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Contesting Accusations of ‘Foreign Interference’: New Agendas for Australian Civil Society 对“外国干涉”指控的质疑:澳大利亚民间社会的新议程
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-03-29 DOI: 10.5130/CCS.V10I1.5934
James Goodman
In 2017 the Australian Government announced a raft of measures designed to combat ‘foreign interference’ in the Australian political system. The measures propose new constraints on civil society advocacy and threaten to seriously curtail democratic rights. They form part of global trend towards the increased regulation of International Non-Government Organisations (INGOs), driven by fears of ‘foreign’ political influence. In response to the shrinking ‘civic space’, NGOs are defining new agendas. Recently in Australia and elsewhere NGO advocates have gained some traction in extending the legitimacy and scope for political advocacy. The new rhetoric of countering ‘foreign interference’ threatens NGO advocacy, but also creates new political possibilities. This article surveys the international trends and Australian contexts; it analyses recent legislative proposals in Australia to combat ‘foreign interference’, and outlines the public debate. The double standard for INGOs and multinational corporations is highlighted as a key theme, and the article ends with a concluding discussion about emerging possibilities for new political obligations for corporations in Australia
2017年,澳大利亚政府宣布了一系列旨在打击“外国干涉”澳大利亚政治体系的措施。这些措施对民间社会的宣传提出了新的限制,并有可能严重削弱民主权利。由于担心“外国”政治影响,它们构成了对国际非政府组织(ingo)加强监管的全球趋势的一部分。为了应对不断缩小的“公民空间”,非政府组织正在制定新的议程。最近在澳大利亚和其他地方,非政府组织倡导者在扩大政治倡导的合法性和范围方面取得了一些进展。反对“外国干涉”的新言论威胁到非政府组织的倡导,但也创造了新的政治可能性。本文概述了国际趋势和澳大利亚的背景;它分析了澳大利亚最近的立法提案,以打击“外国干涉”,并概述了公众辩论。国际非政府组织和跨国公司的双重标准被强调为一个关键主题,文章最后总结了澳大利亚公司新政治义务的可能性
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引用次数: 1
Europe is for being recognized for more than an ethnic background” : middle class British, Dutch and German minority citizens’ perspectives on EU citizenship and belonging to Europe’ 欧洲不仅仅因为种族背景而被认可”:中产阶级英国、荷兰和德国少数民族公民对欧盟公民身份和归属欧洲的看法
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-03-29 DOI: 10.5130/CCS.V10I1.5794
U. Vieten
The paper pinpoints some crucial themes of European belonging arising in the narratives of minority key activists with various hyphened legal national citi-zenship status, e.g. South Asian Brits, Moroccan-Dutch and Turkish/ Kurd-ish-Germans. The interviews capture how visible minorities’ perspectives on European belonging are influenced by structural racism, but also by national-ly specific discourses of symbolic inclusion or exclusion of ethnic minorities respectively. In this original research project in total 43 key minority activists, men and women and all of middle class social status were interviewed between au-tumn 2009 and summer 2012, e.g. pre-Brexit, in Britain, the Netherlands and Germany. The findings of the study underline ambivalent post-cosmopolitan identities and more contradictory notions of ‘race’ and ‘ethnicity in Britain and the Netherlands, due to specific colonial / post-colonial contexts, and a different use of these categories in Britain and the rest of Europe. The minor-ity citizens interviewed in Germany expressed a more troubled position here as their relationship to the European Union is influenced by their feelings of belonging to Turkey, the latter outside the EU and at the border of Europe. As the ‘new’ citizens interviewed in this sample live in major cities, such as London, Berlin and Amsterdam, individual feelings of belonging to Europe, perceptions of being European and cosmopolitan were very much shaped by the concrete city spaces and a positive identification with metropolitan urban identity.
