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The Improbable Heroine: Lela Karayanni and the British Secret Services in World War II Greece by Stylianos Perrakis (review) 《不可思议的女主角:莱拉·卡拉亚尼和二战时期希腊的英国特工》作者:斯蒂利亚诺斯·佩拉基斯
4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2023.a908563
Stathis N. Kalyvas
Reviewed by: The Improbable Heroine: Lela Karayanni and the British Secret Services in World War II Greece by Stylianos Perrakis Stathis N. Kalyvas (bio) Stylianos Perrakis, The Improbable Heroine: Lela Karayanni and the British Secret Services in World War II Greece. Munich: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2022. Pp. xix + 368. 17 illustrations. Hardcover €99.95. Perhaps the single greatest general misperception about the Greek resistance against the Axis occupation between 1941 and 1944 (and it is a scholarly misperception as well) is that it came in a single form, namely guerrilla war in the countryside—the Andartiko. Indeed, the expression “going up the mountain” has become a synonym for joining the resistance. Moreover, in popular and media discourse, and increasingly in collective memory as well, the wartime resistance is equated with the communist-controlled Greek Popular Liberation Army, or ELAS, and with its bearded leaders, the kapetanii. Of course, ELAS was the biggest guerrilla group, but it was just one among several. More importantly, however, resistance activity went beyond guerrilla warfare in the countryside in at least two ways. First, an initially spontaneous, unarmed, mass urban social movement sprang up, primarily in Athens. Although extremely important, it has now taken a back seat to the rural guerrillas. Second, a significant number of small groups emerged, acting in close liaison with British secret services in the Middle East and their Greek agents. Their activity was clandestine, their political orientation was either non-communist or anti-communist, their size was small, and their effect was out of proportion to their size. Today, these groups are all but forgotten—which is why Stylianos Perrakis’s biography of Lela Karayanni is so critical and timely. But who was Lela Karayanni? Here is the most striking fact about her: there was no way to tell, prior to the occupation, that this 43-year-old solidly middle-class wife of a successful Athenian pharmaceuticals and cosmetics merchant, mother of seven children with ages between four and twenty-four, would transform herself into the fearless leader of a spy network, willing to put her life, and that of her family, on the line. Perrakis ventures a plausible explanation for this astonishing transformation, but obviously there is no way to be totally certain about what caused it. Once Karayanni was engaged in the resistance, however, there was no turning back. She began by sheltering straggling British soldiers who were left behind during the hurried evacuation of the British army in April–May 1941 and helping them escape to the Middle East—the feat for which she is chiefly known today. As Perrakis documents, however, this was far from her main achievement. Nor was her main achievement her work, which stemmed from her experience with the British fugitives, in helping Greek Jews escape arrest and deportation—even though, thanks to Perrakis’s research and efforts, Karayanni is now recogni
