Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1177/16118944221130226
Franziska Zaugg, Jason Chandrinos
This article assesses the occurrence of civil war in the Balkans during World War II and the Axis occupation. It draws on the wartime experiences in the border areas of Kosovo (‘Greater Albania’)/Serbia and Albania/Greece to illustrate the complex interrelation between ethnic tensions and political imperatives, on a local, national and transnational scale. It discusses the Italian and German occupation policy towards national minorities and armed groups as a key contributing factor to civil war and pinpoints the similarities, differences and interdependencies between the different civil war parties and agents of violence.
{"title":"Civil Wars in the Shadow of World War II: The Cases of Chameria/Çameria and Kosovo","authors":"Franziska Zaugg, Jason Chandrinos","doi":"10.1177/16118944221130226","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130226","url":null,"abstract":"This article assesses the occurrence of civil war in the Balkans during World War II and the Axis occupation. It draws on the wartime experiences in the border areas of Kosovo (‘Greater Albania’)/Serbia and Albania/Greece to illustrate the complex interrelation between ethnic tensions and political imperatives, on a local, national and transnational scale. It discusses the Italian and German occupation policy towards national minorities and armed groups as a key contributing factor to civil war and pinpoints the similarities, differences and interdependencies between the different civil war parties and agents of violence.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"20 1","pages":"483 - 497"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48889077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1177/16118944221130221
Yiannis Kokosalakis
This article examines the process of disintegration and reconstitution of political authority in civil war with reference to the Russian (1918–1921) and Greek (1946–1949) civil wars. These conflicts bracket the post-World War I period of revolutionary and counterrevolutionary conflicts that has been the core subject of historical scholarship on European civil strife. Both cases were highly polarised clashes between establishment and revolutionary forces, and much of the relevant historiography has been naturally coloured by this aspect of the conflicts. I argue that the interpretative focus on polarisation obscures a different dynamic that is equally important for our understanding of civil war as a type of military conflict and, crucially, its political aftermath. Civil war in Russia and Greece did not emerge as a result of functioning states splitting into two or more competing authorities. It was rather the product of a multifaceted fragmentation of political power as a result of war and revolution; a shattering of the state into an array of asymmetrical actors competing for control over both its territory and its administrative resources. Polarisation followed this fragmentation, as these disparate actors manoeuvred to form the camps of the civil wars. This form of coalition building was a dynamic process in which armed violence was not only the chief means of resolution of the competing claims to power but also an essential factor in the formation of the sides themselves. A corollary of this is that the process of political reconstruction that follows civil war is determined as much by the imperative to work out a functioning relationship between the various elements of the victors’ camp as by securing victory through the permanent exclusion or reintegration of the vanquished.
{"title":"Shattered States: Reconstituting Political Authority in the Aftermath of Civil War in Russia and Greece","authors":"Yiannis Kokosalakis","doi":"10.1177/16118944221130221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130221","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the process of disintegration and reconstitution of political authority in civil war with reference to the Russian (1918–1921) and Greek (1946–1949) civil wars. These conflicts bracket the post-World War I period of revolutionary and counterrevolutionary conflicts that has been the core subject of historical scholarship on European civil strife. Both cases were highly polarised clashes between establishment and revolutionary forces, and much of the relevant historiography has been naturally coloured by this aspect of the conflicts. I argue that the interpretative focus on polarisation obscures a different dynamic that is equally important for our understanding of civil war as a type of military conflict and, crucially, its political aftermath. Civil war in Russia and Greece did not emerge as a result of functioning states splitting into two or more competing authorities. It was rather the product of a multifaceted fragmentation of political power as a result of war and revolution; a shattering of the state into an array of asymmetrical actors competing for control over both its territory and its administrative resources. Polarisation followed this fragmentation, as these disparate actors manoeuvred to form the camps of the civil wars. This form of coalition building was a dynamic process in which armed violence was not only the chief means of resolution of the competing claims to power but also an essential factor in the formation of the sides themselves. A corollary of this is that the process of political reconstruction that follows civil war is determined as much by the imperative to work out a functioning relationship between the various elements of the victors’ camp as by securing victory through the permanent exclusion or reintegration of the vanquished.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"20 1","pages":"498 - 512"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49588680","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1177/16118944221130231
Martin Thomas, Pierre Asselin
This article draws together historical sources and political science insights to test the emergence of civil war at the end of empire. It focuses on civil conflict in two French colonial territories, Vietnam and Algeria, during and immediately after 1945. It investigates the civil war dynamics of local, often intra-ethnic contests among anticolonial oppositionists. Concentrating on the early, formative years of insurgent violence, we aim to demonstrate that elements of civil war pre-existed the supposed outbreak of decolonisation conflicts – 1946 in Vietnam and 1954 in Algeria. Our approach combines narrative assessments of the early phases of these conflicts with analysis of their civil war dynamics. As we seek to demonstrate, cycles of internecine killing, massacre and counter-massacre, normalized summary killing, maltreatment of detainees, and loss of distinction between civilians, seditionists, and ‘traitors’. Our argument is that decolonisation violence in both Vietnam and Algeria may be usefully rethought in civil war terms.
