Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/08003831.2015.1014265
Art Leete, V. Lipin
Abstract We analyse the Komi hunters' story-telling as the integrated way of knowledge transmission and communicating vernacular beliefs. We intend to demonstrate that although vernacular beliefs regulating hunting story-telling are widespread in the North, local practices enable us to reveal peculiarities of the tradition in a nuanced way. Our study is based on annual collaborative fieldwork trips to the Komi hunters, which began in 1996. During these years, we have recorded tens of hours of hunting stories and background data for the topic. Analysis of this material is based on the concept of vernacular mimetic mode of representation. We revealed that the Komi narrators communicate hunting skills and magical beliefs in the process of story-telling. The notion of “truth” is an important conceptual device that frames the story-telling practice. We discuss the Komi hunting narratives using an interpretation of vernacular ideology that we label the “aesthetics of confusion”. We will argue that in the vernacular understanding of hunting narratives, the Komi have a seemingly ambivalent and fluid, but at the same time strict, approach to the poetics of story-telling.
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/08003831.2015.1030849
Mikkel Berg-Nordlie
Abstract This article reviews arrangements for Russian Sámi self-government during the Late Imperial (1822–1917), Soviet (1917–1991) and Federal (1992–) Eras of Russian history, comparing them to developments in the country's general indigenous minority policy. Since the Soviet Era, indigenous minority policy has been delimited to a subset of the country's actual indigenous nations – smaller groups traditionally involved in certain rural economic activities. State paternalism, the framing of indigenous minority policy as giving aid to weak groups, is a constant trait of Russian indigenous minority policy. This paternalism has been channelled towards different goals at different times – the building of Communist nations, assimilation, or traditionalist preservationism. Indigenous minority policy has generally been weakly institutionalized, and its interests come into conflict with stronger actors who anchor their political activity in northern economic development and state security. Different forms of territorial autonomy have been practiced throughout the period, non-territorial arrangements becoming more common only in the Federal Era. Russian Sámi politics generally match the national trends but are a case of particularly weak indigenous autonomy and participation. A very case-specific phenomenon is the Federal Era conflict over whether or not to import the Nordic Sámi Parliament model. Case-specifics are explained by the weak demographic position of the Russian Sámi, the lack of any significant symbolic connection between the province and its indigenous people, and the border-proximity and border-transcendence of the Sámi people, which has repeatedly been used to frame their activism as a security concern.
{"title":"Two Centuries of Russian Sámi Policy: Arrangements for Autonomy and Participation Seen in Light of Imperial, Soviet and Federal Indigenous Minority Policy 1822–2014","authors":"Mikkel Berg-Nordlie","doi":"10.1080/08003831.2015.1030849","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08003831.2015.1030849","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article reviews arrangements for Russian Sámi self-government during the Late Imperial (1822–1917), Soviet (1917–1991) and Federal (1992–) Eras of Russian history, comparing them to developments in the country's general indigenous minority policy. Since the Soviet Era, indigenous minority policy has been delimited to a subset of the country's actual indigenous nations – smaller groups traditionally involved in certain rural economic activities. State paternalism, the framing of indigenous minority policy as giving aid to weak groups, is a constant trait of Russian indigenous minority policy. This paternalism has been channelled towards different goals at different times – the building of Communist nations, assimilation, or traditionalist preservationism. Indigenous minority policy has generally been weakly institutionalized, and its interests come into conflict with stronger actors who anchor their political activity in northern economic development and state security. Different forms of territorial autonomy have been practiced throughout the period, non-territorial arrangements becoming more common only in the Federal Era. Russian Sámi politics generally match the national trends but are a case of particularly weak indigenous autonomy and participation. A very case-specific phenomenon is the Federal Era conflict over whether or not to import the Nordic Sámi Parliament model. Case-specifics are explained by the weak demographic position of the Russian Sámi, the lack of any significant symbolic connection between the province and its indigenous people, and the border-proximity and border-transcendence of the Sámi people, which has repeatedly been used to frame their activism as a security concern.","PeriodicalId":44093,"journal":{"name":"Acta Borealia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/08003831.2015.1030849","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59542309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/08003831.2015.1029850
R. R. Balsvik
This book is a presentation of a vast and remarkable piece of academic work, the first of two volumes on the theme of Russian–Norwegian points of contact between 1814 and 2014. This is the first volume, from 1814 to 1917, from the year of the Norwegian constitution to that of the Russian revolution. It consists of more than 600 pages divided into 21 chapters, brought forth by 17 historians, eight of them from Russia. The editor, Professor Jens Petter Nielsen from the University of Tromsø, besides contributing heavily to the text, is also responsible for sowing together or rather weaving all the different research contributions into one fabric. His main consultant has been Professor Kari Aga Myklebost, University of Tromsø, who has also contributed substantially to the text. In my presentation of the work I will first comment on the beginning of the collaboration between Russian and Norwegian historians seen from the perspective of the University of Tromsø. Only then will I turn to the book itself to give an impression of its themes and the many contact points of Russians and Norwegians that are elaborated on in the book. Some of the findings will be presented, but not argued against, as neither the space in this journal nor the competence of the presenter allows it. In Norway we have a lot of research connected to the Pomor trade and descriptions in local history writing. What we have lacked, until now, has been the Russian side, the Russian descriptions and perceptions dug out of Russian journals, biographies, research theses and not least, the archives.
