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College Students and “Interracial” Relationships: How Our Measures Matter 大学生与“异族”关系:我们的措施如何重要
IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-07 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221118071
K. Tillman, Ladanya Ramirez Surmeier, Byron Miller
We use data from a random sample of students collected at two large public universities, one in the Midwestern region and one in the Southeastern region of the U.S., to document the prevalence of self-reported “interracial” romantic relationships (SR-IRRs) and the extent to which self-identifications differ from researcher-defined categorizations that label as “interracial/interethnic” all partnerships that cross racial or Latino/Hispanic ethnic boundaries (RD-IRRs). Our findings show that a substantial percentage of students in relationships that cross racial/ethnic lines do not identify them as “interracial.” As a result, measures of SR-IRR and RD-IRR produce very different prevalence figures for cross-group relationships (SR-IRR = 18% of respondents; RDIRR = 24%). The disjuncture between self-reports and researcher-defined categorizations is particularly pronounced for Hispanics and, to a lesser degree, non-Hispanic Whites. The consistency with which relationships that include non-Hispanic Black individuals are labeled, however, stands out as unique: every instance of racial/ethnic boundary crossing that involved an individual from this group was labeled as “interracial.” Multivariate analyses identify significant predictors of SR-IRRs and RDIRRs and how race/ethnicity, nativity status, and university location interact to shape relationship engagement and the likelihood of self-identifying relationships as “interracial.” Our discussion concludes with implications and suggestions for future research.
我们使用了两所大型公立大学随机收集的学生样本数据,一所在美国中西部地区,一所在美国东南部地区,以记录自我报告的“跨种族”浪漫关系(SR-IRRs)的流行程度,以及自我认同与研究人员定义的“跨种族/跨种族”所有跨越种族或拉丁裔/西班牙裔种族界限的伙伴关系(RD-IRRs)的不同程度。我们的研究结果表明,在跨种族/民族关系中的学生中,有相当一部分人并不认为他们是“跨种族”的。因此,SR-IRR和RD-IRR的测量结果在跨群体关系中产生了非常不同的患病率数字(SR-IRR = 18%的受访者;Rdirr = 24%)。自我报告和研究人员定义的分类之间的脱节在西班牙裔和非西班牙裔白人中尤为明显,程度较轻。然而,包括非西班牙裔黑人在内的关系的一致性被贴上了独特的标签:每一个涉及该群体个人的种族/民族边界跨越的例子都被贴上了“跨种族”的标签。多变量分析确定了SR-IRRs和RDIRRs的重要预测因子,以及种族/民族、出生状况和大学位置如何相互作用,形成关系参与和自我识别为“跨种族”关系的可能性。我们的讨论总结了对未来研究的启示和建议。
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引用次数: 0
State Union Density Effects on Workers' Support for Reducing Income Inequality, 1973-2016. 1973-2016年州工会密度对工人支持减少收入不平等的影响。
IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-01 Epub Date: 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221089914
Shawn Perron

Research often borrows on common yet somewhat unsubstantiated beliefs that unions influence inequality attitudes among unionized and nonunionized workers. This paper draws on inequality attitude data from the General Social Survey and state-level union data from the Current Population Survey and County Business Patterns between 1973 and 2016 to test this hypothesis. Linear probability, fixed-effects, and marginal structural models estimate that a large increase in state union density moderately increases workers' support for reducing income inequality by three to 12 percentage points. Findings lend some empirical support for the capacity of unions to influence redistributive policy and market attitudes.

