞的时候,他们自己也会质疑自己的舞蹈,因为他们哀叹在目前的情况下不可能唱歌和跳舞,分享更好的歌曲和过去的舞蹈的记忆,或者想象它们在未来发生。本文考虑了羊人戏剧中舞蹈的持续问题化,以及作为该类型诗学中心元素的讽刺舞蹈的具体使用,认为这些都与毫不羞耻的酒神主义对戏剧起源的重建有关。最后,附言显示了羊人戏剧对舞蹈症的处理如何转化为著名的普罗诺莫斯花瓶上的视觉领域。
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引用次数: 0
AESCHYLUS’ DIKTYOULKOI: A TYPICALLY ATYPICAL SATYR PLAY?∗ 埃斯库罗斯的diktyoulkoi:典型的非典型的羊人剧?∗
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-12-29 DOI: 10.1111/2041-5370.12106
PATRICK O’SULLIVAN

The story of Danae and her son Perseus on Seriphos, where they are initially rescued by Dictys only to be his molested by his brother Polydectes, appeared in Greek lyric, tragedy, and comedy. Aeschylus’ satyric handling of the story has been read as a light-hearted, romantic romp with Silenos and the chorus acting as benign foster-parents to the infant hero. But Aeschylus gives Silenos and the chorus of satyrs a more menacing identity than they generally had in other plays of this genre. Silenos can be seen as the comical counterpart of Polydectes, and appears to have the full support of his sons, something he clearly does not enjoy in other satyric dramas. The satyrs of the chorus stand in contrast to the often more sympathetic, if clownish, creatures they can be elsewhere. Diktyoulkoi contains elements typical of satyr drama, but in paradoxical ways not without moments of pathos.

达那厄和她的儿子珀尔修斯在塞里福斯的故事,他们最初被迪提斯救出,却被他的兄弟波吕得克忒斯猥亵,这个故事出现在希腊的抒情、悲剧和喜剧中。埃斯库罗斯对这个故事的抒情处理被解读为一场轻松、浪漫的嬉闹,塞勒诺斯和合唱队扮演了小英雄温和的养父母。但是埃斯库罗斯赋予了赛利诺斯和森林之神的合唱团一个比他们在其他同类戏剧中更具有威胁性的身份。塞勒诺斯可以被看作是波吕得克忒斯的滑稽对应,似乎得到了他儿子们的全力支持,这显然是他在其他讽刺剧中没有享受到的。合唱队中的森林之神与其他地方的动物形成了鲜明的对比,这些动物往往更有同情心,尽管有些滑稽。《Diktyoulkoi》包含了典型的羊人戏剧元素,但以矛盾的方式,并非没有悲情的时刻。
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引用次数: 0
SATYRIC NOSTALGIA IN THE AESCHYLEAN TETRALOGY∗
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-12-29 DOI: 10.1111/2041-5370.12104
LYNDSAY COO

This article examines the role of the satyr play in what appears to have been the distinctly Aeschylean form of the thematically connected tetralogy. In all known cases, Aeschylus’ satyr plays move backwards in time, dramatizing episodes that occur either before or within the time frame of their accompanying tragedies. I argue that this chronological dislocation means that the ‘happy endings’ of satyr play must be understood in the light of the events of the preceding trilogy, and can usually be seen as brief interludes of joy within a wider tragic arc. As a result, the satyr play, instead of erasing the effect of its accompanying tragedies, is capable of generating a nostalgic response that intensifies the emotional effect of both genres.

这篇文章考察了森林之神扮演的角色,似乎是明显的埃斯库罗斯形式的主题连接四部曲。在所有已知的情况下,埃斯库罗斯的森林之神戏剧都是在时间上向后移动的,戏剧化的情节要么发生在悲剧之前,要么发生在悲剧发生的时间框架之内。我认为,这种时间顺序上的错位意味着,必须根据前面三部曲的事件来理解羊人戏剧的“幸福结局”,通常可以被视为更广泛的悲剧弧线中的短暂欢乐插曲。因此,羊人剧并没有消除其伴随的悲剧的影响,而是能够产生一种怀旧的反应,从而加强了这两种类型的情感效果。
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引用次数: 10
HELIOPOLIS: COINS, TEMPLES, AND SIGHT LINES 赫利奥波利斯:硬币、神庙和视线
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-06-25 DOI: 10.1111/2041-5370.12099
KEVIN BUTCHER

Recent research on the temples at Roman Heliopolis (Baalbek in modern Lebanon) has emphasized visual links between architectural elements within and between the sanctuaries. This paper explores the ways in which the representations of the temples and sanctuaries on the civic coinage of Heliopolis can contribute to this debate. The civic coins are here understood as objects which helped to construct identity and communal memory in the city that issued them.