这本书是关于1814年至2014年俄罗斯-挪威接触点主题的两卷书中的第一卷，展示了一份巨大而非凡的学术工作。这是第一卷，从1814年到1917年，从挪威立宪之年到俄国革命之年。全书共600多页，分为21章，由17位历史学家撰写，其中8位来自俄罗斯。编辑，来自特罗姆瑟大学的延斯·皮特·尼尔森教授，除了对文本做出大量贡献外，还负责将所有不同的研究成果整合在一起，或者更确切地说，将所有不同的研究成果编织在一起。他的主要顾问是特罗姆瑟大学的Kari Aga Myklebost教授，他也对文本作出了重大贡献。在我对这项工作的介绍中，我将首先从特罗姆瑟大学的角度来评论俄罗斯和挪威历史学家之间合作的开始。只有到那时，我才会转向这本书本身，对它的主题和书中详细阐述的俄罗斯人和挪威人的许多接触点给出一个印象。其中一些发现将被提出，但不会被反对，因为本刊的篇幅和作者的能力都不允许。在挪威，我们有很多与波莫尔贸易有关的研究，以及当地历史写作中的描述。到目前为止，我们所缺乏的是俄罗斯方面，从俄罗斯期刊、传记、研究论文，尤其是档案中挖掘出来的俄罗斯人的描述和看法。
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/08003831.2015.1033602
Lars Elenius
Veiviser i det mangfoldige nord : Utvalgte artikler av Einar Niemi [Pathfinder in the Diverse North : Selected Articles by Einar Niemi]
维特先生在北面:俄国人
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Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/08003831.2015.1027531
Torgeir Nordvik
Abstract Since the Laestadian movement reached northern Norway in the 1850s, it has developed as an autonomous group within the state church. In some periods the relationship has been harmonious, while in other periods it has been a relation of tension and conflict. In 2009 the tension between the Lyngen group and the church leadership once again became visible. The actual occasion was the proposals for new liturgies for the church presented by the Church National Council in 2008. The Laestadians sent two declarations to the diocese in Tromsø, stating that the church had betrayed the Evangelic-Lutheran confession. They threatened to leave the church if the conditions for Lutheran ecclesiastical practise became unacceptable. The critical event of changes in liturgies could drive the Lyngen group to grow more independent from the church, following the example of other lay groups. Since the 1990s several groups inside the church organization have developed their own separate liturgical practises. Analysis of the situation reveals that the relationship between the Lyngen group and the church leadership was renewed and confirmed by the statements given in 2009, and by active Laestadian participation in the local church councils.