该论文指出了欧洲归属的一些关键主题,这些主题出现在具有各种合法国家公民身份的少数族裔关键活动家的叙述中,例如南亚英国人、摩洛哥荷兰人和土耳其/库尔德人德国人。采访捕捉到了明显的少数民族对欧洲归属的看法是如何受到结构性种族主义的影响的,但也分别受到象征性包容或排斥少数民族的国家特定话语的影响。在这个最初的研究项目中,从2009年年初到2012年夏天,例如英国脱欧前,共有43名关键的少数民族活动家、男性和女性以及所有中产阶级社会地位的人在英国、荷兰和德国接受了采访。这项研究的结果强调了英国和荷兰矛盾的后世界主义身份以及更矛盾的“种族”和“民族”概念,这是由于特定的殖民/后殖民背景,以及英国和欧洲其他地区对这些类别的不同使用。在德国接受采访的未成年公民在这里表达了更令人不安的立场,因为他们与欧盟的关系受到了他们对土耳其的归属感的影响,土耳其在欧盟之外,在欧洲边境。由于本样本中接受采访的“新”公民生活在伦敦、柏林和阿姆斯特丹等大城市,个人对欧洲的归属感、对欧洲和国际化的看法在很大程度上是由具体的城市空间和对大都市身份的积极认同所塑造的。
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引用次数: 1
Alt_Right White Lite: Trolling, Hate Speech and Cyber Racism on Social Media 另类白人生活:社交媒体上的挑衅、仇恨言论和网络种族主义
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.5130/CCS.V9I3.5655
A. Jakubowicz
The rapid growth of race hate speech on the Internet seems to have overwhelmed the capacity of states, corporations or civil society to limit its spread and impact. Yet by understanding how the political economy of the Internet facilitates racism it is possible to chart strategies that might push back on its negative social effects. Only by involving the state, economy and civil society at both the global level, and locally, can such a process begin to develop an effective ‘civilising’ dynamic. However neo-liberalism and democratic license may find such an exercise ultimately overwhelmingly challenging, especially if the fundamental logical drivers that underpin the business model of the Internet cannot be transformed. This article charts the most recent rise and confusion of the Internet under the impact of the Alt-Right and other racist groups, focusing on an Australian example that demonstrates the way in which a group could manipulate the contradictions of the Internet with some success. Using an analytical model developed to understand the political economy and sociology of mass media power in the later stages of modernity, before the Internet, the author offers a series of proposals on how to address racism on the Internet.
互联网上种族仇恨言论的迅速增长似乎已经超过了国家、企业或民间社会限制其传播和影响的能力。然而,通过了解互联网的政治经济如何助长种族主义,就有可能制定出可能抵消其负面社会影响的策略。只有在全球和地方层面让国家、经济和民间社会参与进来,这一进程才能开始形成有效的“文明”动力。然而,新自由主义和民主许可证可能会发现,这种做法最终极具挑战性,尤其是如果支撑互联网商业模式的基本逻辑驱动因素无法改变的话。这篇文章描绘了在另类右翼和其他种族主义团体的影响下,互联网最近的兴起和混乱,重点关注澳大利亚的一个例子,该例子展示了一个团体如何成功地操纵互联网的矛盾。作者利用一个分析模型来理解现代性后期、互联网出现之前大众媒体权力的政治经济学和社会学,就如何解决互联网上的种族主义问题提出了一系列建议。
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引用次数: 57
Foreign Funded NGOs in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine: Recent Restrictions and Implications 外资非政府组织在俄罗斯、白俄罗斯和乌克兰:最近的限制和影响
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.5130/CCS.V9I3.5637
O. Oleinikova
The opportunity for public participation through NGO action in post-communist societies is continuously starved by legal framework. Since the collapse of Soviet Union, NGOs in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and other post-Communist states have traditionally looked abroad for their funding, and are dismayed at recent legislation setting up new barriers to this practice. This paper discusses the new laws and restrictive amendments to legislative acts on the operations of foreign funded NGOs in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine, adopted since 2011.
