Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2023.2195888
Yi Gu
Abstract Ever since Jean-François Millet (1814–75) was introduced to China in the 1920s through translations, Chinese artists’ fascination with him has resulted more from his life story than from the poor reproductions of his artworks. Millet’s focus on the imagery of the peasantry and his purported identification with the peasant made him a unique figure in the rise of a discourse on native soil, which conflates peasants, the land, the Communist revolution, and a distinctive Chineseness in art. This discourse first took form during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–45) and continues to thrive in China today. This article examines the growing list of artists—from the well-known masters Gu Yuan (1919–96) and Luo Zhongli (1948–) to lesser-known artists whose professional work was supported by state painting academies and teaching institutions—who have been named the “Chinese Millets.” I propose that “Millet” continues to be effective as a trope in the discussion and imagination of art in China today because his life story provides multiple thrusts—the rapport with peasants, the simplicity and nobility of an artist’s character, an unflinching insistence on one’s own style in opposition to more fashionable trends—in support of a vague conviction of the vitalist force of the native soil. This simultaneously eases Chinese artists’ anxiety over their distinction in the international contemporary art world and echoes the civilizational nationalism increasingly promoted by the party state. Foregrounding the persistent phenomenon of likening to Millet in art discourse in China, this study reveals the challenges and dilemmas of an art world that simultaneously strives to rise in the global order and manages to work with an authoritarian state that both promises generous patronage and demands cooperation.
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Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2023.2195808
M. Cheetham, Hana Nikčević
Abstract The special issue Analogical Practices in the Global Art World systematically examines for the first time the widespread practice of constructing global art and architectural histories through analogy. In addition to summarizing the essays presented and the pertinent literature on analogy across several fields, this Introduction marshals primary research alongside scholarship and observations from diverse disciplines to advance two overarching arguments. First, we claim that art world analogies both disclose and influence the axes along which art-historical and museological thinking is habitually oriented: national groupings or “schools” above all, but also chronology, gender, race, cultural identification, art media, and style. Second, we argue that the art world analogy paradigmatically involves collaborations of textual iteration with works of visual art. Proposing, ultimately, that visual analogy is never just visual, we build a theory of analogy-as-discourse for the visual arts.
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Pub Date : 2023-04-26DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2023.2168466
Allegra Iafrate
Abstract
This article explores some of the dynamics related to ekphrasis between Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, focusing particularly on the often problematic, but always fruitful, interplay between the object and its description. My interest lies, more specifically, in what has often been called ‘reverse ekphrasis’, that is, the process through which the figurative arts engage in producing an equivalent of the verbal text, instead of the other way around. The analysis is structured around a series of case studies related to King Solomon and to the rich artistic patronage attributed to him by the Bible—a patronage that not only was exploited for centuries to create a powerful imagery around kingship, but also had a fruitful effect on the creation of artefacts.
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2022.2160194
Barbara E. Mundy
Abstract Pliny the Elder’s Natural History, which contains an account of the origins of painting, offered sixteenth-century European artists a gift as they struggled to advance the status of painting as an intellectual rather than a mechanical art. The Roman authority was also read by Indigenous intellectuals in New Spain; they described their autochthonous painting practice in an account written in the Nahuatl language to respond to Pliny. This article offers a new translation of their account and a careful analysis that draws on recent work by material scientists to construct an Indigenous ontology of the image, and gives a comparison to the Plinian ideal. Crucial to both accounts is the role of the shadow as it relates to the nature of representation.