作者:斯蒂利亚诺斯·佩拉基斯,《不可能的女主角:莱拉·卡拉亚尼和二战希腊的英国特务》作者:斯蒂利亚诺斯·佩拉基斯,《不可能的女主角:莱拉·卡拉亚尼和二战希腊的英国特务》慕尼黑:De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2022。第19页+ 368页。17的插图。精装€99.95。事实上,“上山”已经成为加入抵抗运动的同义词。此外,在大众和媒体的话语中,以及越来越多的集体记忆中,战时抵抗运动与共产党控制的希腊人民解放军(ELAS)及其大胡子领导人kapetanii等同起来。当然,ELAS是最大的游击队,但它只是几个游击队中的一个。然而,更重要的是,农村的抵抗活动至少在两个方面超越了游击战。首先,一场自发的、非武装的大规模城市社会运动兴起,主要发生在雅典。它虽然极其重要,但现在已经让位于农村游击队。其次,出现了数量可观的小团体,它们与英国在中东的秘密机构及其希腊特工保持密切联系。他们的活动是秘密的,他们的政治倾向不是共产主义就是反共,他们的规模很小,他们的影响与他们的规模不成比例。今天,这些群体几乎都被遗忘了——这就是为什么斯蒂利亚诺斯·佩拉基斯的莱拉·卡拉亚尼传记如此关键和及时。但莱拉·卡拉亚尼是谁?关于她最惊人的事实是:在占领之前,没有人能预料到,这位43岁的中产阶级妻子,一位成功的雅典制药和化妆品商人的妻子,七个年龄在4岁到24岁之间的孩子的母亲,会把自己变成一个无所畏惧的间谍网络的领导者,愿意把自己和家人的生命置于危险之中。对于这种惊人的转变,Perrakis大胆地给出了一个合理的解释,但显然没有办法完全确定是什么导致了这种转变。然而,一旦卡拉亚尼参与抵抗,就没有回头路了。1941年4月至5月间,英军匆忙撤离时,她为被遗弃的英国士兵提供庇护,并帮助他们逃到中东,这一壮举至今仍为她所熟知。然而,正如佩拉基斯所记载的那样,这远远不是她的主要成就。她的主要成就也不是她的工作,她的工作源于她与英国逃亡者的经历,帮助希腊犹太人逃脱逮捕和驱逐——尽管由于佩拉基斯的研究和努力,卡拉亚尼现在被以色列犹太大屠杀机构(Yad Vashem)认可为“国际正义”之一,因为她为受迫害的希腊犹太人所做的努力。真正让卡拉亚尼与众不同的是她作为Bouboulina组织的创始人和领导人的工作,Bouboulina以希腊独立战争中最杰出的女性领导人命名。正如这本书详细记载的那样,Bouboulina是一个秘密的间谍网,为盟军提供了宝贵的情报和其他具有相当军事价值的援助。她最雄心勃勃的计划是潜入希腊通敌组织和德国反间谍机构,这也导致了她的垮台。不用说,这是一项严格而危险的工作,需要不屈不挠的专注和无私的奉献,展示了卡拉亚尼鼓舞和激励他人的技能,以及她在一项与她以前的生活完全无关的努力中取得成功的能力。值得注意的是,Bouboulina是作为一个家族经营的。事实上,卡拉亚尼最信任的合作者是她的丈夫和孩子们,但这并没有阻止她在1944年9月8日,也就是希腊解放前几周,在经历了数周的残酷审讯后,遭到谴责、逮捕和枪杀。然而,即使在她被捕后,她也成功地没有指控任何她的合作者。《不可思议的女主角》读起来就像一部间谍惊悚片,充满了……
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引用次数: 0
Contested Antiquity: Archaeological Heritage and Social Conflict in Modern Greece and Cyprus . ed. by Esther Solomon (review) 有争议的古代:现代希腊和塞浦路斯的考古遗产和社会冲突。埃丝特·所罗门主编(评论)
4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2023.a908562
Artemis Leontis
Reviewed by: Contested Antiquity: Archaeological Heritage and Social Conflict in Modern Greece and Cyprus. ed. by Esther Solomon Artemis Leontis (bio) Esther Solomon, editor, Contested Antiquity: Archaeological Heritage and Social Conflict in Modern Greece and Cyprus. New Anthropologies of Europe series. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2021. Pp. xii + 330. 43 illustrations, 3 tables. Cloth $105.00, Paper $48.00, and E-book $47.00. A standout feature of this book on the social life of antiquities in Greece and, in one case, Cyprus is the range of subjects, issues, approaches, and disciplines covered under the rubric of “contested antiquity.” Artifact displays in Athens, excavated objects from Asine, the landscape of Dodona, and the Stoa of Attalos are all received as “antiquity,” which is understood as the record of past human activities. But what are antiquity’s connections with Greece’s Cold War international politics, Thessaloniki’s memory wars, or a former prison site? Contested Antiquity: Archaeological Heritage and Social Conflict in Modern Greece and Cyprus, carefully edited by Esther Solomon, brings together ten articles by anthropologists, archaeologists, museologists, geographers, and heritage practitioners whose work represents the current state of the interdisciplinary critical discussion about archaeological heritage in Greece. It is an exciting, demanding book and should be read by anyone in any discipline interested in the entanglements of ancient materials with people, power, and sociopolitical conflicts in the present era. About these entanglements, Solomon makes a sweeping claim: “Since the nineteenth century, almost all conflicts characterizing social reality in Greece and Cyprus have been linked to the use, and more generally the perception, of the two countries’ ancient material culture” (35). Solomon’s introduction (1–49) sets the stage while demonstrating impressive control of an extensive bibliography. She opens with a wide frame, reminding readers of the simultaneous