{"title":"French Decolonisation and Civil War: The Dynamics of Violence in the Early Phases of Anti-colonial War in Vietnam and Algeria, 1940–1956","authors":"Martin Thomas, Pierre Asselin","doi":"10.1177/16118944221130231","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130231","url":null,"abstract":"This article draws together historical sources and political science insights to test the emergence of civil war at the end of empire. It focuses on civil conflict in two French colonial territories, Vietnam and Algeria, during and immediately after 1945. It investigates the civil war dynamics of local, often intra-ethnic contests among anticolonial oppositionists. Concentrating on the early, formative years of insurgent violence, we aim to demonstrate that elements of civil war pre-existed the supposed outbreak of decolonisation conflicts – 1946 in Vietnam and 1954 in Algeria. Our approach combines narrative assessments of the early phases of these conflicts with analysis of their civil war dynamics. As we seek to demonstrate, cycles of internecine killing, massacre and counter-massacre, normalized summary killing, maltreatment of detainees, and loss of distinction between civilians, seditionists, and ‘traitors’. Our argument is that decolonisation violence in both Vietnam and Algeria may be usefully rethought in civil war terms.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"20 1","pages":"513 - 535"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48345374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1177/16118944221130224
Gürol Baba, J. Winter
This article discusses the background and diplomatic strategies of the Turkish delegation at Lausanne and their selective understanding of self-determination, excluding non-Turkic and non-Muslim people in Anatolia from the ‘self’ that has the right to determine its national existence. It also elaborates on the reasons why the Allies acknowledged this exclusion in the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923. We borrow from Erez Manela's interpretation of the ‘Wilsonian moment’ to frame these diplomatic and political developments and to show how and why the democratic intent of Wilson's idea of self-determination vanished in the framing of the Peace Treaty of Lausanne in 1923.
{"title":"The Wilsonian Moment at Lausanne, 1922–1923","authors":"Gürol Baba, J. Winter","doi":"10.1177/16118944221130224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130224","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the background and diplomatic strategies of the Turkish delegation at Lausanne and their selective understanding of self-determination, excluding non-Turkic and non-Muslim people in Anatolia from the ‘self’ that has the right to determine its national existence. It also elaborates on the reasons why the Allies acknowledged this exclusion in the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923. We borrow from Erez Manela's interpretation of the ‘Wilsonian moment’ to frame these diplomatic and political developments and to show how and why the democratic intent of Wilson's idea of self-determination vanished in the framing of the Peace Treaty of Lausanne in 1923.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"20 1","pages":"536 - 553"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42201903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1177/16118944221130478
M. Conway, Robert Gerwarth
In the first half of the twentieth century, Europe experienced a wave of civil wars, unparalleled since the French Revolution, from Finland in the North and Ireland and Spain in the West to Ukraine and Russia in the East and Greece in the South. This list can easily be expanded if we include, as some historians do, the violence that occurred in many areas of occupied Europe during and after the two world wars – most notably in Poland after 1918 and in the Balkans, but also in Italy and France during the final stages of Second World War – as a form of internal war frequently induced and catalyzed by occupying external forces.
{"title":"Europe's Age of Civil Wars? An Introduction","authors":"M. Conway, Robert Gerwarth","doi":"10.1177/16118944221130478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130478","url":null,"abstract":"In the first half of the twentieth century, Europe experienced a wave of civil wars, unparalleled since the French Revolution, from Finland in the North and Ireland and Spain in the West to Ukraine and Russia in the East and Greece in the South. This list can easily be expanded if we include, as some historians do, the violence that occurred in many areas of occupied Europe during and after the two world wars – most notably in Poland after 1918 and in the Balkans, but also in Italy and France during the final stages of Second World War – as a form of internal war frequently induced and catalyzed by occupying external forces.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"20 1","pages":"442 - 451"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49275187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-18DOI: 10.1177/16118944221130213
B. Kissane
For most Turks the emergence of the Republic of Turkey out of the ashes of the Ottoman Empire involved a four-year period of national struggle/milli mücadele. In the version of events canonised by Ataturk's October 1927 Nutuk speech to the Turkish parliament the expression civil war is not used. Yet the range of adversaries he depicts, including the Ottoman Palace suggests that there were many types of wars being fought in Anatolia in those years. This article suggests that the term civil war can be applied to those years and discusses historical research that says so. Not only was the war with the Palace an inchoate civil war over the Ottoman Succession, there are strong European parallels with the Turkish experience of imperial collapse, ethnic conflict, partition and state formation between 1918 and 1923. To draw the connections we need to think of civil war in a ‘layered’ way and the latter part of the article justifies such an approach.
