Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/14636204.2023.2211795
David A. Justice
ABSTRACT In 1977, Televisión Española (TVE) and the US non-profit organization Children’s Television Workshop (CTW) agreed to a coproduction of a Spanish version of Sesame Street, which would eventually be called Barrio Sésamo. I draw on memoranda issued by CTW and TVE during the production process to examine the negotiations between the coproducers over the program’s contents. These reveal differences of opinion between the American and Spanish partners over what was suitable for young viewers. They also reveal the problems produced by the US partner’s insistence that 50% of the material be CTW-generated, which hampered the Spanish partner’s wish to adapt the program to the Spanish context of the time. These ideological conflicts led to the show’s termination after one season. However, Barrio Sésamo would return later in the 1980s, the era now most associated with the show. The educational conception of the program held by both coproducers allows us to see their disagreements as a case of contested pedagogies in which differing national values were at stake. The article will consider whether the Spanish version of Sesame Street can be seen as an exercise in US soft power.
{"title":"D is for democracy: Barrio Sésamo and adapting identity in the Spanish transition to democracy","authors":"David A. Justice","doi":"10.1080/14636204.2023.2211795","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2023.2211795","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 1977, Televisión Española (TVE) and the US non-profit organization Children’s Television Workshop (CTW) agreed to a coproduction of a Spanish version of Sesame Street, which would eventually be called Barrio Sésamo. I draw on memoranda issued by CTW and TVE during the production process to examine the negotiations between the coproducers over the program’s contents. These reveal differences of opinion between the American and Spanish partners over what was suitable for young viewers. They also reveal the problems produced by the US partner’s insistence that 50% of the material be CTW-generated, which hampered the Spanish partner’s wish to adapt the program to the Spanish context of the time. These ideological conflicts led to the show’s termination after one season. However, Barrio Sésamo would return later in the 1980s, the era now most associated with the show. The educational conception of the program held by both coproducers allows us to see their disagreements as a case of contested pedagogies in which differing national values were at stake. The article will consider whether the Spanish version of Sesame Street can be seen as an exercise in US soft power.","PeriodicalId":44289,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"267 - 280"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48459950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/14636204.2023.2211792
A. P. Ferreira
ABSTRACT This article focuses on Lídia Jorge’s first two novels, O dia dos prodígios (The Day of Prodigies) and O cais das merendas (Picnic Quay), as anti-realist allegories that challenge the consensus vision of a free and equal “people”, encouraged by propaganda, celebrating the Portuguese Revolution of 25 April 1974. Following Jacques Rancière’s philosophical insights on literariness and democracy, each of the novels is analyzed in relation to an equivocal, misunderstood process of democratization that continues to exclude and ignore “the part of those who do not count” in the theoretical equality of all citizens in a given regime. Specifically, the analysis sheds light on what Prime Minister Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo once called “the small revolutions” of anonymous common people who, rather than submit to an equality that shuts them out, perform theatrical, political acts of disagreement calling attention to themselves as human subjects of social injustices or wrongs. Specific attention is given to the geo-cultural location and the economic configuration of the communities fictionalized in each novel, dramatizing different stages of the so-called transition to democracy. Jorge’s complex texts provoke us to “see” history otherwise, according to the experience of a “people” confined to a coastal fringe of land who are undergoing a violent but unavoidable transformation from a rural subsistence economy to a capitalist market economy dependent on foreign investments and a liberal multi-party democracy.
