Pub Date : 2022-07-14DOI: 10.1177/16118944221113288
S. Couperus, S. Milder
even nostalgia for the post-war years, which is widespread in scholarship and the public sphere in Western Europe, makes the era a key reference point in efforts to understand the development of politics and society since 1945. In scholarship, the period ’ s resonance is readily apparent in the sparkling superlatives that have been used to describe it. In his seminal history of the short 20th century, Eric Hobsbawm describes the 1950s and 1960s as ‘ golden years ’ . 1 This characterization emphasizes the stark contrast, especially in Western Europe, between the widespread af fl uence of the post-war decades and the preceding ‘ age of catastrophe ’ , a period of 30 years that saw not only the great depression but also the two world wars. Already in the mid-1950s, West Germans began to refer to the prosperity their country had attained so soon after the devastation they faced at the end of World War II as an ‘ economic miracle ’ ( Wirtschaftswunder ). In France, the economist Jean Fourastie famously termed the period from the end of the war until the 1970s the ‘ Thirty Glorious Years ’ ( trentes glorieuses ), and similar char-acterizations can be found with regard to Italy and the Netherlands. The same sort of superlative language has been re-appropriated to describe the progress of post-war democracy as well. In 1953, the German political scientists Christian-Claus Baer and
{"title":"From ‘Grey Democracy’ to the ‘Green New Deal’: Post-war Democracy and the Hegemonic Imaginary of Material Politics in Western Europe","authors":"S. Couperus, S. Milder","doi":"10.1177/16118944221113288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221113288","url":null,"abstract":"even nostalgia for the post-war years, which is widespread in scholarship and the public sphere in Western Europe, makes the era a key reference point in efforts to understand the development of politics and society since 1945. In scholarship, the period ’ s resonance is readily apparent in the sparkling superlatives that have been used to describe it. In his seminal history of the short 20th century, Eric Hobsbawm describes the 1950s and 1960s as ‘ golden years ’ . 1 This characterization emphasizes the stark contrast, especially in Western Europe, between the widespread af fl uence of the post-war decades and the preceding ‘ age of catastrophe ’ , a period of 30 years that saw not only the great depression but also the two world wars. Already in the mid-1950s, West Germans began to refer to the prosperity their country had attained so soon after the devastation they faced at the end of World War II as an ‘ economic miracle ’ ( Wirtschaftswunder ). In France, the economist Jean Fourastie famously termed the period from the end of the war until the 1970s the ‘ Thirty Glorious Years ’ ( trentes glorieuses ), and similar char-acterizations can be found with regard to Italy and the Netherlands. The same sort of superlative language has been re-appropriated to describe the progress of post-war democracy as well. In 1953, the German political scientists Christian-Claus Baer and","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45501098","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-11DOI: 10.1177/16118944221113281
D. Kelly
Amid the many discussions of how environmentalism and democratic politics might intersect, perhaps the greatest challenge for historians has come from the simultaneously emergent and epochal shift into the Anthropocene. This is because the Anthropocene signals a world ‘after nature’, but that means at least two things. First, that human beings have become geological agents, and that we have become conscious of our being geological agents, through an increasingly historical awareness of how our species has transformed planetary conditions of habitability. Secondly, and related to the first point, the once seemingly accepted divisions between a humanlycurated, and thus artificial, world of politics and a natural world or environment somehow separate from it, and indicative of a certain type of Western ‘modernity’, no longer seems tenable, if it ever was. However, as we shift, or rather stumble into the complex worlds of the Anthropocene, there is no clear point of origin around which to orient its political implications. In fact, its temporalities weave in and out of deep geological time, modern democratic time, the accelerated time of the post-1945 global order, and now into a sort of Anthropocene time of revision since 2000, the moment of its formal conceptual coining. Yet the pre-eminent theorist of history writing today, François Hartog, suggests that what he has elsewhere seductively termed a regime of historicity, that is, a sense of the complex connections between different sedimentary time-scapes of past, present, and future, is going to be difficult, if not impossible, to conceptualize in the Anthropocene. Why? ‘We have some experience of the world’s time’, Hartog writes, ‘but no experience of Anthropocene temporality is possible’ for human beings. Consequently, the construction of an Anthropocene ‘regime of historicity’ must be informed by ‘chronos time’ or the time of the world of globe – those temporalities that human experience can grasp – but still try to register the time of the planet (such as those temporalities of geological and thermal processes), which we cannot directly experience.