global and local positions of Greek antiquity that have made archaeology “one of the most symbolically loaded disciplines” in the modern Greek nation-state (3). Western powers, foreign antiquarians and, later, archaeologists, the Greek state, and heritage institutions have all been involved in mobilizing archaeology’s symbolic capital. In different ways, each of these has made archaeology “an important agent that united modernity [End Page 293] with nation-building, colonialism, and territorial establishments” (4). Later, in the last two decades of the twentieth century, scholarship informed by post- processual, poststructuralist, and postcolonial approaches turned attention to the ideological uses of archaeology. Critiques came from archaeology (Shanks and Tilley 1992; Trigger 1989; Hamilakis and Yalouri 1996), history and meta-history (Lowenthal 1988; Brown and Hamilakis 2003), anthropology (Herzfeld 1982, 1988, 2002), and literary criticism (Tziovas
评审:有争议的古代:现代希腊和塞浦路斯的考古遗产和社会冲突。埃斯特·所罗门主编,《有争议的古代:现代希腊和塞浦路斯的考古遗产和社会冲突》。《新欧洲人类学》系列。布卢明顿:印第安纳大学出版社,2021年。Pp. xii + 330。43张插图,3张表格。布$105.00,纸$48.00,电子书$47.00。这本书的一个突出的特点是在希腊的社会生活的文物,在一个情况下,塞浦路斯是主题的范围,问题,方法,和学科涵盖了“有争议的古代”的标题。在雅典展出的人工制品、从亚洲出土的文物、多多纳的景观、阿塔洛斯的石碑都被认为是“古代”,被理解为过去人类活动的记录。但是,古物与希腊冷战时期的国际政治、塞萨洛尼基的记忆之战或一座前监狱遗址有什么联系呢?有争议的古代:现代希腊和塞浦路斯的考古遗产和社会冲突,由Esther Solomon精心编辑,汇集了人类学家,考古学家,博物馆学家,地理学家和遗产实践者的十篇文章,他们的工作代表了关于希腊考古遗产的跨学科批判性讨论的现状。这是一本令人兴奋的、要求很高的书,任何对古代材料与当今时代的人、权力和社会政治冲突的纠葛感兴趣的人都应该读这本书。关于这些纠缠,所罗门提出了一个全面的主张:“自19世纪以来,希腊和塞浦路斯社会现实中几乎所有的冲突都与两国古代物质文化的使用有关,更广泛地说,与两国古代物质文化的认知有关”(35)。所罗门的引言(1-49)奠定了基础,同时展示了对广泛参考书目的令人印象深刻的控制。她以一个广阔的框架开始,提醒读者希腊古代同时具有全球和地方的地位,这使得考古学成为现代希腊民族国家中“最具象征意义的学科之一”(3)。西方列强、外国古物学家,以及后来的考古学家、希腊国家和遗产机构都参与了动员考古学的象征资本。以不同的方式,这些都使考古学成为“将现代性与国家建设、殖民主义和领土建立结合起来的重要媒介”(4)。后来,在20世纪的最后20年,受后过程主义、后结构主义和后殖民主义方法影响的学术将注意力转向考古学的意识形态用途。批评来自考古学(Shanks and Tilley 1992;触发1989;Hamilakis and Yalouri 1996),历史和元历史(Lowenthal 1988;Brown and Hamilakis 2003)、人类学(Herzfeld 1982、1988、2002)和文学批评(Tziovas 1989;Leontis 1995;Gourgouris 1996)。尤其重要的是古代遗产研究中的民族志转向(Herzfeld 1991,1997;Yalouri 2001;Hamilakis 2007;Hamilakis and Anagnostopoulos 2009;Stroulia和Buck Sutton, 2010),这引起了人们对物体在人类社会中的动态作用的关注,以及当今社区如何参与过去政治的问题。从视觉文化的角度来看,重要的工作紧随其后(Damaskos和Plantzos 2008)。所罗门本人是考古对话的一员,这是一个在雅典成立的多学科集体,旨在开展“当代社会中关于文物和考古学的批判性和反思性对话”(考古对话2015)。她主持的“考古学与记忆之战”小组讨论——考古学不仅在创造官方公共记忆方面可能发挥的作用,而且在揭露“不和谐的”、“困难的”、“黑暗的”和“各种有争议的”遗产方面可能发挥的作用(2)——为本书奠定了基础。接下来的文章都是经过充分研究的案例研究,它们建立在对希腊考古学及其更广泛的影响的了解之上,每篇文章都对一些与当代社会或政治现实有关的有争议的问题进行了精心的论证。在学术期刊上,每一章都可以单独存在,但有用的交叉参考揭示了它们之间许多微妙的相互联系。这本书的组织分为三个部分,吸引了人们对三个冲突轴的关注,每个轴的特征是参与其中的代理人之间的权力差异。第一部分,“在民族主义、殖民主义和神秘殖民主义之间:历史视角和当前影响”,包含四篇文章,通过古希腊与外国利益之间的紧张关系进行研究。在第一章“你好,我的爱人……”
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引用次数: 0
Z : Memory Politics in Youth Activism in the Greek 1960s Z:希腊1960年代青年运动中的记忆政治
4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2023.a908557
Aimilia (Emilia) Salvanou
Abstract: The Lambrakis Youth Movement in early 1960s Greece, although grounded in the nation’s post-Civil War political and social framework and oriented toward the future—trying to create a society of freedom, national independence, and social justice—nevertheless made memory and memory work an important aspect of its activism. More specifically, the Youth Movement cultivated a new memory and historical culture, and it was only through this process that the imagining of an alternative political and social future became possible. Memory is important not only for its symbolic content but for its relationship to the emergence of new identities.