在后共产主义社会中,通过非政府组织行动让公众参与的机会不断因法律框架而匮乏。自苏联解体以来,俄罗斯、乌克兰、白俄罗斯和其他后共产主义国家的非政府组织传统上一直在国外寻求资金,并对最近的立法为这种做法设置了新的障碍感到失望。本文讨论了自2011年以来通过的关于外国资助非政府组织在俄罗斯、白俄罗斯和乌克兰开展业务的新法律和限制性立法修正案。
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引用次数: 6
The NGO law in China and its impact on Overseas funded NGOs 中国非政府组织法及其对境外非政府组织的影响
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.5130/CCS.V9I3.5601
Chongyi Feng
The Law of the People’s Republic of China on Administration of Activities of Overseas Non-governmental Organisations in the Mainland of China (Overseas NGO Law), adopted at the 20th Meeting of the 12th Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on 28 April 2016, came into force on 1 January 2017. The Chinese authorities explained that this new law is a major step “to standardise and guide the activities of overseas non-governmental organisations” in line with the objective of the Chinese Communist Party “to comprehensively promote the rule of law and to build a socialist country under the rule of law” . However, foreign NGOs in China have reacted to the new law with grave concern and anxiety. This article provides an analysis on the main features of the Law and assess its intention, impact and consequences.
2016年4月28日第十二届全国人民代表大会常务委员会第二十次会议通过的《中华人民共和国境外非政府组织在中国内地活动管理法》(《境外非政府机构法》)自2017年1月1日起施行。中国当局解释说,这项新法律是“规范和指导海外非政府组织活动”的重要一步,符合中国共产党“全面推进法治,建设社会主义法治国家”的目标。然而,在中国的外国非政府组织对这项新法律的反应是严重关切和焦虑的。本文分析了该法的主要特点,并评估了其意图、影响和后果。
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引用次数: 16
The onward migration of North Korean refugees to Australia: in search of cosmopolitan habitus 朝鲜难民向澳大利亚的迁移:寻找国际化的习惯
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.5130/CCS.V9I3.5506
Kyungja Jung, Bronwen Dalton, Jacqueline Willis
Based on assumed common ethnicity, language and culture, South Korea is believed to be the best country for North Korean defectors to restart their lives. This is, however, not necessarily the case. Since the mid-2000s, 2000 to 3000 North Koreans have allegedly settled in the UK, Canada, the US, Australia and EU countries. Despite this trend and its broader implications, the onward migration process of North Korean refugees, together with their motivations and lived experiences, remain poorly addressed in academic research. Drawing from the unique experience of North Korean refugees’ onward movement to Australia, the paper suggests that discarding a North Korean identity and habitus and gaining cosmopolitan habitus are the main reasons behind North Korean defectors’ onward migration. The paper is the first empirical study on North Korean refugees resettled in Australia to adopt habitus as a theoretical framework, and thus provides new insight into migration studies.