{"title":"Wartime for the Planet?","authors":"D. Kelly","doi":"10.1177/16118944221113281","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221113281","url":null,"abstract":"Amid the many discussions of how environmentalism and democratic politics might intersect, perhaps the greatest challenge for historians has come from the simultaneously emergent and epochal shift into the Anthropocene. This is because the Anthropocene signals a world ‘after nature’, but that means at least two things. First, that human beings have become geological agents, and that we have become conscious of our being geological agents, through an increasingly historical awareness of how our species has transformed planetary conditions of habitability. Secondly, and related to the first point, the once seemingly accepted divisions between a humanlycurated, and thus artificial, world of politics and a natural world or environment somehow separate from it, and indicative of a certain type of Western ‘modernity’, no longer seems tenable, if it ever was. However, as we shift, or rather stumble into the complex worlds of the Anthropocene, there is no clear point of origin around which to orient its political implications. In fact, its temporalities weave in and out of deep geological time, modern democratic time, the accelerated time of the post-1945 global order, and now into a sort of Anthropocene time of revision since 2000, the moment of its formal conceptual coining. Yet the pre-eminent theorist of history writing today, François Hartog, suggests that what he has elsewhere seductively termed a regime of historicity, that is, a sense of the complex connections between different sedimentary time-scapes of past, present, and future, is going to be difficult, if not impossible, to conceptualize in the Anthropocene. Why? ‘We have some experience of the world’s time’, Hartog writes, ‘but no experience of Anthropocene temporality is possible’ for human beings. Consequently, the construction of an Anthropocene ‘regime of historicity’ must be informed by ‘chronos time’ or the time of the world of globe – those temporalities that human experience can grasp – but still try to register the time of the planet (such as those temporalities of geological and thermal processes), which we cannot directly experience.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45852155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-06DOI: 10.1177/16118944221110721
I. Heinemann, A. Stern
This special issue explores the entangled history of contemporary far-right nationalism and gender. Seven case studies apply a distinct historical perspective and analyse gender as a meta-language for xenophobia, racism, and anti-Semitism since the 19th century, while solidifying patriarchy as a foundation of the contemporary as well as historical far right. Topics include family motifs in the propaganda of Alternative for Germany that draws on rhetoric and images used by the National Socialist Regime, the salience of ‘Mother India’ to Hindu Nationalism since the middle of the 20th century, the anti-Semitic subtext of anti-gender discourse in contemporary Poland that seeks to undo any attempts to integrate ‘liberal’ gender norms into official Catholicism since the 1960s, the amalgamation of anti-Semitism and homophobia in the American far-right since the 1970s, the historical roots of identitarian gender concepts in Austria, a historical take on the relationship between ‘metapolitics’ and gender, and an intellectual history of how today's neo-fascism engages in perpetual historical reflexivity. The special issue – while attentive to the transnational and transatlantic dimensions of the contemporary far-right – is both integrative and organized in distinct case studies. Methods used are archival research and analysis, critical review of discursive and political strategies, media content analysis, and mapping of national and transnational networks. Several authors underscore the crucial role of social media platforms and memes in the making and messaging of contemporary far-right nationalism, others rely on more ‘traditional’ media such as journal articles, political speeches and texts. Taken together, the papers in this volume highlight several overlapping themes relevant to the historical study of far-right nationalism and gender and its contemporary transformations: (1) essentialism, (2) racism, and (3) and memes and discourses.