摘要:20世纪60年代初希腊的兰布拉基斯青年运动,虽然植根于该国内战后的政治和社会框架,并面向未来——试图创造一个自由、民族独立和社会正义的社会——但却将记忆和记忆工作作为其行动主义的一个重要方面。更具体地说,青年运动培养了一种新的记忆和历史文化,只有通过这一过程,对另一种政治和社会未来的想象才成为可能。记忆的重要性不仅在于它的象征内容,还在于它与新身份出现的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Cooperativism in a Dirigiste State: SEKE and the Reconstruction of Greece’s Tobacco Sector (1947–1967) 国家统制下的合作主义:SEKE和希腊烟草部门的重建(1947-1967)
4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2023.a908559
Juan Carmona-Zabala
Abstract: The Co-operative Union of Tobacco Producers of Greece (SEKE) made a series of key contributions to the reconstruction, and development, of Greek tobacco production and exports in the postwar period. Its strategies allowed tobacco growers to retain a larger part of the value that they produced. A historical analysis of SEKE’s emergence and early trajectory allows a complex narrative of the postwar economic reconstruction to emerge, one in which we can appreciate the role of sub-state actors more clearly than has been the case thus far. By influencing the institutional framework regulating the tobacco sector, opening up new export markets, and investing in human capital, SEKE partially actualized the agrarian political program of the interwar period. As a large trading firm owned by agricultural cooperatives, SEKE’s history forces us to revise the limited, often cynical view of Greek agrarian cooperativism as a mere mechanism for the enforcement of redistributive state policy and the management of credit from the Agricultural Bank.
摘要:希腊烟草生产者合作联盟(SEKE)为战后希腊烟草生产和出口的重建和发展做出了一系列重要贡献。它的策略使烟草种植者能够保留他们生产的大部分价值。对SEKE的出现和早期轨迹的历史分析,可以让我们对战后经济重建有一个复杂的叙述,在这个叙述中,我们可以比迄今为止更清楚地认识到次国家行为体的作用。通过影响管理烟草部门的体制框架,开辟新的出口市场,投资于人力资本,SEKE部分实现了两次世界大战期间的农业政治计划。作为一家隶属于农业合作社的大型贸易公司,SEKE的历史迫使我们修改对希腊农业合作社主义的有限的、常常是愤世嫉俗的看法,认为它仅仅是一种执行国家再分配政策和管理农业银行信贷的机制。
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引用次数: 0
Υπό τη σκιά του Παρθενώνα: Χορός στο Φεστιβάλ Αθηνών στην περίοδο του Ψυχρού Πολέμου (1955–1966) by Steriani Tsintziloni (Στεριανή Τσιντζιλώνη) (review) 帕台农神庙的阴影下:冷战期间雅典艺术节上的舞蹈(1955-1966 年)》,作者 Steriani Tsintziloni(评论)
4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2023.a908567
Katia Savrami
Reviewed by: Υπό τη σκιά του Παρθενώνα: Χορός στο Φεστιβάλ Αθηνών στην περίοδο του Ψυχρού Πολέμου (1955–1966) by Steriani Tsintziloni (Στεριανή Τσιντζιλώνη) Katia Savrami (bio) Steriani Tsintziloni (Στεριανή Τσιντζιλώνη), Υπό τη σκιά του Παρθενώνα: Χορός στο Φεστιβάλ Αθηνών στην περίοδο του Ψυχρού Πολέμου (1955–1966) [Under the shadow of the Parthenon: Dance at the Athens Festival during the Cold War (1955–1966)]. Athens: Kapa, 2023. Pp. 236. Paper €19.09. In her recently published book, Steriani Tsintziloni explores the role of dance in “cultural diplomacy,” a term largely associated with international communication outside of traditional diplomatic channels. Tsintziloni applies phenomenological qualitative methods and draws on archival sources to analyze a series of ballet performances presented at the Athens Festival in the 1950s and 1960s. These performances formed part of cultural and educational exchange programs, organized by the USA and the USSR, that included tours of their ballet companies to both Western and non-Western countries. It can be said that, for the political leaders of the two superpowers, dance served as a diplomatic tool for maintaining global peace and preventing the use of nuclear weapons. The book consists of a prologue by Stacey Prickett (honorary senior research fellow in Dance Studies at Roehampton University, London); an introduction; five chapters devoted to political, social, and artistic issues surrounding Cold War diplomacy in Greece; an epilogue; and a bibliography in