最近对罗马赫利奥波利斯(现代黎巴嫩的巴勒贝克)神庙的研究强调了圣殿内部和之间建筑元素之间的视觉联系。本文探讨了赫利奥波利斯公民铸币中神庙和圣所的表现方式对这场辩论的贡献。市民硬币在这里被理解为有助于在发行它们的城市中构建身份和公共记忆的物品。
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引用次数: 1
MEMORY, PLACE, AND LANDSCAPE IN ROMAN SYRIA: THE VIEW FROM THE SANCTUARIES OF MOUNT LEBANON∗ 罗马叙利亚的记忆、地点和景观:从黎巴嫩山的圣所看*
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-06-25 DOI: 10.1111/2041-5370.12100
PAUL NEWSON

The creation of memory and place within landscapes has received considerable critical attention in archaeology in recent years, with a focus on power relations, social cohesion, and social memory. As yet, such notions have not been fully explored within Roman contexts, generally in the Eastern Mediterranean, and particularly within the Roman province of Syria. In this region, the well-preserved Graeco-Roman temples of Lebanon have long been interpreted as powerful symbols of the Roman period. However, because of this status, study of these impressive structures has centred primarily on certain aspects, for example, the ‘Roman-ness’ of their architecture and the practical construction of their sacred landscapes. Utilizing notions of memory and power, place and performance, this paper seeks to move beyond such empirical analyses. Focusing on three case studies, it explores elements of the development of place through memory within the rural environment.

近年来,景观中记忆和地点的创造在考古学中受到了相当大的关注,重点是权力关系、社会凝聚力和社会记忆。到目前为止,这些概念还没有在罗马的背景下得到充分的探索,通常在地中海东部,特别是在罗马的叙利亚省。在这个地区,黎巴嫩保存完好的希腊罗马神庙一直被认为是罗马时期的有力象征。然而,由于这种地位,对这些令人印象深刻的建筑的研究主要集中在某些方面,例如,其建筑的“罗马性”和其神圣景观的实用构造。利用记忆和权力、地点和表现的概念,本文试图超越这种实证分析。以三个案例研究为重点,通过乡村环境中的记忆来探索地方发展的要素。
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引用次数: 0
MONUMENTS, LANDSCAPE, AND MEMORY: THE EMERGENCE OF TOWER-TOMBS IN TADMOR-PALMYRA∗ 纪念碑、景观与记忆:塔莫-帕尔米拉塔式墓葬的出现*
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-06-25 DOI: 10.1111/2041-5370.12096
LIDEWIJDE DE JONG

Little is known about the emergence of the iconic tower-tombs in the first century bce in Tadmor-Palmyra, the oasis settlement on the eastern edge of the Roman Empire. Scholarship has concentrated on the grand towers erected in the first two centuries ce, yet it is the older and simpler group of towers that holds the key for understanding their appearance. They reveal breaks with existing burial customs and a need to carve out a new memorial landscape in the desert. This article offers a new perspective on the tower-tombs, building on theoretical approaches to monumentality, landscape, and memory. In settings that were simultaneously conspicuous and distant, the towers represent monumental proclamations aimed at the residents of Tadmor-Palmyra and the people of the desert. As tombs, they kept alive the memory of some members of the community, becoming focal points for the (re)production of lineage identity. Internal developments, sedentarization, or migration made such identities vulnerable, and new avenues for competitive innovations about the shared past were sought. The tower-tombs provide the first glimpses of a new Tadmor-Palmyra.

人们对公元前一世纪在罗马帝国东部边缘的绿洲定居点塔莫尔-巴尔米拉出现的标志性塔墓知之甚少。学者们把注意力集中在公元前两个世纪建造的宏伟塔楼上,然而,了解它们外观的关键是那些更古老、更简单的塔楼群。它们揭示了与现有埋葬习俗的突破,以及在沙漠中开辟新的纪念景观的需要。本文从纪念性、景观性和记忆性的理论角度出发,提供了一个新的视角。在既显眼又遥远的环境中,这些塔楼代表着针对塔德莫尔-巴尔米拉居民和沙漠居民的不朽宣言。作为墓葬,它们保留了一些社区成员的记忆,成为(重新)生产血统身份的焦点。内部发展、定居化或移民使这种身份变得脆弱,于是人们寻求新的途径,对共同的过去进行竞争性创新。塔冢让人们第一次看到了一个新的塔德摩-巴尔米拉。
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引用次数: 1
BARDAISAN OF EDESSA AND MEMORIES OF CHRISTIAN PERSECUTION IN THE NEAR EAST∗ edessa的Bardaisan和近东基督徒受迫害的记忆*
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-06-25 DOI: 10.1111/2041-5370.12098
NATHANAEL ANDRADE