{"title":"Lídia Jorge’s allegories of democracy","authors":"A. P. Ferreira","doi":"10.1080/14636204.2023.2211792","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2023.2211792","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article focuses on Lídia Jorge’s first two novels, O dia dos prodígios (The Day of Prodigies) and O cais das merendas (Picnic Quay), as anti-realist allegories that challenge the consensus vision of a free and equal “people”, encouraged by propaganda, celebrating the Portuguese Revolution of 25 April 1974. Following Jacques Rancière’s philosophical insights on literariness and democracy, each of the novels is analyzed in relation to an equivocal, misunderstood process of democratization that continues to exclude and ignore “the part of those who do not count” in the theoretical equality of all citizens in a given regime. Specifically, the analysis sheds light on what Prime Minister Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo once called “the small revolutions” of anonymous common people who, rather than submit to an equality that shuts them out, perform theatrical, political acts of disagreement calling attention to themselves as human subjects of social injustices or wrongs. Specific attention is given to the geo-cultural location and the economic configuration of the communities fictionalized in each novel, dramatizing different stages of the so-called transition to democracy. Jorge’s complex texts provoke us to “see” history otherwise, according to the experience of a “people” confined to a coastal fringe of land who are undergoing a violent but unavoidable transformation from a rural subsistence economy to a capitalist market economy dependent on foreign investments and a liberal multi-party democracy.","PeriodicalId":44289,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"239 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47087072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/14636204.2023.2207954
Carmela V. Mattza
{"title":"Affective geographies: Cervantes, emotion, and the literary Mediterranean","authors":"Carmela V. Mattza","doi":"10.1080/14636204.2023.2207954","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2023.2207954","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44289,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"303 - 304"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45559547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/14636204.2023.2207996
Jeffrey S. Zamostny
{"title":"«La verdad ignorada»: homoerotismo masculino y literatura en España (1890–1936)","authors":"Jeffrey S. Zamostny","doi":"10.1080/14636204.2023.2207996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2023.2207996","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44289,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"309 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48445251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/14636204.2023.2213759
Luís Trindade
ABSTRACT This article reconstructs the cultural and political negotiations established within the canon of Portuguese Popular Music from the early 1970s to the early 1980s. In little more than a decade, singer-songwriters such as José Afonso, José Mário Branco and Sérgio Godinho went from marginalized figures under the dictatorship – forced to endure censorship, exile and political persecution – to central figures of the new cultural canon under democracy. The music of these artists was appropriated by many sectors of Portuguese society during the 1974–1975 Revolution and performed a true political role as the period’s soundtrack. Such political credentials were part of these musicians’ post-revolutionary legitimacy. However, as radical politics waned towards the end of the 1970s and the market gradually imposed its rules on the arts, political content, as a criterion for musical success, was replaced by aesthetic quality, cultural capital and cultural authenticity. This was how the canon of Portuguese Popular Music was consolidated around figures such as Afonso, Branco and Godinho rather than as symbols of anti-fascism, their music was increasingly celebrated as the true expression of Portuguese culture. In these circumstances, by paving the way from resistance and militancy to democracy, popular music played a decisive role in the re-imagining of post-revolutionary national identity.
{"title":"From the margin to the centre: the making of the Portuguese Popular Music canon","authors":"Luís Trindade","doi":"10.1080/14636204.2023.2213759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2023.2213759","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article reconstructs the cultural and political negotiations established within the canon of Portuguese Popular Music from the early 1970s to the early 1980s. In little more than a decade, singer-songwriters such as José Afonso, José Mário Branco and Sérgio Godinho went from marginalized figures under the dictatorship – forced to endure censorship, exile and political persecution – to central figures of the new cultural canon under democracy. The music of these artists was appropriated by many sectors of Portuguese society during the 1974–1975 Revolution and performed a true political role as the period’s soundtrack. Such political credentials were part of these musicians’ post-revolutionary legitimacy. However, as radical politics waned towards the end of the 1970s and the market gradually imposed its rules on the arts, political content, as a criterion for musical success, was replaced by aesthetic quality, cultural capital and cultural authenticity. This was how the canon of Portuguese Popular Music was consolidated around figures such as Afonso, Branco and Godinho rather than as symbols of anti-fascism, their music was increasingly celebrated as the true expression of Portuguese culture. In these circumstances, by paving the way from resistance and militancy to democracy, popular music played a decisive role in the re-imagining of post-revolutionary national identity.","PeriodicalId":44289,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"203 - 217"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43777913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/14636204.2023.2211797
Leonor de Oliveira
ABSTRACT This article explores the field of visual arts and artistic experimentation as important elements of civic agency in the Portuguese revolutionary process. It argues that Portuguese visual artists, who had been exploring new media and forms of expression since the late 1960s, anticipated and championed the Portuguese revolution as a democratic project. In doing so, they also proposed new forms of civic action, which intersected artistic practice with political engagement. I will specifically address the mobilization of the artistic and cultural community in Oporto for the creation of a “living” museum of modern art in this city. This project caused a rupture with the institutional apparatus of the dictatorship and effectively promoted a debate about cultural democratization and decentralization. This article conceives visual arts and action as a force for a more plural and progressive regime. It explores collective interventions in the public and institutional space; the configuration of democratic participation in the transformation of former dictatorial structures; and the envisioning of continuing change in order to consolidate democracy. The article thus advances a critical redefinition of the relationship between artistic practice and political mobilization and contributes to the dynamic dialogue between creativity and democratization in Portugal.