Greek and English. It is also supplemented by two indexes that include the names of dancers and choreographers, as well as the titles of the ballets, for the American, Soviet, British, Balkan, and French companies that performed, during the period under discussion, at the Odeon of Herodes Atticus. This iconic Roman theater, it turns out, hosted some of the world’s leading ballet names during the Athens Festival’s first decade of existence. The introduction begins with Rudolf Nureyev’s legendary defection to the West in 1961. This historical and political episode provides Tsintziloni with an ideal vantage point from which to reflect on how dance served as a powerful cultural and diplomatic tool in the context of the Cold War conflicts discussed here in interdisciplinary terms. The author stresses the necessity of examining the Athens Festival ballet performances during this period, noting that they constitute an under-researched area in the history of dance in Greece, and she situates her book’s conceptual framework at the intersection of three fields: Cold War and cultural diplomacy, the history of dance, and the Greek reception of the dance performances under consideration. Chapter 1 explores in detail the history of the Athens Festival and its significance for the modernization of the performing arts in postwar Greece, a topic that has not received adequate attention in performance studies. The founding of the Festival by the Greek state was fra
审核:ΥπότησκιάτουΠαρθενώνα:ΧορόςστοΦεστιβάλΑθηνώνστηνπερίοδοτουΨυχρούΠολέμου(1955 - 1966)由Steriani Tsintziloni(ΣτεριανήΤσιντζιλώνη)凯蒂Savrami(生物)Steriani Tsintziloni(ΣτεριανήΤσιντζιλώνη),ΥπότησκιάτουΠαρθενώνα:ΧορόςστοΦεστιβάλΑθηνώνστηνπερίοδοτουΨυχρούΠολέμου(1955 - 1966)[帕台农神庙的阴影之下:舞蹈在雅典的节日在冷战期间(1955 - 1966)]。雅典:卡帕,2023。236页。纸€19.09。在她最近出版的书中,斯蒂里亚尼·齐洛尼探讨了舞蹈在“文化外交”中的作用,这个术语主要与传统外交渠道之外的国际交流有关。Tsintziloni运用现象学定性方法,并利用档案资料分析了20世纪50年代和60年代雅典艺术节上的一系列芭蕾舞表演。这些演出是由美国和苏联组织的文化和教育交流项目的一部分,其中包括他们的芭蕾舞团到西方和非西方国家巡回演出。可以说,对于两个超级大国的政治领导人来说,舞蹈是维护世界和平、防止使用核武器的外交工具。本书由斯泰西·普里克特(伦敦罗汉普顿大学舞蹈研究荣誉高级研究员)作序;一个介绍;五个章节专门讨论围绕冷战时期希腊外交的政治、社会和艺术问题;一个后记;以及希腊文和英文的参考书目。它还补充了两个索引,其中包括在讨论期间在希罗德·阿提克斯剧院演出的美国、苏联、英国、巴尔干和法国剧团的舞者和编舞的名字,以及芭蕾舞的名称。事实证明,这座标志性的罗马剧院在雅典艺术节成立的头十年里接待了一些世界顶级芭蕾舞演员。引言从鲁道夫·努列耶夫1961年叛逃到西方的传奇故事开始。这一历史和政治事件为Tsintziloni提供了一个理想的有利位置,从这个角度来思考舞蹈是如何在跨学科的冷战冲突背景下作为一种强大的文化和外交工具。作者强调了研究这一时期雅典艺术节芭蕾舞表演的必要性,并指出这是希腊舞蹈史上一个研究不足的领域,她将本书的概念框架置于三个领域的交叉点:冷战与文化外交、舞蹈史和希腊对所考虑的舞蹈表演的接受。第一章详细探讨了雅典节的历史及其对战后希腊表演艺术现代化的意义,这是一个在表演研究中没有得到足够重视的话题。这个节日是由希腊政府在政治和文化上(End Page 314)建立起来的,目的是把希腊作为西方文化的摇篮,因此,作为一个理想的地方,让本土和非本土的表演艺术家与希腊辉煌的过去对话。因此,在其他优先事项中,节日的节目安排议程包括希腊文化身份的重新概念化,古希腊戏剧的复兴,以及通过文化节日化吸引大众观众。在第二次世界大战和随后的内战中遭受重创的希腊经济复苏,将文化和旅游业联系起来似乎是势在必行的。第二章追溯了二十世纪美国和苏联芭蕾舞的发展。Tsintziloni强调了1945年后创造独特的美国风格和独特的苏联风格的芭蕾舞所涉及的意识形态态度。美国新古典主义芭蕾很大程度上强调舞蹈身体自由表达的抽象,而苏联古典芭蕾则强调故事的线性讲述和芭蕾舞演员的精湛技艺。本章的最后一部分详细阐述了几位希腊艺术家的倡议,他们将芭蕾舞和/或现代舞技术融入到他们自20世纪40年代末以来建立的舞蹈公司的工作中。来自新兴的希腊编舞现场的艺术家因此寻求适应长期存在于西方文化中的舞蹈实践。第三章分析1959年至1966年在雅典艺术节上演出的杰罗姆·罗宾斯的《芭蕾舞:美国》、美国芭蕾舞剧院、纽约市芭蕾舞团和皇家芭蕾舞团的作品。并对作品进行了分析。
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引用次数: 0
Greece from Junta to Crisis: Modernization, Transition and Diversity by Dimitris Tziovas (review) 希腊从军政府到危机:现代化、转型与多样性迪米特里斯·齐奥瓦斯
4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2023.a908561
Vangelis Calotychos