{"title":"Gender and Far-right Nationalism: Historical and International Dimensions. Introduction","authors":"I. Heinemann, A. Stern","doi":"10.1177/16118944221110721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221110721","url":null,"abstract":"This special issue explores the entangled history of contemporary far-right nationalism and gender. Seven case studies apply a distinct historical perspective and analyse gender as a meta-language for xenophobia, racism, and anti-Semitism since the 19th century, while solidifying patriarchy as a foundation of the contemporary as well as historical far right. Topics include family motifs in the propaganda of Alternative for Germany that draws on rhetoric and images used by the National Socialist Regime, the salience of ‘Mother India’ to Hindu Nationalism since the middle of the 20th century, the anti-Semitic subtext of anti-gender discourse in contemporary Poland that seeks to undo any attempts to integrate ‘liberal’ gender norms into official Catholicism since the 1960s, the amalgamation of anti-Semitism and homophobia in the American far-right since the 1970s, the historical roots of identitarian gender concepts in Austria, a historical take on the relationship between ‘metapolitics’ and gender, and an intellectual history of how today's neo-fascism engages in perpetual historical reflexivity. The special issue – while attentive to the transnational and transatlantic dimensions of the contemporary far-right – is both integrative and organized in distinct case studies. Methods used are archival research and analysis, critical review of discursive and political strategies, media content analysis, and mapping of national and transnational networks. Several authors underscore the crucial role of social media platforms and memes in the making and messaging of contemporary far-right nationalism, others rely on more ‘traditional’ media such as journal articles, political speeches and texts. Taken together, the papers in this volume highlight several overlapping themes relevant to the historical study of far-right nationalism and gender and its contemporary transformations: (1) essentialism, (2) racism, and (3) and memes and discourses.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47399595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-05DOI: 10.1177/16118944221110725
Mrinal Pande
Since the 1980s, feminist scholars have explored the dynamic linkages between nationalism and gender. Case studies have shown representations of women as reproducers, transmitters of culturally sanctioned behaviour, signifiers of ethnic groups and markers of national identity and honour. The emergence of social media created a new digital arena for the circulation of tropes related to gender and nationalism, and the recent rise of Hindu nationalism in India was reflected and perpetuated in social media. This article explores several memes in the intersecting discourse of gender and Hindu nationalism and investigates memes, tweets, Facebook posts and hashtags that were used on social media during the general elections held in India in 2019. Such media content reveals the extent to which nationalist projects relied on gender norms. Although there is no fixed pattern in terms of how gender shapes memes and digital images, we can identify gendered ideologies of nationalism that embrace patriarchal forms of social organization. The article shows that current online discourses of Hindu nationalism often perpetuate patterns of heteronormative, hegemonic masculinity embedded in satire and jokes. Though women's participation and visibility are on the rise in the Global South, sexism and misogyny manifest as mediatized satire in political memes.
{"title":"Gendered Analysis of Hindutva Imaginaries: Manipulation of Symbols for Ethnonationalist Projects","authors":"Mrinal Pande","doi":"10.1177/16118944221110725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221110725","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1980s, feminist scholars have explored the dynamic linkages between nationalism and gender. Case studies have shown representations of women as reproducers, transmitters of culturally sanctioned behaviour, signifiers of ethnic groups and markers of national identity and honour. The emergence of social media created a new digital arena for the circulation of tropes related to gender and nationalism, and the recent rise of Hindu nationalism in India was reflected and perpetuated in social media. This article explores several memes in the intersecting discourse of gender and Hindu nationalism and investigates memes, tweets, Facebook posts and hashtags that were used on social media during the general elections held in India in 2019. Such media content reveals the extent to which nationalist projects relied on gender norms. Although there is no fixed pattern in terms of how gender shapes memes and digital images, we can identify gendered ideologies of nationalism that embrace patriarchal forms of social organization. The article shows that current online discourses of Hindu nationalism often perpetuate patterns of heteronormative, hegemonic masculinity embedded in satire and jokes. Though women's participation and visibility are on the rise in the Global South, sexism and misogyny manifest as mediatized satire in political memes.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48400814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-05DOI: 10.1177/16118944221110713
I. Heinemann
The article analyses how the Alternative for Germany (AfD) conflated images of the traditional family with the nation and a racially-defined notion of ‘Volk’, consciously repackaging terms from the 1930s for current political use. Taking a comparative and historical perspective, the article situates the family rhetoric and policies of the AfD in the historical debates on family, reproduction, and women that characterized Germany from the post-war period to the early 21st century. Exploring how the AfD sought to portray and regulate women's roles and reproductive decision-making, the article argues that the party sought to produce an authentic take on family and gender politics, the racism of which went practically unchallenged. It presents four analytical dimensions to grasp the specific biologist family-centrism and anti-gender approach of the AfD in comparison to National Socialism family rhetoric and policies. Sources come from official party platforms, less formal speeches and social media content of party representatives, newspaper coverage and reports by the German Intelligence Service, Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz.