{"title":"Indigenous image theory","authors":"Barbara E. Mundy","doi":"10.1080/02666286.2022.2160194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02666286.2022.2160194","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Pliny the Elder’s Natural History, which contains an account of the origins of painting, offered sixteenth-century European artists a gift as they struggled to advance the status of painting as an intellectual rather than a mechanical art. The Roman authority was also read by Indigenous intellectuals in New Spain; they described their autochthonous painting practice in an account written in the Nahuatl language to respond to Pliny. This article offers a new translation of their account and a careful analysis that draws on recent work by material scientists to construct an Indigenous ontology of the image, and gives a comparison to the Plinian ideal. Crucial to both accounts is the role of the shadow as it relates to the nature of representation.","PeriodicalId":44046,"journal":{"name":"WORD & IMAGE","volume":"37 1","pages":"260 - 282"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75869273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2022.2160188
James O'Neill
Abstract This article focuses on the botanical specimens and their symbolic purpose in the narrative of the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (1499). It examines the questions as to why certain plants are positioned at certain narrative stages, and how the relationship between their aesthetic, medical, literary, and symbolic purpose fits with the narrative. It also examines how this ratiocination of reflecting a developing topography with the interior development of the soul is handled in a wholly humanist–Renaissance manner over earlier treatments of botany in the medieval philosophical dream allegories such as Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun’s Roman de la rose and Brunetto Latini’s Il Tesoretto, or the pre-medieval Prudentius’s Psychomachia. 1
{"title":"Botanical symbolism in the Hypnerotomachia: botanical signifiers of a humanist handling of interior transformation","authors":"James O'Neill","doi":"10.1080/02666286.2022.2160188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02666286.2022.2160188","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article focuses on the botanical specimens and their symbolic purpose in the narrative of the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (1499). It examines the questions as to why certain plants are positioned at certain narrative stages, and how the relationship between their aesthetic, medical, literary, and symbolic purpose fits with the narrative. It also examines how this ratiocination of reflecting a developing topography with the interior development of the soul is handled in a wholly humanist–Renaissance manner over earlier treatments of botany in the medieval philosophical dream allegories such as Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun’s Roman de la rose and Brunetto Latini’s Il Tesoretto, or the pre-medieval Prudentius’s Psychomachia. 1","PeriodicalId":44046,"journal":{"name":"WORD & IMAGE","volume":"60 1","pages":"192 - 234"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88481757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2022.2069955
Kristoffer Neville
Abstract The Entwurff einer historischen Architectur (Outline of an Historical Architecture, 1721), by Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach, architect to the Austrian imperial court, is often seen as a milestone in the literature of architecture, and as the first comparative and universal history of architecture. In part because it has been studied primarily as a work of architectural history, rather than imperial history, it has become relatively unmoored from a large body of earlier and contemporary histories of the Habsburgs and the imperial house. These works cumulatively established a distinct historiographical tradition that informs the content and narrative of Fischer’s book and aligns it closely with a deeply ideological narrative in which a historical line leads directly from the Old Testament patriarchs through Greco-Roman rulers to the Holy Roman Emperors, and from Jerusalem and Rome to modern Vienna. To a substantial degree, this historiography, rather than a nascent architectural canon, determined the contents and presentation of the Entwurff.
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2022.2072109
P. Sohm
Abstract Agnolo Bronzino performs a visual experiment in Anton Francesco Doni’s I Marmi (Venice, 1552). “Do you see these pigments?” he asks as he shows his palette to a group of Florentine artisans. Bronzino had mentally dismantled a painting by Andrea del Sarto and loaded his palette with those pigments that Sarto would have used. With them, he painted a copy of the Sarto. How was this strange mind game rendered as a form of art criticism, as a demonstration of craft and technique, and as a visual exercise for a lay audience who could not paint? Doni’s Bronzino invited viewers and readers to think and see with the imagination and eyes of painters, a strategy adopted by painters of self-portraits, notably Anguissola Sofonisba’s Self-Portrait (Łańcut), c.1555.