Reviewed by: Greece from Junta to Crisis: Modernization, Transition and Diversity by Dimitris Tziovas Vangelis Calotychos (bio) Dimitris Tziovas, Greece from Junta to Crisis: Modernization, Transition and Diversity. London: I. B. Tauris, 2021. Pp. vii + 309. Hardback $108.00, Cloth $35.95, and E-book (PDF) $28.76. Literary critics no longer content themselves with completing literary histories. Instead, they pursue not the diachrony of primarily literary texts but the synchrony of an entire cultural system. Such a shift is arguably discernible in the long and prodigious output of Dimitris Tziovas, professor emeritus of Modern Greek Studies at the University of Birmingham. His numerous monographs and edited volumes in English and in Greek fit schematically into just such a first and second phase. In his first phase, his primarily textual lens progressively widens from “the nationism of the demoticists” (Tziovas 1986) to a long-due evaluation of Greek modernism (Tziovas 1997), and thence to the conditions of the self and society as revealed through an appraisal of Greek fiction (Tziovas 2003b). His second phase draws from a series of topical conferences, presciently organized at the University of Birmingham by Tziovas himself, that highlighted contexts: the Balkans (Tziovas 2003a), the Greek diaspora (Tziovas 2009), antiquity (Tziovas 2014), and austerity and crisis (Tziovas 2017). These in turn spawned collected volumes under his editorship, many of them reviewed in this journal. Tziovas’s reorientation toward contexts also coincided with his stint as a regular columnist in the culture sections of the Greek press, when he occasionally found himself a reluctant combatant in the culture wars. Meanwhile, in the field of Modern Greek Studies, Tziovas often gamely defended critical theory to his colleagues in Greece or was caught in the crossfire of Anglo-American critical disputes. In various ways, these tributary streams all flow into the present rich volume on Greece “from junta to crisis,” a volume that marks the synthesis of so much important earlier work and is a fitting monument to a long and illustrious career. Greece from Junta to Crisis positions culture at the center of the period in question, the metapolitefsi. This decision should not be understood solely as the natural disciplinary inclination of a cultural critic weary of structural political [End Page 287] analysis, even if Tziovas does write that “we do not need yet another book about [the metapolitefsi’s] politics” (1). Instead, it springs from his contention that the collapse of the dictatorship’s centralized and authoritarian rule released diverse constituencies within Greek society from a longstanding chokehold. In a society marked by the weakness of intermediary and associational forms of power that might have nurtured better forms of social differentiation (Tsoukalas 1981, 295)—beyond party politics and top down hierarchies—the new openness produced fragmentary cultural understan
作者:Dimitris Tziovas,希腊,从军政府到危机:现代化、转型和多样性。伦敦:i.b.金牛座,2021。7 + 309页精装本108.00美元,布面35.95美元,电子书28.76美元(PDF)。文学评论家不再满足于完成文学史。相反,他们追求的不是主要文学文本的历时性,而是整个文化系统的共时性。这种转变可以从伯明翰大学现代希腊研究荣誉退休教授迪米特里斯•齐奥瓦斯(Dimitris Tziovas)冗长而惊人的著作中看出。他的许多专著和编辑卷的英文和希腊文大致符合这样的第一和第二阶段。在他的第一阶段,他主要的文本视角逐渐扩大,从“民主主义者的民族主义”(Tziovas 1986)到对希腊现代主义的长期评价(Tziovas 1997),然后到通过对希腊小说的评价揭示的自我和社会条件(Tziovas 2003b)。他的第二阶段借鉴了Tziovas本人在伯明翰大学有先见之明地组织的一系列专题会议,这些会议突出了背景:巴尔干半岛(Tziovas 2003a),希腊侨民(Tziovas 2009),古代(Tziovas 2014)以及紧缩和危机(Tziovas 2017)。在他的编辑下,这些书又产生了许多集,其中许多在本刊上发表了评论。齐奥瓦斯对语境的重新定位也与他在希腊媒体文化栏目的定期专栏作家的工作相吻合,当时他偶尔发现自己是文化战争中不情愿的战士。与此同时,在现代希腊研究领域,齐奥瓦斯经常勇敢地为他的希腊同行辩护批评理论,或者陷入英美批评争论的交火中。这些支流都以不同的方式汇入了这本关于希腊的丰富著作“从军政府到危机”,这本书综合了如此多重要的早期著作,是对他漫长而辉煌的职业生涯的恰当纪念。《希腊:从军政府到危机》将文化置于这一时期的中心。这个决定不应该仅仅被理解为厌倦了结构性政治分析的文化批评家的自然学科倾向,即使齐奥瓦斯确实写道“我们不需要另一本关于[大都市]政治的书”(1)。相反,它源于他的论点,即独裁统治的崩溃,中央集权和专制统治将希腊社会中不同的选区从长期的束缚中解放出来。在一个以中介和联合形式的权力的弱点为标志的社会中(Tsoukalas 1981,295),这种权力形式本可以培育出更好的社会分化形式(超越政党政治和自上而下的等级制度),新的开放产生了碎片化的文化理解,这些理解既不是一下子出现的,也不是以简单的线性方式出现的,而是在从1974年到2010年代危机的整个时期继续形成。自上而下的保留1974年以前的同质化和同化的指令被自下而上的差异、差异性、杂交性以及流行文化的微光所打断。因此,本书副标题中所吹捧的现代化、转型和多样性的进程,随着一系列群体、利益和身份在不同的时间点上拥抱它们而起起落落。最初的膨胀伴随着巩固民主、现代化和欧洲化的宏伟目标。在所有这些战线上,希腊对西方的依赖或滞后所产生的削弱性的暗流仍然被感觉到,并通过一系列持续的文化二元论被话语地表达出来:希腊-罗马;西;现代性——传统主义;modernization-populism。这些希腊人理解自己的结构隐喻在Leigh Fermor, Mouzelis, Diamandouros, Herzfeld等人的不同作品中得到了揭示。齐奥瓦斯的前两章主要讲述了他们是如何定义现代化和欧洲化的;他的第三章也以类似的方式反映了希腊与一个理想化的古代的关系。正如我们将看到的,齐奥瓦斯甚至在书的结尾保留了最近对同一类型的重新启动。这并不是说齐奥瓦斯没有意识到范式的枯竭,甚至没有意识到它的内部矛盾。Diamandouros……