{"title":"Volk and Family: National Socialist Legacies and Gender Concepts in the Rhetoric of the Alternative for Germany","authors":"I. Heinemann","doi":"10.1177/16118944221110713","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221110713","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses how the Alternative for Germany (AfD) conflated images of the traditional family with the nation and a racially-defined notion of ‘Volk’, consciously repackaging terms from the 1930s for current political use. Taking a comparative and historical perspective, the article situates the family rhetoric and policies of the AfD in the historical debates on family, reproduction, and women that characterized Germany from the post-war period to the early 21st century. Exploring how the AfD sought to portray and regulate women's roles and reproductive decision-making, the article argues that the party sought to produce an authentic take on family and gender politics, the racism of which went practically unchallenged. It presents four analytical dimensions to grasp the specific biologist family-centrism and anti-gender approach of the AfD in comparison to National Socialism family rhetoric and policies. Sources come from official party platforms, less formal speeches and social media content of party representatives, newspaper coverage and reports by the German Intelligence Service, Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45057600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-05DOI: 10.1177/16118944221110474
Kristoff Kerl
The article examines the far-right idea of a Jewish-led ‘conspiracy of homosexualisation’ between the 1970s and the late 1990s. To this end, it primarily scrutinizes the monthly magazine Instauration, edited by Wilmot Robertson. Embedded in a broader narrative that claimed that a Jewish-led regime of ‘liberal-minority racism’ would discriminate against white people in general and White men in particular, white nationalists and white supremacists such as Robertson imagined sexual politics as an important field of anti-white oppression. In addition to feminism and ‘miscegenation’, the promotion of ‘homosexual rights’ and the spread of homosexuality were conceived of as another means of Jews to undermine the white patriarchal family, which white nationalists and supremacists idealized as the backbone of the nation's well-being. Conceiving of homosexuality as a threat to white people and ‘white reproduction’, white nationalists and white supremacists claimed that the alleged struggle for ‘homosexual rights’ constituted a strategy used by Jews to maintain their supposed social, cultural and economic power and dominance.
{"title":"The ‘Conspiracy of Homosexualisation’: Homosexuality and Anti-Semitism in the United States, 1970s–1990s","authors":"Kristoff Kerl","doi":"10.1177/16118944221110474","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221110474","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the far-right idea of a Jewish-led ‘conspiracy of homosexualisation’ between the 1970s and the late 1990s. To this end, it primarily scrutinizes the monthly magazine Instauration, edited by Wilmot Robertson. Embedded in a broader narrative that claimed that a Jewish-led regime of ‘liberal-minority racism’ would discriminate against white people in general and White men in particular, white nationalists and white supremacists such as Robertson imagined sexual politics as an important field of anti-white oppression. In addition to feminism and ‘miscegenation’, the promotion of ‘homosexual rights’ and the spread of homosexuality were conceived of as another means of Jews to undermine the white patriarchal family, which white nationalists and supremacists idealized as the backbone of the nation's well-being. Conceiving of homosexuality as a threat to white people and ‘white reproduction’, white nationalists and white supremacists claimed that the alleged struggle for ‘homosexual rights’ constituted a strategy used by Jews to maintain their supposed social, cultural and economic power and dominance.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44258718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-05DOI: 10.1177/16118944221110451
S. Strick
Contemporary reactions to neofascist movements for the most part focus on national contexts, and frequently pursue a simplistic argument about a dangerous ‘repetition of history’. Warning that historical fascism might rise again like a revenant, commentators miss the fundamentally altered strategies of fascist actors in the era of digital communication and agitation. Introducing the critical term reflexive fascism, this article presents examples from Alt-Right ‘meme’ agitation to argue that ‘reflexive fascism’ presents a historiographic distortion: contemporary neofascist actors remake, revise and warp the very conceptions of post-war history and historical scholarship. Far from constituting a mere relapse into earlier states of history, the ‘fascisms’ currently erupting in many parts of the world and the internet are highly reflexive, self-referential, and include active re-imaginings of historical fascism and the institutional and discursive responses to it. Contemporary fascism is discussed as a reflexive undertaking that remakes post-war histories and democracies as ‘risk productions’ for ethnically understood nation states. It aspires not only to authoritarian desires, but agitates through a ‘bottom-up’ production of feelings of ‘racial endangerment’ for white people. Reflexive fascism is a model that can be used to understand how this updated ‘fascism’ cannot be imagined as the constitutive other of democracy and capitalism, but rather unfolds within and through the affective and communicative channels of these systems.