研究经常借用一些普遍但有些未经证实的观点,即工会影响加入工会和未加入工会的工人对不平等的态度。本文利用1973年至2016年《综合社会调查》中的不平等态度数据和《当前人口调查》和《县域商业模式》中的州一级工会数据来检验这一假设。线性概率、固定效应和边际结构模型估计,州工会密度的大幅增加会适度提高工人对减少收入不平等的支持,提高3到12个百分点。研究结果为工会影响再分配政策和市场态度的能力提供了一些实证支持。
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引用次数: 1
Organizational Bias in Gender-Based Violence Research 性别暴力研究中的组织偏见
IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-28 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221111339
Benjamin R. Weiss, M. Shulman
Relatively few victims of gender-based violence (GBV) seek help from nonprofit organizations, healthcare providers, or law enforcement agencies, choosing instead to disclose to friends and family or to nobody at all. This article presents a systematic review of GBV research in sociology showing that, despite low rates of formal service utilization, 68% of published articles use data from organizations including social service providers, hospitals, and police stations and courts. While data from organizations are essential for understanding the experiences of people who report to them, they may not be generalizable to victims broadly. Victims who seek formal help may differ from those who do not in their relative social advantage—along lines of race, socioeconomic status, gender identity, and more—and in their understandings of and responses to violence. We discuss how more non-organizational research might broaden our understanding of violence experienced by society’s most marginalized, elucidate ways to make formal organizational responses more inclusive, and sensitize stakeholders in the anti-GBV movement to interventions outside of the therapeutic and carceral state.
相对而言,很少有性别暴力的受害者向非营利组织、医疗服务提供者或执法机构寻求帮助,而是选择向朋友和家人或根本不向任何人透露。本文对社会学中的性别暴力研究进行了系统回顾,结果表明,尽管正式服务使用率较低,但68%的已发表文章使用了来自社会服务提供者、医院、警察局和法院等组织的数据。虽然来自组织的数据对于了解向他们报告的人的经历至关重要,但这些数据可能无法广泛地推广到受害者。寻求正式帮助的受害者与不寻求正式帮助的受害者可能在相对的社会优势方面有所不同——比如种族、社会经济地位、性别认同等等——以及他们对暴力的理解和反应。我们讨论了更多的非组织研究如何扩大我们对社会最边缘化群体所经历的暴力的理解,阐明了使正式的组织反应更具包容性的方法,并使反gbv运动中的利益相关者对治疗和治疗状态之外的干预更加敏感。
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引用次数: 0
Sharing Places: Local Socio-Economic Organization and Inequality in Contemporary Short-Term Rental Markets 共享场所:当代短期租赁市场中的地方社会经济组织与不平等
IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221109164
Yotala Oszkay
Research on markets distinguishes niche markets, characterized by local community engagement and specialization, from mass markets, characterized by arms-length exchange and large-scale production. Yet, this research often overlooks how inequality differentially underpins these forms of exchange. Building on this work, I explore how local socio-economic disparities may structure different segments of short-term rental markets in the platform (i.e., “sharing”) economy. Drawing on cross-sectional analyses of over 300,000 Airbnb listings clustered in 277 U.S. metropolitan areas, I find that microentrepreneurial short-term rental markets—involving small-scale exchanges that typically demand more personal investment and social interaction—are embedded in civically active communities struggling with economic and housing precarity. Large-scale short-term rental markets—typically involving more socially distant exchanges in which operators rent multiple properties—are prevalent in expensive housing markets, where there are real estate investment opportunities to capitalize on housing vacancies. This study thus builds on understandings of market formation and segmentation, incorporating the role of local inequality, while also illuminating the tensions within platform economy markets more broadly.