According to Eusebius, the famous Edessene thinker Bardaisan wrote his work On Fate in a time of persecution and addressed it to a figure named Antoninus (HE 4.30). It is commonly surmised that this ‘Antoninus’ was a Roman emperor who sanctioned Christian persecution in some way. But scholars have varied in their interpretations. Some have identified this figure as Caracalla, who visited Edessa in 216–217. But since Eusebius situated Bardaisan’s activity in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, he is often deemed to be the Antoninus in question. As this article surmises, the testimony of Eusebius and other late antique authors, like Epiphanius, reflect certain memories both of the integration of Edessa into the Roman provincial system under Caracalla and the social tensions that it raised. But largely due to Eusebius’ narrative, late antique authors conceived of Marcus Aurelius as the ‘Antoninus’ to whom Bardaisan reportedly addressed On Fate and other apologetic work, and they created social memories of Bardaisan as a would-be confessor in a context of persecution.

根据优西比乌斯的说法,著名的埃德赛尼派思想家巴尔达桑(Bardaisan)在一个受迫害的时代写了《论命运》(On Fate)一书,并把它写给了一个名叫安东尼努斯(Antoninus)的人(HE 4.30)。人们普遍猜测,这个“安东尼努斯”是一位罗马皇帝,他以某种方式批准了基督教迫害。但学者们的解释各不相同。有些人认为这个人是卡拉卡拉,他在216-217年间访问了埃德萨。但由于优西比乌斯把巴尔达桑的活动放在马可·奥勒留统治时期,他经常被认为是有问题的安东尼努斯。正如这篇文章所推测的那样,优西比乌斯和其他晚期古代作家的证词,如埃皮法尼乌斯,反映了埃德萨在卡拉卡拉统治下融入罗马行省体系的某些记忆,以及由此引发的社会紧张局势。但很大程度上由于优西比乌斯的叙述,晚期的古代作家把马可·奥勒留想象成“安东尼”,据报道,巴尔达桑在《论命运》和其他道歉作品中向他讲话,他们创造了巴尔达桑在迫害背景下的潜在忏悔者的社会记忆。
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引用次数: 1
MEMORY, POSTMEMORY, AND PLACE IN THE SYNAGOGUES OF ROMAN SYRIA 记忆,后记忆,以及在罗马叙利亚的犹太教堂中的位置
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-06-25 DOI: 10.1111/2041-5370.12097
KAREN B. STERN

Considerations of Jews in antiquity commonly emphasize the role of common institutions (such as the Jerusalem Temple) and shared traumatic experiences (such as exile) in generating distinctive modes of memory formation and memorialization. This paper takes a different approach. By drawing from recent discussions of memory and postmemory developed in the fields of sociology, anthropology, and visual studies, and by considering diverse data from wall paintings, ceiling decorations, inscriptions, graffiti, and mosaics, the ensuing analysis demonstrates how variegated were the practices and dynamics of memory among Jews living in Roman Syria and elsewhere. Asking different types of questions about memorial practices documented in synagogues and surrounding buildings in Dura-Europos and Apamea challenges regnant assumptions about commonalities in Jewish memory and argues for a more localized and spatial approach to Jewish memory practices, the dynamics of which were as personal as they were collective, and as particular as they were locally contingent.

对古代犹太人的思考通常强调共同机构(如耶路撒冷圣殿)和共同的创伤经历(如流亡)在产生独特的记忆形成和纪念模式中的作用。本文采用了一种不同的方法。通过借鉴最近在社会学、人类学和视觉研究领域发展起来的关于记忆和后记忆的讨论,并考虑到来自壁画、天花板装饰、铭文、涂鸦和马赛克的各种数据,随后的分析表明,生活在罗马叙利亚和其他地方的犹太人的记忆实践和动态是多么多样化。对Dura-Europos和Apamea的犹太教堂和周围建筑中记载的纪念活动提出不同类型的问题,挑战了关于犹太记忆共性的主流假设,并主张对犹太记忆活动采取更本地化和空间化的方法,其动态既是个人的,也有集体的,既特别又有地方的。
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引用次数: 1
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BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES
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