{"title":"Was There a Civil War in Anatolia between the Ottoman Collapse in World War I and the Establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923?","authors":"B. Kissane","doi":"10.1177/16118944221130213","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130213","url":null,"abstract":"For most Turks the emergence of the Republic of Turkey out of the ashes of the Ottoman Empire involved a four-year period of national struggle/milli mücadele. In the version of events canonised by Ataturk's October 1927 Nutuk speech to the Turkish parliament the expression civil war is not used. Yet the range of adversaries he depicts, including the Ottoman Palace suggests that there were many types of wars being fought in Anatolia in those years. This article suggests that the term civil war can be applied to those years and discusses historical research that says so. Not only was the war with the Palace an inchoate civil war over the Ottoman Succession, there are strong European parallels with the Turkish experience of imperial collapse, ethnic conflict, partition and state formation between 1918 and 1923. To draw the connections we need to think of civil war in a ‘layered’ way and the latter part of the article justifies such an approach.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"20 1","pages":"452 - 467"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46760526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-17DOI: 10.1177/16118944221130222
S. Schattenberg
The aim of this article is to explain why and how two formerly hostile states such as the USSR and West Germany concluded a gas deal in 1970 that lasted not only the 20 years that had been initially contracted, but until 2022. Based on new documents from Russian archives, this paper will analyse how natural gas for the Politburo turned from a minor natural resource to a worthy political tool and a ‘soft power’. While the Soviet gas minister had already advocated the global sale of gas in 1966 and the Politburo used it in 1966 itself as a means to bind Austria to its sphere of influence, Moscow changed its mind towards West Germany only in 1969 due to political developments. In order to bring Willy Brandt to power, put China in its place and teach Italy a lesson, Moscow changed its policy towards West Germany from risk avoidance to danger containment. Both sides independently developed the idea that binding the other's market to their own would prevent the partner from imposing another embargo (the West) or stopping deliveries (the USSR). The entanglement of markets was supposed to serve as a guarantee for the reliability of the respective contractor – the result of which we see today.
{"title":"Pipeline Construction as “Soft Power” in Foreign Policy. Why the Soviet Union Started to Sell Gas to West Germany, 1966–1970","authors":"S. Schattenberg","doi":"10.1177/16118944221130222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130222","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to explain why and how two formerly hostile states such as the USSR and West Germany concluded a gas deal in 1970 that lasted not only the 20 years that had been initially contracted, but until 2022. Based on new documents from Russian archives, this paper will analyse how natural gas for the Politburo turned from a minor natural resource to a worthy political tool and a ‘soft power’. While the Soviet gas minister had already advocated the global sale of gas in 1966 and the Politburo used it in 1966 itself as a means to bind Austria to its sphere of influence, Moscow changed its mind towards West Germany only in 1969 due to political developments. In order to bring Willy Brandt to power, put China in its place and teach Italy a lesson, Moscow changed its policy towards West Germany from risk avoidance to danger containment. Both sides independently developed the idea that binding the other's market to their own would prevent the partner from imposing another embargo (the West) or stopping deliveries (the USSR). The entanglement of markets was supposed to serve as a guarantee for the reliability of the respective contractor – the result of which we see today.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"20 1","pages":"554 - 573"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45136410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.1177/16118944221110714
J. Goetz
Taking an analysis of relevant statements and campaigns of the right-wing extremist group ‘Identitarian Movement’ in German-speaking countries as a starting point, this article will reconstruct their key narratives with regard to gender policy, and identify the discourses and forms of organization that are used to integrate women into the Identitarian context. An overview of the origins and characteristics of the Identitarians is followed by a classification of Identitarian gender policy into three phases: its beginning (2012–2015), its peak (2016–2018) and its demise (2019–2020). As can be seen, during the first years it had been necessary to negotiate fundamental questions of the group's gender concepts, whereas during the peak years the focus shifted to threat scenarios involving ‘our women’. At the same time, female activists started to find their own projects. Since 2019, however, the group has started to fall apart, women's issues have lost their appeal and women activists have been leaving. Notwithstanding this decline, the question still remains of what to make of the gender-political commitment of Identitarian women in the context of feminist debates.