{"title":"Reflexive Fascism in the Age of History Memes","authors":"S. Strick","doi":"10.1177/16118944221110451","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221110451","url":null,"abstract":"Contemporary reactions to neofascist movements for the most part focus on national contexts, and frequently pursue a simplistic argument about a dangerous ‘repetition of history’. Warning that historical fascism might rise again like a revenant, commentators miss the fundamentally altered strategies of fascist actors in the era of digital communication and agitation. Introducing the critical term reflexive fascism, this article presents examples from Alt-Right ‘meme’ agitation to argue that ‘reflexive fascism’ presents a historiographic distortion: contemporary neofascist actors remake, revise and warp the very conceptions of post-war history and historical scholarship. Far from constituting a mere relapse into earlier states of history, the ‘fascisms’ currently erupting in many parts of the world and the internet are highly reflexive, self-referential, and include active re-imaginings of historical fascism and the institutional and discursive responses to it. Contemporary fascism is discussed as a reflexive undertaking that remakes post-war histories and democracies as ‘risk productions’ for ethnically understood nation states. It aspires not only to authoritarian desires, but agitates through a ‘bottom-up’ production of feelings of ‘racial endangerment’ for white people. Reflexive fascism is a model that can be used to understand how this updated ‘fascism’ cannot be imagined as the constitutive other of democracy and capitalism, but rather unfolds within and through the affective and communicative channels of these systems.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43750952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-01DOI: 10.1177/16118944221095134
Shannon L. Fogg
During World War II, France faced a housing crisis with over 1.2 million dwellings destroyed or damaged. In addition to the destruction, the German occupiers requisitioned thousands of accommodations including some 6–7,000 locales in Paris. Anti-Jewish persecution forced thousands of Jews from their homes and the average non-Jewish French resident, facing their own housing issues, benefited from the availability of these vacated homes. Paris was the largest city in Europe under German occupation during the war and was home to the largest Jewish community in occupied Western Europe, but perhaps due to its size, we know relatively little about the daily interactions that centered on housing concerns. This article examines the strategies used to solve the housing crisis in France and demonstrates the ways in which housing and Jewish persecution were increasingly intertwined. With a particular focus on Paris, this article argues that a wide variety of individuals actively participated in exclusionary measures to improve their own housing situation. This challenges the view that the non-Jewish population ‘protected’ 75% of the Jews in France from deportation and death. It reveals, rather, the centrality of housing concerns in facilitating the Holocaust and the complicity of individuals in the exclusion of Jews for economic, ideological, and geographic reasons.
{"title":"Home as a Site of Exclusion: The Nazi Occupation, Housing Shortages and the Holocaust in France","authors":"Shannon L. Fogg","doi":"10.1177/16118944221095134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221095134","url":null,"abstract":"During World War II, France faced a housing crisis with over 1.2 million dwellings destroyed or damaged. In addition to the destruction, the German occupiers requisitioned thousands of accommodations including some 6–7,000 locales in Paris. Anti-Jewish persecution forced thousands of Jews from their homes and the average non-Jewish French resident, facing their own housing issues, benefited from the availability of these vacated homes. Paris was the largest city in Europe under German occupation during the war and was home to the largest Jewish community in occupied Western Europe, but perhaps due to its size, we know relatively little about the daily interactions that centered on housing concerns. This article examines the strategies used to solve the housing crisis in France and demonstrates the ways in which housing and Jewish persecution were increasingly intertwined. With a particular focus on Paris, this article argues that a wide variety of individuals actively participated in exclusionary measures to improve their own housing situation. This challenges the view that the non-Jewish population ‘protected’ 75% of the Jews in France from deportation and death. It reveals, rather, the centrality of housing concerns in facilitating the Holocaust and the complicity of individuals in the exclusion of Jews for economic, ideological, and geographic reasons.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49435063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-01DOI: 10.1177/16118944221095639
Dietmar Neutatz, Sabine Dabringhaus, Tim Krieger, Heinrich Kirschbaum, Elisabeth Piller, M. Arndt, J. Leonhard