Agnolo Bronzino在Anton Francesco Doni的I Marmi(威尼斯，1552)中进行视觉实验。“你看到这些颜料了吗?”他一边向一群佛罗伦萨工匠展示他的调色板，一边问道。布龙奇诺在心里拆解了安德里亚·德尔·萨托的一幅画，并在调色板上加入了萨托会使用的颜料。用它们，他画了一幅《萨托》的复制品。这种奇怪的心理游戏是如何作为一种艺术批评形式，作为一种工艺和技术的展示，作为一种视觉练习，为一个不会画画的外行观众呈现的?多尼的《布龙齐诺》邀请观众和读者用画家的想象力和眼睛去思考和观看，这是自画像画家采用的一种策略，特别是安圭索拉·索福尼斯巴的自画像(Łańcut)， c.1555。
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2022.2118491
G. Parkinson
Abstract Robert Rauschenberg is not usually thought to have had much contact with Surrealism and even spoke openly about his disdain for the movement on some occasions. However, through the period 1958–69, the Surrealists showed great enthusiasm for the ‘poetic’, ‘metaphorical’ resonance of Rauschenberg’s work, a positive response that has since largely been lost. In place of that history, the interpretation of Rauschenberg by John Cage as a ‘literalist’ or ‘factualist’ gained ground and even came to define the artist’s œuvre in some quarters, a reading that Rauschenberg himself approved. Caught in the middle of these two versions of Rauschenberg are the largely untranslated texts of French poet, critic, and ex-Surrealist Alain Jouffroy (1928–2015), which form the substance of this article. Jouffroy pioneered the positive critical reception of Rauschenberg in France from 1961 while he continued to be influenced by his Surrealist past, to the point that his writings on Rauschenberg reveal consistent contradiction under close reading. The highest point of tension was reached across 1963–64 when Jouffroy wrote eulogistic poems devoted to Rauschenberg’s massive silkscreen painting Barge (1962–63) and to Surrealism in L’Antichambre de la nature (1966, written in 1964), alongside key texts of art criticism on Rauschenberg. Culminating in an analysis of the silkscreen and poems, this article argues that while Jouffroy’s writings seem ostensibly to further the Cagean interpretation of the artist, they are riven by an awkward dual loyalty that can be read in support of a ‘poetic’ ‘Surrealist Rauschenberg’.
罗伯特·劳森伯格(Robert Rauschenberg)通常被认为与超现实主义没有多少联系，甚至在某些场合公开表示他对超现实主义运动的蔑视。然而，在1958年至1969年期间，超现实主义者对劳森伯格作品的“诗意”、“隐喻”共鸣表现出极大的热情，这种积极的回应在很大程度上已经消失了。取而代之的是，约翰·凯奇(John Cage)将劳森伯格解释为“字面主义者”或“事实主义者”，这一解释获得了认可，甚至在某些方面定义了这位艺术家的œuvre，劳森伯格本人也认可这种解读。在这两个版本的劳森伯格之间，是法国诗人、评论家、前超现实主义者阿兰·茹弗罗伊(1928-2015)大部分未翻译的文本，这构成了本文的内容。自1961年以来，Jouffroy在法国率先对劳森伯格进行了积极的批评，同时他继续受到他超现实主义过去的影响，以至于他关于劳森伯格的作品在仔细阅读时显示出始终如一的矛盾。在1963年至1964年期间，Jouffroy为劳森伯格的大型丝网画《驳船》(1962年至1963年)和《自然antichambre de la nature》(1966年，写于1964年)中的超现实主义写了赞美诗，以及对劳森伯格的艺术批评的关键文本，达到了紧张的最高点。在对丝网印刷和诗歌的分析中达到高潮，本文认为，虽然Jouffroy的作品表面上似乎进一步推动了对艺术家的凯根解释，但它们被一种尴尬的双重忠诚所撕裂，这种忠诚可以被解读为支持“诗意”的“超现实主义劳森伯格”。
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2022.2113732
Graylin Harrison
Abstract This article demonstrates the role of the visual arts, alongside literature, in mythologizing Masaniello (d. 1647) as hero and martyr, despite the limited role he played in the so-called “Revolt of Masaniello” (1647–1648). In addition to printed accounts of the revolt in a variety of languages, Masaniello imagery circulated on paper and canvas, in marble and wax. His likeness was illustrated in chronicles of the uprising, but he also appeared in the “fine” and performing arts, where artists of varied media continuously refashioned his persona, from 1647 well into the nineteenth century. Comparisons are made between a red chalk portrait of Masaniello by Aniello Falcone and several “Old Master” predecessors, such as Leonardo da Vinci and Michelangelo Buonarotti, to reveal how Neapolitan artists consciously inserted the rebel into a visual vernacular that transcended his historical specificity. This, combined with the international circulation of Masaniello print imagery, helped to consolidate the iconography of the Neapolitan peasant, the lazzaro, during and after the Grand Tour. The birth of Masaniello brings to light the quintessential elements of Neapolitan culture: its artistic heritage and political instability, its poverty and popular culture, its spiritual fervor and alleged danger.
