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The Aftermath of the Orlov Revolt in the Venetian Ionian Islands: Outlaw Nicolin Fortuni and the Question of Russophile Influence 威尼斯-爱奥尼亚群岛奥尔洛夫起义的余波:亡命之徒尼科林·福图尼与亲俄势力问题
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2022.0013
Nikos Kapodistrias
Abstract:In 1770, in the immediate aftermath of the Orlov Revolt in the Ottoman Peloponnese, islanders from Zante and Cephalonia, subjects of the Venetian Republic who were involved in the uprising, were driven back to their homelands by the Muslim Albanian contingents that fought against them. Upon their return, these individuals challenged the islands' social order and controlling them became a matter of high priority for the local authorities. One such individual was the peasant Nicolin Fortuni, who, after leading the islanders' invasion of Ottoman Gastouni in March 1770, returned to Zante and became a notorious brigand. A reconstruction of Fortuni's activities after the revolt offers new insights into the birth of Ionian Russophilism before the fall of the Venetian Republic in 1797.
摘要:1770年,在奥斯曼伯罗奔尼撒半岛的奥尔洛夫起义(Orlov Revolt)爆发后不久,参与起义的威尼斯共和国臣民桑特岛(Zante)和塞弗罗尼亚岛(Cephalonia)的岛民被与他们作战的穆斯林阿尔巴尼亚特遣队驱逐回了自己的家园。这些人返回后,对岛上的社会秩序提出挑战,控制他们成为地方当局的一项高度优先事项。农民尼科林·福图尼就是这样一个人,他在1770年3月率领岛民入侵奥斯曼帝国的加斯图尼后,回到赞特,成了一个臭名昭著的强盗。重建福尔图尼在起义后的活动,为了解1797年威尼斯共和国垮台前爱奥尼亚亲俄主义的诞生提供了新的视角。
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引用次数: 0
Including the "Nation's Enemies": The Long Politics of Recognition and Restitution during the Third Greek Republic (1974–2006) 包括“民族的敌人”:希腊第三共和国时期承认与归还的长期政治(1974-2006)
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2022.0016
Magda Fytili
Abstract:In 1974, democracy was restored in Greece and the state had to shift the boundaries of social and political exclusion. Nevertheless, the first right-wing governments did not accept the Left's symbolic legitimacy and integration into the nation. They refused to recognize the left-wing Resistance, while the Left opposition tried to establish the National Resistance as a central landmark in national history. PASOK's rise to power in 1981 altered the state's policy on the past. They incorporated EAM's legacy into national history, creating a new foundational myth with new silences and new voices. ND began to adopt a more inclusive stance, but when they came to power in 1990 they overhauled the process that had recognized the left-wing Resistance. PASOK's return to power in 1993 did not manage to resolve the many pending issues. Coming to terms with the Greek past was not a straightforward, linear process but rather a long, tangled, and arduous one, the end of which is not yet clear.
摘要:1974年,希腊恢复民主,国家不得不改变社会和政治排斥的界限。然而,第一批右翼政府并没有接受左翼的象征性合法性和融入国家。他们拒绝承认左翼抵抗运动,而左翼反对派则试图将全国抵抗运动确立为国家历史上的一个重要里程碑。泛希社运在1981年上台后改变了国家过去的政策。他们将EAM的遗产纳入国家历史,用新的沉默和新的声音创造了一个新的基础神话。民主党开始采取更包容的立场,但当他们在1990年掌权时,他们彻底改变了承认左翼抵抗运动的进程。泛希社运在1993年重新掌权并没有解决许多悬而未决的问题。接受希腊的过去并不是一个简单、线性的过程,而是一个漫长、复杂、艰巨的过程,其结局尚不清楚。
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引用次数: 1
This Way Back by Joanna Eleftheriou (review) 乔安娜·埃莱夫瑟里欧(书评)
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2022.0004
B. Macwilliams
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引用次数: 0
Greek Cinema and Migration, 1991–2016 by Philip E. Phillis (review) 《希腊电影与移民,1991-2016》,菲利普·E·菲利斯(评论)
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2022.0020
Giovanna Faleschini Lerner
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引用次数: 0
#le_petit_koulis and #tsipras_the _traitor: Verbal Aggression as an Aspect of Political Violence on Greek Twitter #le_petit_koulis和#tsipras_the _叛徒:希腊推特上的言语攻击是政治暴力的一个方面
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2022.0011
Maria Pontiki, Nikos Saridakis, Dimitris Gkoumas, M. Gavriilidou
Abstract:An analysis of specific types of verbal attacks against Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Alexis Tsipras, New Democracy, and Syriza on Greek Twitter during a 20-month period from 1 January 2019 to 31 August 2020—a period that includes the transfer of power after the Greek general elections of 2019 and the Covid-19 pandemic outbreak in 2020—provides interesting insights regarding the levels, framing, and ideological orientation (left-wing vs. right-wing) of online aggression. The contextualization of these attacks within the broader political environment in which they took place makes apparent the most invisible aspect of political violence—namely, symbolic violence.