市场研究将以当地社区参与和专业化为特征的利基市场与以公平交换和大规模生产为特征的大众市场区分开来。然而,这项研究往往忽略了不平等是如何以不同的方式支撑这些交换形式的。在这项工作的基础上,我探讨了当地社会经济差异如何在平台(即“共享”)经济中构成短期租赁市场的不同部分。通过对聚集在277个美国大都市地区的30多万个Airbnb房单的横断面分析,我发现微型企业短期租赁市场——包括小规模的交易,通常需要更多的个人投资和社会互动——嵌入在与经济和住房不稳定作斗争的公民活跃社区中。大规模的短期租赁市场——通常涉及社交距离较远的交易所,经营者租用多处房产——在昂贵的住房市场中很普遍,那里有房地产投资机会,可以利用住房空置。因此,本研究建立在对市场形成和细分的理解之上,结合了地方不平等的作用,同时也更广泛地阐明了平台经济市场内部的紧张关系。
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引用次数: 0
“We Must Work… Toward Justice in Action”: Grievances, Claims Making, and Spillover in the Idle No More Movement “我们必须努力……走向行动中的正义”:“不再无所事事”运动中的不满、索赔和溢出效应
IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221109167
J. Schweitzer, Tamara L. Mix, O. Fleming
The Idle No More (INM) movement emerged in reaction to Bill C-45, the Canadian Jobs and Growth Act, in November 2012, inspiring a new wave of activism. Central to the movement’s grievances are Indigenous resistance and environmental justice (EJ), positioning INM’s activities against neo-colonialism, exploitation, and environmental degradation. We build upon existing EJ movements, Indigenous Peoples/Indigenous Environmental Justice (IEJ) movements, and social movement spillover, grievance, and claims making literatures to understand the role of shared movement narratives in encouraging mobilization. INM relies on social media to educate members and construct and communicate movement goals and actions. Analyzing 6 months of Facebook comments, reflecting the INM movement’s emergence period, we argue that INM activists employ structural grievances embedded in previous EJ and Indigenous resistance movements, combined with emerging (incidental) grievances to articulate shared claims that address inequality and justice, appealing to a range of potential supporters. We offer an analysis of the emergent INM movement to consider the active intersection of EJ, Indigenous Peoples, and IEJ movements to mobilize and sustain movement activities in spite of Bill C-45’s passage.
2012年11月,针对《加拿大就业与增长法案》(Canadian Jobs and Growth Act)C-45法案,出现了“不再无所事事”(INM)运动,激发了新一轮的激进主义浪潮。该运动不满的核心是土著抵抗和环境正义(EJ),将INM的活动定位为反对新殖民主义、剥削和环境退化。我们以现有的EJ运动、土著人民/土著环境正义(IEJ)运动以及社会运动溢出、申诉和索赔文献为基础,了解共同运动叙事在鼓励动员方面的作用。INM依靠社交媒体来教育成员,构建和交流运动目标和行动。通过分析6个月来脸书上的评论,反映了INM运动的兴起时期,我们认为INM活动家利用之前EJ和土著抵抗运动中的结构性不满,结合新出现的(偶然的)不满,阐明了解决不平等和正义的共同主张,吸引了一系列潜在的支持者。我们对新兴的INM运动进行了分析,以考虑EJ、土著人民和IEJ运动的积极交叉,以动员和维持运动活动,尽管法案C-45获得通过。
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引用次数: 0
Labor Immobility, Stability Discourse, and LGBQ Young Adults’ Career Plans in Japan 劳动不流动性、稳定话语与日本LGBQ青年的职业规划
IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-07 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221105662
Koji Ueno
Recent US studies showed that many lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ) young adults develop hopeful views about their occupational careers by emphasizing future workplaces’ friendly climates and denying their risk of experiencing discrimination. The results may partly reflect American labor market conditions and social discourses that endorse these views, and little is known about how LGBQ young adults may perceive their career chances and make plans in different labor market and discursive conditions. To extend the literature, the present study focuses on LGBQ young adults in Japan and contrast the results to those from a US study based on an equivalent design. Analysis of in-depth interviews highlighted Japanese LGBQ young adults’ anticipation of chilly industry climates. Further, they disengaged sexuality from their career plans by prioritizing career stability over industry climates and by deciding to hide their sexual identities from their future colleagues. They explained these decisions by addressing the importance of labor immobility and by drawing on a social discourse that linked career stability to a better life. Overall, the results underscored that the ways in which people respond to social marginalization greatly depend on what structural resources and constraints exist and what social discourses are present in the national context.