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引用次数: 0
Contributors 贡献者
4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2023.a908569
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引用次数: 0
Modern Odysseys: Cavafy, Woolf, Césaire, and a Poetics of Indirection by Michelle Zerba 米歇尔·泽巴的《现代奥德赛:卡瓦菲、伍尔夫、塞泽尔与间接诗学》
IF 0.4 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2023.0010
V. Kolocotroni
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引用次数: 0
The Greek Connection: The Life of Elias Demetracopoulos and the Untold Story of Watergate by James H. Barron, and: Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967–1974: Ο Ιωαννίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου—Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο—Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών [A dark room, 1967–1974: Ioannidis and the Cyprus trap—Aegean oil—The role of the Americans]. by Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς) 詹姆斯-H.-巴伦(James H. Barron)所著的《希腊关系:埃利亚斯-德米特拉科普洛斯的生平和水门事件的不为人知的故事》,以及亚历克西斯-帕帕赫拉斯(Alexis Papahelas)所著的《1967-1974 年的暗室:伊奥尼迪斯和塞浦路斯陷阱-爱琴海石油-美国人的作用》。 亚历克西斯-帕帕赫拉斯著
4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2023.0005
Konstantina E. Botsiou
Reviewed by: The Greek Connection: The Life of Elias Demetracopoulos and the Untold Story of Watergate by James H. Barron, and: Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967–1974: Ο Ιωαννίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου—Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο—Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών [A dark room, 1967–1974: Ioannidis and the Cyprus trap—Aegean oil—The role of the Americans]. by Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς) Konstantina E. Botsiou (bio) James H. Barron, The Greek Connection: The Life of Elias Demetracopoulos and the Untold Story of Watergate. New York: Melville House. 2020. Pp. xiii + 482. 21 illustrations. Hardcover $31.67. Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς), Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967–1974: Ο Ιωαννίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου—Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο—Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών[A dark room, 1967–1974: Ioannidis and the Cyprus trap—Aegean oil—The role of the Americans]. Athens: Metechmio, 2021. Pp. 630. Cloth €18.90. Due to a scarcity of archival sources and the aversion of historians, the foreign and defense policies of the seven-year Greek military dictatorship (1967–1974) have not been systematically researched. Although more widely explored than most of the dictatorship’s foreign connections, Greek-American relations during this period are no exception to the rule. Ideologically driven interpretations or “what ifs” hardly substitute for structured analyses of alliances, animosities, and political decisions. As a matter of fact, they strengthen the superficial perception of the junta as a tragic parenthesis in the history of postwar Greece. This tendency is changing, however, and two recent publications are especially noteworthy. James H. Barron and Alexis Papahelas both present detailed accounts of the dictators’ worldviews and actions. They also offer thorough overviews of the Greek political ecosystem in the 1950s and 1960s, where the future dictators thrived. Various continuities