摘要:对2019年1月1日至2020年8月31日希腊推特上针对米佐塔基斯(Kyriakos Mitsotakis)、齐普拉斯(Alexis Tsipras)、新民主党(New Democracy)和激进左翼联盟(Syriza)的具体言语攻击类型的分析,提供了关于网络攻击的水平、框架和意识形态取向(左翼vs右翼)的有趣见解。这些袭击发生在更广泛的政治环境中,这种背景使政治暴力最不可见的方面——即象征性暴力——变得显而易见。
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引用次数: 0
1821: Η αρχή που δεν ολοκληρώθηκε. Πότε και πώς δημιουργήθηκε το κράτος όπου ζούμε σήμερα [1821: The beginning that was not completed. When and how the state where we live today was created] by Athina Kakouri (review) 1821年:未完成的原则。[1821:尚未完成的开始。我们今天生活的州是何时以及如何创建的],作者:Athina Kakuri(评论)
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2022.0000
Lucien Frary
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引用次数: 0
Aspects of Political Violence in Greece 希腊政治暴力的各个方面
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2022.0001
Vasiliki Georgiadou, L. Rori
a comparison of violent acts arising on opposite ends of
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引用次数: 0
Genius, Psychology, and the Formation of the Self in Nineteenth-Century Greece: G. M. Vizyenos's Psychological Studies on the Beautiful (1885) 19世纪希腊的天才、心理学与自我的形成——G.M.维济诺斯的《美的心理学研究》(1885)
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2022.0014
Eleonora Vratskidou
Abstract:In his essay "Intellectual Geniuses" in Psychological Studies on the Beautiful (1885), Georgios Vizyenos discusses the development of exceptional abilities by analyzing the psychological mechanism of inclination, common to all humans. Deftly displacing the question of genius toward the question of why people are different in the first place, he orchestrates a debate on the ontological definition of the soul, which allows him to criticize the Herbartian model dominant within the nascent field of psychology at the University of Athens. Along with its academic stakes, Vizyenos's reflection on genius has wider implications insofar as it revolves around questions of natural inequality and justice. His essay touches upon one of the core problems of modern capitalist democracies—namely, how to reconcile differences in abilities and talents with the ethical and political principle of equality.
摘要:在《美的心理学研究》(1885)一文中,乔治奥斯·维兹耶诺斯通过分析人类共同的倾向心理机制,探讨了超能的发展。他巧妙地将天才的问题转移到为什么人在一开始就不同的问题上,他策划了一场关于灵魂本体论定义的辩论,这使他能够批评在雅典大学心理学新兴领域占主导地位的赫巴提安模型。除了学术上的利害关系外,维济诺斯对天才的反思还具有更广泛的含义,因为它围绕着自然不平等和正义的问题展开。他的文章触及了现代资本主义民主的核心问题之一,即如何调和能力和才能的差异与平等的伦理和政治原则。
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引用次数: 0
Italy's Sea: Empire and Nation in the Mediterranean, 1895–1945 by Valerie McGuire (review) 《意大利的海:地中海的帝国与民族,1895-1945》作者:瓦莱丽·麦奎尔
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2022.0019
N. Doumanis
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引用次数: 1
The Normalisation of Cyprus' Partition among Greek Cypriots: Political Economy and Political Culture in a Divided Society by Gregoris Ioannou (review) 希族塞人之间塞浦路斯分治的正常化:分裂社会中的政治经济和政治文化
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2022.0006
Spyros A. Sofos
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引用次数: 0
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JOURNAL OF MODERN GREEK STUDIES
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