{"title":"Between Criticism and Loyalty. The Laestadian Lyngen Group's Relation to the Church of Norway","authors":"Torgeir Nordvik","doi":"10.1080/08003831.2015.1027531","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08003831.2015.1027531","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since the Laestadian movement reached northern Norway in the 1850s, it has developed as an autonomous group within the state church. In some periods the relationship has been harmonious, while in other periods it has been a relation of tension and conflict. In 2009 the tension between the Lyngen group and the church leadership once again became visible. The actual occasion was the proposals for new liturgies for the church presented by the Church National Council in 2008. The Laestadians sent two declarations to the diocese in Tromsø, stating that the church had betrayed the Evangelic-Lutheran confession. They threatened to leave the church if the conditions for Lutheran ecclesiastical practise became unacceptable. The critical event of changes in liturgies could drive the Lyngen group to grow more independent from the church, following the example of other lay groups. Since the 1990s several groups inside the church organization have developed their own separate liturgical practises. Analysis of the situation reveals that the relationship between the Lyngen group and the church leadership was renewed and confirmed by the statements given in 2009, and by active Laestadian participation in the local church councils.","PeriodicalId":44093,"journal":{"name":"Acta Borealia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/08003831.2015.1027531","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59542728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-02DOI: 10.1080/08003831.2015.1029846
Julie Lund
Abstract The article takes its point of departure in 12 Sámi sacrificial places from northern Sweden and Norway. It is argued that the sites with metal objects of the ninth to fourteenth centuries in a number of ways are comparable to acts of deposition in south Scandinavia. These Viking Age depositions consisted of partly the same types of artefacts, took place on the shores of wetlands with sacral names and were in use in the same time period as the Sámi sacrificial places. The similarities and differences between the two traditions are discussed, focusing on some possible links between aspects of animistic world views and biographical perspectives on artefacts. This opens up the possibility that not only the Sámi, but even the Old Norse world views contained elements of animistic perspectives. It is claimed that the two traditions reflect partially parallel ways of handling the landscape and dealing with objects among the Sámi of Øvre Norrland and the Norse population of south Scandinavia.
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Pub Date : 2014-07-03DOI: 10.1080/08003831.2014.967982
R. Kylli
Abstract Throughout history, conquerors and those in power have assumed control not only of the people and the lands they have occupied but also of their food cultures and dietary habits. Encounters related to food have had undeniable influence on the nutrition, the health, and the environment of populations. The traditional diet of the Sámi living in Finnish Lapland – especially in the Utsjoki parish – was heavily dependent on meat and fish, while the diet of officials and settlers coming from the southern parts of the land was based on bread and other sources of carbohydrates. When officials relocated to Lapland, they often brought along bread, flour, and agricultural tools suitable for cultivating grain. The first task of the teacher of a school established in Utsjoki, the northernmost parish of Finnish Lapland, in the 1740s was to travel to the coast of the Arctic Ocean to buy flour for the school and its boarding pupils – despite the fact that the pupils were probably not accustomed to a diet that included bread. Information on matters such as this has been recorded in many sources consulted by historians, and makes it possible to focus on the role of food and dietary habits as an important part of cultural encounters and exchange. The attitudes of the Sámi towards food indicate that the use of power was not always a one-directional, top-down process. Even the rural communities of the northernmost part of Europe could benefit equally from the international trade connections and the increased choice of goods they brought. The inhabitants of the Sámi region also reflected on their own dietary habits and its shortcomings: the potato became popular in Europe starting in the eighteenth century, and some Sámi also expressed their interest in cultivating potato by the 1820s.
{"title":"Bread and Power in the “Land of No Bread” – Low-Carbohydrate Sámi Diet in Transition","authors":"R. Kylli","doi":"10.1080/08003831.2014.967982","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08003831.2014.967982","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Throughout history, conquerors and those in power have assumed control not only of the people and the lands they have occupied but also of their food cultures and dietary habits. Encounters related to food have had undeniable influence on the nutrition, the health, and the environment of populations. The traditional diet of the Sámi living in Finnish Lapland – especially in the Utsjoki parish – was heavily dependent on meat and fish, while the diet of officials and settlers coming from the southern parts of the land was based on bread and other sources of carbohydrates. When officials relocated to Lapland, they often brought along bread, flour, and agricultural tools suitable for cultivating grain. The first task of the teacher of a school established in Utsjoki, the northernmost parish of Finnish Lapland, in the 1740s was to travel to the coast of the Arctic Ocean to buy flour for the school and its boarding pupils – despite the fact that the pupils were probably not accustomed to a diet that included bread. Information on matters such as this has been recorded in many sources consulted by historians, and makes it possible to focus on the role of food and dietary habits as an important part of cultural encounters and exchange. The attitudes of the Sámi towards food indicate that the use of power was not always a one-directional, top-down process. Even the rural communities of the northernmost part of Europe could benefit equally from the international trade connections and the increased choice of goods they brought. The inhabitants of the Sámi region also reflected on their own dietary habits and its shortcomings: the potato became popular in Europe starting in the eighteenth century, and some Sámi also expressed their interest in cultivating potato by the 1820s.","PeriodicalId":44093,"journal":{"name":"Acta Borealia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/08003831.2014.967982","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59542674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-07-03DOI: 10.1080/08003831.2014.967976
Torill Nyseth, P. Pedersen
Abstract One of the most significant social and cultural changes in the northern part of Scandinavia, as in other parts of the world, is urbanization. All over the northern region, towns and cities are growing, and a large portion of the indigenous population now lives in urban areas throughout all Scandinavian countries. Within these multicultural cities, urban Sámi communities are emerging and making claims to the cities. From a situation where migration from a Sámi core area to a city was associated with assimilation, an urban Sámi identity is now in the making. In this article, we discuss what seems to be the emergence of an urban Sámi culture. The article builds on findings from a study of urban Sámi and their expression of identity in three cities with the largest and fastest-growing Sámi populations in the region: Tromsø (Norway), Umeå (Sweden) and Rovaniemi (Finland). A main finding is the increasing recognition of their status as indigenous people and the growth in Sámi institutions in the cities. Another finding is an urban Sámi culture in the making, where new expressions of Sámi identity are given room to grow, but where we also find ambivalences and strong links and identifications to places in the Sámi core districts outside of the cities.