基于假定的共同种族、语言和文化,韩国被认为是脱北者重新开始生活的最佳国家。然而,事实并非如此。自2000年代中期以来,据称有2000至3000名朝鲜人在英国、加拿大、美国、澳大利亚和欧盟国家定居。尽管这一趋势及其更广泛的影响,但学术研究中对朝鲜难民的进一步移民过程及其动机和生活经历的处理仍然很差。根据朝鲜难民移居澳大利亚的独特经历,本文认为,抛弃朝鲜人的身份和习惯,获得国际化的习惯是脱北者移居澳大利亚的主要原因。本文首次采用习惯论作为理论框架,对定居在澳大利亚的朝鲜难民进行实证研究,从而为移民研究提供了新的视角。
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引用次数: 14
Citizenhood: Rethinking Multicultural Citizenship 公民身份:对多元文化公民身份的再思考
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.5130/CCS.V9I3.5518
Irit Keynan
In its comprehensive meaning, citizenship should ideally bestow a sense of belonging in the large social group, as well as a stake in the state's cultural, political and economic life, topped by a sense of solidarity, which transcends ethno-religious differences. Unfortunately, many nation states fail these tasks and not all of their citizens are offered such an embracing welcome. Because of the massive immigrations of the last decades this difficulty has intensified and many states struggle with the problem of maintaining a sense of belonging of its citizens with the state. This article proposes a named new concept, “Citizenhood”, which may provide a better way to reconcile ideas of cultural and social rights with the idea of citizenship in contemporary multicultural liberal and democratic nation states. In particular, the new concept strives to alleviate the situation of groups upon whom citizenship does not confer the sense of 'being at home'. Improving the feelings of these groups is important not only for their own well-being, but for the state as well, since their feeling of alienation from the community at large weakens social cohesion and may fuel continuous tensions. Scholars have suggested different alternatives to overcome these difficulties but a solution is not yet in sight. This paper discusses the advantages and disadvantages of previous suggestions and elaborates on the benefits of the proposed new concept.
从其全面意义上讲,公民身份理想情况下应赋予大型社会群体的归属感,以及国家文化、政治和经济生活的利害关系,最重要的是超越种族和宗教差异的团结感。不幸的是,许多民族国家未能完成这些任务,并不是所有的公民都受到如此热烈的欢迎。由于过去几十年的大规模移民,这一困难加剧了,许多州都在努力解决公民对国家的归属感问题。本文提出了一个新的概念,“公民身份”,这可能为当代多元文化自由民主民族国家的文化和社会权利观念与公民身份观念的协调提供更好的途径。特别是,新概念致力于缓解那些公民身份不能赋予“在家”感觉的群体的处境。改善这些群体的感受不仅对他们自己的福祉很重要,对国家也很重要,因为他们与整个社区的疏离感削弱了社会凝聚力,并可能加剧持续的紧张局势。学者们提出了不同的替代方案来克服这些困难,但解决方案尚未出现。本文讨论了先前建议的优点和缺点,并阐述了所提出的新概念的好处。
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引用次数: 5
Australians’ Views on Cultural Diversity, Nation and Migration, 2015-16 澳大利亚人对文化多样性、民族和移民的看法,2015-16
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.5130/CCS.V9I3.5635
Alanna Kamp, Oishee Alam, K. Blair, K. Dunn
Between July and August 2015, and in November 2016, the Challenging Racism Project team conducted an online survey to measure the extent and variation of racist attitudes and experiences in Australia. The survey comprised a sample of 6001 Australian residents, which was largely representative of the Australian population. The survey gauged Australians’ attitudes toward cultural diversity, intolerance of specific groups, immigration, perceptions of Anglo-Celtic cultural privilege, and belief in racialism, racial separatism and racial hierarchy. In this paper we report findings on respondents’ views on cultural diversity, nation and migration. The majority of Australians are pro-diversity. However, we also acknowledge conflicting findings such as strong support for assimilation and identification of ‘out groups’. The findings paint a complex picture of attitudes towards cultural diversity, nation and migration in Australia. The attitudes reflect contradictory political trends of celebrated diversity, triumphalist claims about freedom, alongside pro-assimilationist views and stoked Islamophobia. This is within the context of a stalled multicultural project that has not sufficiently challenged assimilationist assumptions and Anglo-privilege.