最近的美国研究表明,许多女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋和酷儿(LGBQ)年轻人通过强调未来工作场所的友好环境并否认自己遭受歧视的风险,对自己的职业生涯产生了充满希望的看法。研究结果可能部分反映了美国劳动力市场状况和支持这些观点的社会话语,而人们对LGBQ年轻人如何在不同的劳动力市场和话语条件下感知自己的职业机会并制定计划知之甚少。为了扩展文献,本研究重点关注日本的LGBQ年轻人,并将结果与美国基于等效设计的研究结果进行对比。对深入采访的分析突出了日本LGBQ年轻人对寒冷行业气候的预期。此外,他们将职业稳定性置于行业环境之上,并决定向未来的同事隐瞒自己的性身份,从而将性从职业计划中剥离出来。他们通过解决劳动力不流动的重要性,并借鉴将职业稳定与更好生活联系起来的社会话语来解释这些决定。总的来说,研究结果强调,人们应对社会边缘化的方式在很大程度上取决于存在什么样的结构性资源和制约因素,以及在国家背景下存在哪些社会话语。
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引用次数: 2
The Business Ownership Patterns of Undocumented Immigrants in the United States: An Exploratory Study 美国无证移民企业所有权模式的探索性研究
IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221105664
Mahesh Somashekhar
When debating the effect of undocumented immigrants on the economy, scholars often presume that undocumented immigrants are wage laborers rather than business owners. This study imputes the legal status of Mexican and Central American immigrants (MCAs) in the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) between 1996 and 2008 to evaluate how legal status affects business ownership patterns. From 1996 to 2008, the SIPP asked a series of questions about business ownership and migration history that make it uniquely suited to an investigation of undocumented MCA business owners. Instrumental variables regressions reveal that undocumented immigrants had a lower likelihood of owning a business than documented immigrants, but undocumented and documented business owners derived similar incomes from their businesses. A lack of legal status may hold back potential entrepreneurs. MCA business owners of both legal statuses clustered into similar low-paying, low-growth industries, however, so regardless of legal status, there are likely limits to how much business ownership can promote economic mobility among MCAs. All told, scholars should do more to acknowledge the existence of undocumented immigrant business owners, measure their impact on the economy, and examine their influence on immigrant incorporation patterns.
在讨论无证移民对经济的影响时,学者们经常认为无证移民是工薪劳动者,而不是企业主。本研究在1996年至2008年的收入和项目参与调查中估算了墨西哥和中美洲移民的法律地位,以评估法律地位如何影响企业所有权模式。从1996年到2008年,SIPP询问了一系列关于企业所有权和移民历史的问题,这些问题使其特别适合调查无证MCA企业主。工具变量回归显示,无证移民拥有企业的可能性低于有证件的移民,但无证和有证件的企业主从企业中获得的收入相似。缺乏法律地位可能会阻碍潜在的企业家。然而,具有两种法律地位的MCA企业主聚集在类似的低收入、低增长行业,因此,无论法律地位如何,企业所有权在多大程度上促进MCA之间的经济流动性都可能受到限制。总之,学者们应该做更多的工作来承认无证移民企业主的存在,衡量他们对经济的影响,并研究他们对移民公司模式的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Rules of Engagement: Flexplace and Ideal Workers 参与规则:弹性工作场所和理想员工
IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-28 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221102896
K. Brumley, Megan Edgar St. George
Employees increasingly claim they do not have enough time to manage the demands of both work and family/life. Workplace flexibility policies have been offered as a key solution to managing these conflicting demands. Yet, employers remain resistant to develop, implement, and endorse these policies. We suggest one avenue to further our understanding is a more holistic look at the connection between availability and use of flexibility, and the workplace context. We specifically examine flexplace. The data derive from 25 in-depth interviews of employees in professional and supervisory positions in the U.S. automotive industry. By examining the variation of flexplace policy availability, we unpack the logics of employee use/non-use of flexplace. We argue that different assumptions of the ideal worker norm undergird flexplace availability, which in turn create different rules of engagement and use. This study offers an analytical model to extend our theorizing on the availability/use gap. Examination of ideal worker norms allows insight into how employees struggle to decipher signals on permissible flexplace use. The findings capture dynamic and interrelated relationships to uncover the constraints of policies and the power of the workplace context.