Dieses Forum ist ein außergewöhnliches Format in außergewöhnlichen Zeiten. Es versammelt die Beiträge einer Podiumsdiskussion vom 9. März 2022, mit der das Freiburger Graduiertenkolleg „Imperien: Dynamischer Wandel, Temporalität und nachimperiale Ordnungen“ versucht hat, den russischen Überfall auf die Ukraine in seinen historischen und globalen Dimensionen einzuordnen. Die Resonanz war enorm. Über 800 Zuhörerinnen und Zuhörer zeugten von dem enormen Bedarf innerhalb und außerhalb der Universität, die viel beschworene Zeitenwende vom 24. Februar einzuordnen. Es gab in diesen Wochen sehr viele solcher Diskussionsrunden. Die Freiburger Veranstaltung ragte insofern heraus, als sie eine außergewöhnliche Breite wissenschaftlicher Perspektiven zusammenführte und mit dem Begriff des Imperialen eine verbindende analytische Leitkategorie
{"title":"Die Rückkehr der Imperien? Putins Krieg und seine globalen Implikationen","authors":"Dietmar Neutatz, Sabine Dabringhaus, Tim Krieger, Heinrich Kirschbaum, Elisabeth Piller, M. Arndt, J. Leonhard","doi":"10.1177/16118944221095639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221095639","url":null,"abstract":"Dieses Forum ist ein außergewöhnliches Format in außergewöhnlichen Zeiten. Es versammelt die Beiträge einer Podiumsdiskussion vom 9. März 2022, mit der das Freiburger Graduiertenkolleg „Imperien: Dynamischer Wandel, Temporalität und nachimperiale Ordnungen“ versucht hat, den russischen Überfall auf die Ukraine in seinen historischen und globalen Dimensionen einzuordnen. Die Resonanz war enorm. Über 800 Zuhörerinnen und Zuhörer zeugten von dem enormen Bedarf innerhalb und außerhalb der Universität, die viel beschworene Zeitenwende vom 24. Februar einzuordnen. Es gab in diesen Wochen sehr viele solcher Diskussionsrunden. Die Freiburger Veranstaltung ragte insofern heraus, als sie eine außergewöhnliche Breite wissenschaftlicher Perspektiven zusammenführte und mit dem Begriff des Imperialen eine verbindende analytische Leitkategorie","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46651423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-01DOI: 10.1177/16118944221091114
C. Krüger
Recent historiography has been more positive about the Wilhelmine German Empire, which long had a poor reputation. This might be partly due to the trend towards transnational history with a specific focus on transfer and exchange. This article argues that from such a perspective the re-evaluation of the German Empire may easily overshoot the mark. Focusing on a comparative study of Hamburg and London, it analyses a classic topic of transnational history—the field of science and social reform. However, by approaching it in the context of a history of security, the article provides a valuable corrective in the debate on the German Empire. It thereby also opens a new path for the history of security. Although security and knowledge are closely interrelated, this relationship has been rather neglected in the historiography. It is argued here that security concerns related to social unrest were a major factor that gave rise to the emergence of the social sciences at the turn of the 20th century. Social reformers and social scientists believed that supposedly neutral scientific knowledge was a prerequisite for resolving social conflicts. However, public acceptance of their expert status in security matters was far from self-evident. While they met fierce opposition in Hamburg, liberal and democratic traditions facilitated its acceptance in London.
{"title":"The Social Scientist as Security Actor","authors":"C. Krüger","doi":"10.1177/16118944221091114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/16118944221091114","url":null,"abstract":"Recent historiography has been more positive about the Wilhelmine German Empire, which long had a poor reputation. This might be partly due to the trend towards transnational history with a specific focus on transfer and exchange. This article argues that from such a perspective the re-evaluation of the German Empire may easily overshoot the mark. Focusing on a comparative study of Hamburg and London, it analyses a classic topic of transnational history—the field of science and social reform. However, by approaching it in the context of a history of security, the article provides a valuable corrective in the debate on the German Empire. It thereby also opens a new path for the history of security. Although security and knowledge are closely interrelated, this relationship has been rather neglected in the historiography. It is argued here that security concerns related to social unrest were a major factor that gave rise to the emergence of the social sciences at the turn of the 20th century. Social reformers and social scientists believed that supposedly neutral scientific knowledge was a prerequisite for resolving social conflicts. However, public acceptance of their expert status in security matters was far from self-evident. While they met fierce opposition in Hamburg, liberal and democratic traditions facilitated its acceptance in London.","PeriodicalId":44275,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern European History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45761747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：