2015年7月至8月和2016年11月,挑战种族主义项目团队进行了一项在线调查,以衡量澳大利亚种族主义态度和经历的程度和变化。该调查包括6001名澳大利亚居民的样本,这在很大程度上代表了澳大利亚人口。这项调查衡量了澳大利亚人对文化多样性、对特定群体的不容忍、移民、对盎格鲁-凯尔特文化特权的看法,以及对种族主义、种族分离主义和种族等级制度的信仰的态度。在本文中,我们报告了受访者对文化多样性、民族和移民的看法。大多数澳大利亚人支持多元化。然而,我们也承认相互矛盾的发现,如强烈支持同化和识别“外群体”。调查结果描绘了澳大利亚对文化多样性、民族和移民的复杂态度。这些态度反映了相互矛盾的政治趋势:颂扬多样性,对自由的必胜主义主张,以及支持同化的观点和煽动的伊斯兰恐惧症。这是在一个停滞不前的多元文化项目的背景下,这个项目没有充分挑战同化主义的假设和盎格鲁特权。
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引用次数: 19
Journalism, the pressures of verification and notions of post-truth in civil society 新闻业,核实的压力以及公民社会中后真相的概念
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-07-21 DOI: 10.5130/CCS.V9I2.5476
N. Martin
‘Post-truth’ was not a new concept when it was selected as the international word of the year (2016) by Oxford Dictionaries. In the context of communications research, scholars were discussing journalism in the ‘post-factual’ age some thirty years ago (Ettema 1987). In the digital era, journalistic practice itself has changed; stories are generated by a multiplicity of actors in a participative and interactive way. This paper contemplates the nature of journalists’ information practices in the 21st century and relates these to the roles of information and social media in civil society. The methodology draws on the findings of pilot research studies investigating journalists’ information practices in the digital realm (Martin 2014; 2015) and investigates the pressures of verification. The author posits that that we are ostensibly living in a ‘post-truth’ society largely due to the impact of changes in the news milieu in the digital age. With so many diverse voices in the mix, it is increasingly difficult for citizens to separate fact from fiction; journalists thus have a role as verifiers. It is crucial for information consumers (citizenry) to have the requisite skills and knowledge to critically evaluate media content and deal with information and communication overload.
当“后真相”被牛津词典选为2016年度国际词汇时,它并不是一个新概念。在传播学研究的背景下,大约三十年前,学者们就在讨论“后事实”时代的新闻(Ettema 1987)。在数字时代,新闻实践本身发生了变化;故事是由众多参与者以参与和互动的方式产生的。本文思考了21世纪记者信息实践的本质,并将其与信息和社交媒体在公民社会中的作用联系起来。该方法借鉴了调查记者在数字领域的信息实践的试点研究的结果(Martin 2014;2015),并调查了验证的压力。作者认为,我们表面上生活在一个“后真相”社会,很大程度上是由于数字时代新闻环境变化的影响。有这么多不同的声音混杂在一起,公民越来越难以区分事实与虚构;因此,记者有一个核实者的角色。对于信息消费者(公民)来说,掌握必要的技能和知识来批判性地评价媒体内容和处理信息和通信过载是至关重要的。
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引用次数: 14
Disinformation Society, communication and cosmopolitan democracy 反信息社会、交流与世界民主
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-07-21 DOI: 10.5130/CCS.V9I2.5477
J. Marshall
This paper argues that ‘fake news’ is endemic to ‘information society’ as a whole, not just the internet or news media. It is part of daily experience, generated by established patterns of communication, social group categorisation, framing, and patterns of power. These disruptions are intensified  though interacting with the dynamics of information capitalism, which values strategic effectiveness more than accuracy. Assuming democratic cosmopolitan society must have good communication, this paper explores the factors which produce obstacles to such communicative processes, as th e patterns which support bad communication and disinformation must be understood before they can be dealt with.
本文认为,“假新闻”是整个“信息社会”所特有的,而不仅仅是互联网或新闻媒体。它是日常经验的一部分,由既定的交流模式、社会群体分类、框架和权力模式产生。这些破坏通过与信息资本主义的动态相互作用而加剧,信息资本主义更重视战略有效性而不是准确性。假设民主的世界性社会必须有良好的沟通,本文探讨了对这种沟通过程产生障碍的因素,因为支持不良沟通和虚假信息的模式必须在处理之前得到理解。
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引用次数: 16
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Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal
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