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Pub Date : 2014-07-03DOI: 10.1080/08003831.2014.967980
H. Maruyama
Abstract Under Japan's colonization of Ainu Lands (Hokkaido, the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin), the Ainu were disconnected from their lands by relocations and deprived of their language and culture by regulations. In 1899, the Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act came into force to finalize the assimilation of the Ainu into Japanese society. In 1997, as a result of Ainu efforts to scrap the assimilation policies, the Ainu Culture Promotion Act (CPA) replaced the Act of 1899. The CPA was expected to emancipate the Ainu from the sufferings caused by the assimilation policies, and yet it stipulated neither Ainu indigeneity nor their linguistic and cultural rights. It is still in effect even after the 2008 official recognition of the Ainu as an indigenous people in the northern part of Japan by the Government of Japan. This article attempts to examine Japan's past and present policies towards the Ainu language and culture in the international context for the revitalization of the Ainu language and culture as the Ainu desire. In order to do this, it first outlines the assimilation policies, and then traces the Ainu struggle for survival as a people. It also discusses the CPA and the Final Report written by the Advisory Committee for Future Ainu Policy, which both form the basis of Japan's present Ainu policies. Finally, in order to explore the revitalization of the Ainu language and culture, how the North Fennoscandian Sami policies have advanced is surveyed.
{"title":"Japan's Policies Towards the Ainu Language and Culture with Special Reference to North Fennoscandian Sami Policies","authors":"H. Maruyama","doi":"10.1080/08003831.2014.967980","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08003831.2014.967980","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Under Japan's colonization of Ainu Lands (Hokkaido, the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin), the Ainu were disconnected from their lands by relocations and deprived of their language and culture by regulations. In 1899, the Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act came into force to finalize the assimilation of the Ainu into Japanese society. In 1997, as a result of Ainu efforts to scrap the assimilation policies, the Ainu Culture Promotion Act (CPA) replaced the Act of 1899. The CPA was expected to emancipate the Ainu from the sufferings caused by the assimilation policies, and yet it stipulated neither Ainu indigeneity nor their linguistic and cultural rights. It is still in effect even after the 2008 official recognition of the Ainu as an indigenous people in the northern part of Japan by the Government of Japan. This article attempts to examine Japan's past and present policies towards the Ainu language and culture in the international context for the revitalization of the Ainu language and culture as the Ainu desire. In order to do this, it first outlines the assimilation policies, and then traces the Ainu struggle for survival as a people. It also discusses the CPA and the Final Report written by the Advisory Committee for Future Ainu Policy, which both form the basis of Japan's present Ainu policies. Finally, in order to explore the revitalization of the Ainu language and culture, how the North Fennoscandian Sami policies have advanced is surveyed.","PeriodicalId":44093,"journal":{"name":"Acta Borealia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/08003831.2014.967980","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59542665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-07-03DOI: 10.1080/08003831.2014.967969
Hilde Sollid
Abstract Norway is sometimes simplistically described as a sociolinguistic paradise, where the use of dialects is integrated in all social contexts. This article examines the significance of the mother tongue in a hierarchical dialect encounter in Norway. The analysis is based on fieldwork in Tromsø, the largest city in north Norway, and the investigation focuses on a sociolinguistic interview with one speaker, Trond. The micro-level language choices of this speaker are contextualized by a quantitative description of dialect features of the Tromsø dialect. The main question is what role the mother tongue plays in the choice between available variants in dialect encounters involving the northern Tromsø dialect and southeastern Oslo dialect.
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