{"title":"‘Patriotism is not just a Man’s Thing’: Right-wing Extremist Gender Policies within the so-called Identitarian Movement","authors":"J. Goetz","doi":"10.1177/16118944221110714","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221110714","url":null,"abstract":"Taking an analysis of relevant statements and campaigns of the right-wing extremist group ‘Identitarian Movement’ in German-speaking countries as a starting point, this article will reconstruct their key narratives with regard to gender policy, and identify the discourses and forms of organization that are used to integrate women into the Identitarian context. An overview of the origins and characteristics of the Identitarians is followed by a classification of Identitarian gender policy into three phases: its beginning (2012–2015), its peak (2016–2018) and its demise (2019–2020). As can be seen, during the first years it had been necessary to negotiate fundamental questions of the group's gender concepts, whereas during the peak years the focus shifted to threat scenarios involving ‘our women’. At the same time, female activists started to find their own projects. Since 2019, however, the group has started to fall apart, women's issues have lost their appeal and women activists have been leaving. Notwithstanding this decline, the question still remains of what to make of the gender-political commitment of Identitarian women in the context of feminist debates.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"20 1","pages":"389 - 406"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46759000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.1177/16118944221113610
N. Olsen, R. Andersen
For decades, a large and influential group of free-market conservative think tanks has been pushing climate change scepticism, thereby contributing to a weakening of US commitment to environmental protection. What unite organizations such as the Cato Institute, the Heritage Foundation, the Heartland Institute and the Competitive Enterprise Institute is a libertarian commitment to free markets and low taxes, as well as a critique of ‘big government’. These positions form the ideological bedrock of free-market think tanks’ efforts to halt climate action. But what are the historical roots of anti-environmentalism in libertarian thought? In which contexts did it emerge, who gave voice to it, and what are the themes, arguments and beliefs underpinning it? This essay locates the roots of modern libertarian anti-environmentalism in the strong reactions of libertarian figureheads, such as Ayn Rand and Murray Rothbard, to the rise of environmentalism as a mass social movement and as a new area of government policy in the 1960s and 1970s. It shows how Rand and Rothbard perceived environmentalism as a collectivist leftist attempt to dismantle the American system of free enterprise capitalism and the whole of modern civilization in the name of environmental protection. In a fierce defence of modern industrial capitalism, Rand and
{"title":"Shielding the Market from the Masses: The Origins of Libertarian Anti-environmentalism in the 1960s and 1970s","authors":"N. Olsen, R. Andersen","doi":"10.1177/16118944221113610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221113610","url":null,"abstract":"For decades, a large and influential group of free-market conservative think tanks has been pushing climate change scepticism, thereby contributing to a weakening of US commitment to environmental protection. What unite organizations such as the Cato Institute, the Heritage Foundation, the Heartland Institute and the Competitive Enterprise Institute is a libertarian commitment to free markets and low taxes, as well as a critique of ‘big government’. These positions form the ideological bedrock of free-market think tanks’ efforts to halt climate action. But what are the historical roots of anti-environmentalism in libertarian thought? In which contexts did it emerge, who gave voice to it, and what are the themes, arguments and beliefs underpinning it? This essay locates the roots of modern libertarian anti-environmentalism in the strong reactions of libertarian figureheads, such as Ayn Rand and Murray Rothbard, to the rise of environmentalism as a mass social movement and as a new area of government policy in the 1960s and 1970s. It shows how Rand and Rothbard perceived environmentalism as a collectivist leftist attempt to dismantle the American system of free enterprise capitalism and the whole of modern civilization in the name of environmental protection. In a fierce defence of modern industrial capitalism, Rand and","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"20 1","pages":"304 - 310"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41809911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.1177/16118944221113607
Iva Peša
The troubling reality is that the abundance of our natural resources – coltan, cobalt and other strategic minerals – is the root cause of war, extreme violence and abject poverty. [ … When you your electric you use your smart phone or jewellery, a minute to fl ect on the human cost of these objects. [ …
{"title":"Decarbonization, Democracy and Climate Justice: The Connections Between African Mining and European Politics","authors":"Iva Peša","doi":"10.1177/16118944221113607","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221113607","url":null,"abstract":"The troubling reality is that the abundance of our natural resources – coltan, cobalt and other strategic minerals – is the root cause of war, extreme violence and abject poverty. [ … When you your electric you use your smart phone or jewellery, a minute to fl ect on the human cost of these objects. [ …","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":"20 1","pages":"299 - 303"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49636550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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