本文展示了视觉艺术和文学在将马萨涅洛(1647年)神话化为英雄和烈士的过程中所起的作用，尽管他在所谓的“马萨涅洛起义”(1647 - 1648)中所起的作用有限。除了以各种语言印刷的起义记录外，马萨涅洛的图像还在纸上、帆布上、大理石和蜡上流传。他的肖像在起义编年史中得到了说明，但他也出现在“美术”和表演艺术中，从1647年到19世纪，各种媒体的艺术家不断地重塑他的形象。将Aniello Falcone的红色粉笔画的Masaniello肖像与几位“老大师”前辈，如Leonardo da Vinci和Michelangelo Buonarotti进行比较，以揭示那不勒斯艺术家如何有意识地将反叛插入超越其历史特殊性的视觉白话中。这与马萨涅洛版画图像的国际流通相结合，有助于巩固那不勒斯农民的形象，拉扎罗，在大旅行期间和之后。Masaniello的诞生揭示了那不勒斯文化的精髓:它的艺术遗产和政治不稳定，它的贫穷和流行文化，它的精神热情和所谓的危险。
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2023.2166319
E. Barker
Abstract The heroine of Germaine de Staël’s Corinne, or Italy (1807) makes her first appearance in the novel ‘dressed like Domenichino’s Sibyl’, wearing an Indian shawl wound into a turban. The aim of this essay is to highlight the contribution that the tradition of Sibylline iconography made to the characterization of the heroine of Corinne by locating Staël in a long line of artists, writers, and patrons, particularly female ones, who adapted and appropriated this iconography for their own purposes over the previous two centuries. A crucial breakthrough was made in the early seventeenth century by Domenichino, who provided the prototype for later generations of artists by painting a freestanding picture of a generic (not, as often said, the Cumaean) Sibyl wearing a turban. Domenichino’s composition nevertheless remained exceptional in its insistence on the primacy of Sibylline inspiration, which helps to account for its role in Corinne as well as for its appeal to other early nineteenth-century writers. Staël’s direct predecessors included the artists Angelica Kauffman and Élisabeth-Louise Vigée Le Brun, both of whom portrayed female sitters in more or less Sibylline guise, but the most important was Emma Hamilton, from whose famous Attitudes Staël almost certainly derived the motif of the turban fashioned out of an Indian shawl. Staël herself adopted the turban as her characteristic headdress, as did other literary and artistic women after her; its great advantage lay in the way it enabled them to lay claim to Sibylline authority whilst also disavowing any such intent.
杰曼•德•Staël的《科琳娜或意大利》(Corinne, or Italy, 1807)的女主人公首次出现在小说中，“打扮得像多梅尼奇诺笔下的西比尔”，披着一条缠在头巾上的印度披肩。这篇文章的目的是强调西比林肖像学的传统对科琳女主人公性格的贡献，通过在一长串艺术家，作家和赞助人，特别是女性中找到Staël，他们在过去的两个世纪里为自己的目的改编和挪用了这种肖像学。17世纪初，多梅尼奇诺(Domenichino)取得了重大突破，他画了一幅戴着头巾的普通(不是人们常说的库马亚)女祭司的独立画像，为后世的艺术家提供了原型。尽管如此，多梅尼基诺的作品仍然坚持西比林灵感的首要地位，这有助于解释它在《科琳》中的作用，以及它对其他19世纪早期作家的吸引力。Staël的直接前辈包括艺术家安吉丽卡·考夫曼(Angelica Kauffman)和Élisabeth-Louise维格姆·勒·布伦(vig Le Brun)，他们都或多或少以西比林的形象描绘女性模特，但最重要的是艾玛·汉密尔顿(Emma Hamilton)，她著名的《态度》Staël几乎可以肯定是从她的作品中衍生出了用印度披肩制成的头巾的主题。Staël她自己采用头巾作为她的特色头饰，就像她之后的其他文艺女性一样;它的巨大优势在于，它使他们能够声称拥有西比林的权威，同时又否认任何这样的意图。
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