and discontinuities with the earlier period place the dictatorship in a historical context driven by anticommunism—and its local version, εθνικοφροσύνη (ethnikofrosyni)—which the colonels took up as their mission when Greek politicians loosened their grip in the era of international détente. Committed to the zeitgeist of bipolarity, the colonels baptized personal competitors as enemies of the state. Barron’s story of Elias Demetracopoulos’s multiple persecutions by Greek and American officials before and during the dictatorship captivates the reader. Demetracopoulos suffered the various types of character assassination that an [End Page 137] assertive journalist posing inconvenient questions would undergo. A prominent example of his research concerned the stationing of nuclear missiles on Greek soil as a result of the “Sputnik effect.” Demetracopoulos maintained many doubts about the Greek government’s denial of any participation in the US program of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which had involved Italy and Turkey before the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962. He believed that Greek p
评论者:希腊人的关系:詹姆斯-H-巴伦(James H. Barron)所著的《埃利亚斯-德米特拉科普洛斯的一生和水门事件中不为人知的故事》(The Life of Elias Demetracopoulos and the Untold Story of Watergate):Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967-1974: Ο Ιωαννίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου-Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο-Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών [A dark room, 1967-1974:伊奥尼迪斯与塞浦路斯陷阱-爱琴海石油-美国人的角色]。作者:Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς) Konstantina E. Botsiou (bio) James H. Barron, The Greek Connection:埃利亚斯-德米特拉科普洛斯的一生和水门事件的不为人知的故事》。纽约:Melville House.2020.第 xiii + 482 页。21 幅插图。精装 31.67 美元。Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς), Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967-1974:Ο Ιωανίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου-Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο-Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών [A dark room, 1967-1974: Ioannidis and the Cyprus trap-Aegean oil-The role of the Americans].雅典:Metechmio,2021 年。Pp.630.Cloth €18.90.由于档案资料的匮乏和历史学家的厌恶,对希腊七年军事独裁统治(1967-1974 年)期间的外交和国防政策尚未进行系统研究。虽然与独裁政权的大多数对外关系相比,希腊与美国在这一时期的关系得到了更广泛的探讨,但也不例外。意识形态驱动的解释或 "如果 "很难取代对联盟、敌意和政治决策的结构性分析。事实上,它们强化了人们对军政府的肤浅看法,将其视为战后希腊历史上一个悲剧性的插曲。不过,这种趋势正在改变,最近出版的两本书尤其值得注意。James H. Barron 和 Alexis Papahelas 都详细介绍了独裁者的世界观和行动。他们还全面概述了 20 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代希腊的政治生态系统,未来的独裁者们正是在这一时期茁壮成长的。与早期的各种连续性和不连续性将独裁政权置于反共产主义及其地方版本εθνικοφροσύνη (ethnikofrosyni)所推动的历史背景中,当希腊政治家在国际缓和时代放松对独裁政权的控制时,上校们将其作为自己的使命。在两极分化的时代背景下,上校们将个人竞争对手视为国家的敌人。巴伦讲述了埃利亚斯-德米特拉科普洛斯在独裁统治前和独裁统治期间多次受到希腊和美国官员迫害的故事,深深吸引了读者。德米特拉库普洛斯遭受了各种类型的人格暗杀,而这正是一个敢于提出不便提问的记者所要经历的。他研究的一个突出例子涉及 "斯普特尼克效应 "在希腊领土上部署核导弹的问题。德米特拉科普洛斯对希腊政府否认参与美国洲际弹道导弹(ICBM)计划持有许多疑虑,在 1962 年 10 月古巴导弹危机之前,意大利和土耳其也参与了该计划。他认为,在苏联发射了世界上第一颗人造卫星斯普特尼克 1 号之后,希腊参与洲际弹道导弹计划对于缓解西方的技术自卑感至关重要,这表明美国本土在苏联的潜在攻击面前变得脆弱不堪(105-110)。拒绝接受希腊政府的否认严重损害了德米特拉科普洛斯与希腊总理康斯坦丁诺斯-卡拉曼利斯(1955-1963 年)的关系。德米特拉库普洛斯在美国也遇到了类似的困难。他与美国高层公众人物的密切关系经常遭到冷酷无情的冷战分子的破坏,这些人认为德米特拉库普洛斯是对法律和秩序主流叙事的威胁。这些矛盾凸显了个性在任何特定历史环境中的不同作用。巴伦全面描绘了德米特拉科普洛斯的形象,他是一名忠实的记者,少年时代在轴心国占领期间就获得了卓越的抵抗资格。后来,他在希腊和美国机构及个人的责难和庇护之间度过了自己的成年生活,这些机构和个人包括忠实的朋友和熟人,以及康斯坦丁诺斯-卡拉曼利斯、乔治-帕潘德里欧和特德-肯尼迪等政界要人。20 世纪 50 年代,德米特拉科普洛斯在希腊媒体和美国驻希腊社区之间建立了值得信赖的联络人的声誉。军事独裁统治建立后不久,他通过丹麦前往美国避难,因为他有理由担心暗杀企图将不再局限于他的个人。巴伦在书中向美国读者强调了水门事件丑闻中的希腊因素。命运在军政府和尼克松政府的历史上都为德米特拉科普洛斯保留了一个至关重要的角色,因为正是他揭露了尼克松政府的 "希腊关系"。根据他在...
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4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1353/mgs.2023.0011
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