员工越来越多地声称他们没有足够的时间来管理工作和家庭/生活的需求。工作场所灵活性政策是管理这些相互冲突的需求的关键解决方案。然而,雇主仍然抵制制定、实施和认可这些政策。我们建议,进一步理解的一个途径是更全面地看待灵活性的可用性和使用与工作场所环境之间的联系。我们专门检查flextlace。这些数据来自对美国汽车行业专业和监管职位员工的25次深入采访。通过研究弹性工作场所政策可用性的变化,我们解开了员工使用/不使用弹性工作场所的逻辑。我们认为,理想员工规范的不同假设支撑了弹性工作场所的可用性,这反过来又创造了不同的参与和使用规则。这项研究提供了一个分析模型来扩展我们对可用性/使用差距的理论。通过检查理想的员工规范,可以深入了解员工如何努力解读允许灵活使用的信号。研究结果捕捉了动态和相互关联的关系,揭示了政策的制约因素和工作场所环境的力量。
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引用次数: 0
From Invisible to Structural Power to Address Immigrant Farmworkers’ Challenges Through New Assemblages in the U.S. Dairy Industry 从隐形力量到结构性力量:通过美国乳制品行业的新组合来解决移民农场工人的挑战
IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-25 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221105661
D. Thompson
Latinx immigrant workers on U.S. dairy farms experience multiple challenges. During recent decades, a myriad of stakeholders from the civil society and the food system have worked together to address struggles experienced by immigrant farmworkers and other marginalized groups. Meanwhile, assemblage and governance perspectives have gained the attention of scholars and practitioners addressing power relations and social challenges in the food system. Based on interviews with members of an immigrant organization in Vermont, this study examines how Latinx immigrant farmworkers and their allies created and leveraged opportunities to transform relations of power and address needs and problems through the creation of new assemblages. Results show how members of this organization were able to exercise and transform different forms of power. The construction of new social relationships and assemblages enabled Latinx immigrant farmworkers to transform invisible power into hidden and visible power, leading to structural changes, such as the creation of the first fair food program in the U.S. dairy industry.
美国奶牛场的拉丁裔移民工人面临多重挑战。近几十年来,来自民间社会和粮食系统的众多利益攸关方共同努力,解决移民农场工人和其他边缘化群体所经历的斗争。与此同时,集合和治理的观点已经引起了学者和实践者的注意,以解决粮食系统中的权力关系和社会挑战。基于对佛蒙特州一个移民组织成员的访谈,本研究考察了拉丁裔移民农场工人及其盟友如何创造和利用机会,通过创建新的组合来改变权力关系,解决需求和问题。结果显示了这个组织的成员如何能够行使和转化不同形式的权力。新的社会关系和组合的构建使拉丁裔移民农场工人能够将无形的力量转化为隐藏和可见的力量,从而导致结构性变化,例如在美国乳制品行业创建了第一个公平食品计划。
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引用次数: 3
Framing the Black Lives Matter Movement: An Analysis of Shifting News Coverage in 2014 and 2020 构建黑人生命也重要运动:对2014年和2020年新闻报道变化的分析
IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-24 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221092731
Nikita Carney, Jasmine Kelekay
The police killings of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd sparked a resurgence of Black Lives Matter protests throughout the summer of 2020, reminiscent of the wave of Black Lives Matter protests that occurred after several police killings in 2014 including the deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner. Based on qualitative analysis of mainstream media coverage of the protests, this paper examines key themes in the discourse surrounding the Black Lives Matter movement in 2014 and 2020. Our findings highlight the ways in which mainstream news sources situate the Black Lives Matter protests within a broader history of Black uprisings. We also emphasize the erasure of violence against Black women in mainstream media depictions of the BLM movement, as well as the erasure of Black women’s leadership in the movement.
警方杀害布伦娜·泰勒和乔治·弗洛伊德的事件在2020年夏天引发了“黑人的命也是命”抗议活动的死灰复燃,让人想起2014年发生的几起警察谋杀案后发生的“黑人的生命也是命”(Black Lives Matter)抗议浪潮,其中包括迈克尔·布朗(Michael Brown)和埃里克·加纳(Eric Garner)的死亡。基于对主流媒体对抗议活动报道的定性分析,本文考察了2014年和2020年围绕“黑人的命也是命”运动的话语中的关键主题。我们的研究结果突出了主流新闻来源将“黑人的命也是命”抗议活动置于更广泛的黑人起义历史中的方式。我们还强调,在主流媒体对土地管理局运动的描述中,消除了对黑人妇女的暴力行为,也消除了黑人妇女在运动中的领导地位。
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引用次数: 3
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Social Currents
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