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/14636204.2023.2210862
G. Quaggio, Igor Contreras Zubillaga
In 1981 a long queue of adults, children and senior citizens flooded the Paseo del Prado in Madrid, waiting to see Picasso’s monumental anti-war painting Guernica in person. The painting had finally made its way to Madrid from its more than forty-year exile in New York. According to Javier Tusell, historian and General Director of Fine Arts of the UCD (Union of the Democratic Center) government’s Ministry of Culture at the time, the large painting represented “a talisman reminding us of the dangers of past civil discord... in this way it could be said that the arrival of Guernica signifies an end point in the Spanish transition to democracy” (1981). Picasso’s painting turned into a collective talisman of the Transition, the eye-catching visual symbol of a new and allegedly peaceful Spain that had returned to democracy after a long military dictatorship. Yet, Spanish government institutions exhibited the avant-garde painting in a way that separated the painting from the crowds of observers, placing it behind a bulletproof glass screen to prevent potential damage to the artwork. The way the Spanish public engaged with this artwork evinced the complicated mix of top-down measures inherited from the Franco regime and bottom-up pressure from popular mobilizations (Quaggio 2014, 199–264). Only a few years before, during a popular festival in Lisbon in June 1974, forty-eight artists painted a collective “antifascist” mural in the central district of Belém to celebrate the Carnation Revolution of that year, which overthrew the authoritarian Estado Novo regime overnight and paved the way for Portugal’s own process of democratization. Also in Lisbon in May 1974, members of the Democratic Movement of Plastic Artists went to the Palácio Foz and turned the removal of a statue of the dictator António de Oliveira Salazar and the bust of the Estado Novo’s writer António Ferro into a public performance, covering the monuments with black cloths and affixing a communiqué, which stated that the initiative was “at the same time a symbolic destruction and an act of artistic creation in a gesture of revolutionary freedom. Fascist art harms your vision” (Serapiglia 2022, 322; Pratas Cruzeiro 2022, 313). From the beginning of Portugal’s Carnation Revolution, its main actors interpreted artistic activity as a playful performance against symbols, policies and structures associated with the Estado Novo. According to these actors, this activity should be essentially collective and able to disseminate ideologized messages of civic participation and social democracy in the public arena (Dionísio 1993).
1981年，马德里的普拉多广场（Paseo del Prado）挤满了成年人、儿童和老年人，他们等着亲自观看毕加索（Picasso）的不朽反战画作《格尔尼卡》（Guernica）。这幅画在纽约流亡了四十多年后，终于来到了马德里。历史学家、民主中心联盟（UCD）政府文化部美术总监哈维尔·图塞尔（Javier Tusell）当时表示，这幅大型画作代表了“一个护身符，提醒我们过去内乱的危险……这样可以说，格尔尼卡的到来标志着西班牙向民主过渡的终点”（1981年）。毕加索的画作成为了过渡时期的集体护身符，是一个新的、据称是和平的西班牙在经历了长期军事独裁统治后回归民主的引人注目的视觉象征。然而，西班牙政府机构展出这幅前卫画作的方式将画作与观众隔开，将其放置在防弹玻璃屏幕后面，以防止对艺术品造成潜在损坏。西班牙公众参与这件艺术品的方式表明了从佛朗哥政权继承下来的自上而下的措施和从民众动员中自下而上的压力的复杂组合（Quaggio 2014199-264）。就在几年前，1974年6月，在里斯本的一个受欢迎的节日上，48名艺术家在贝伦市中心画了一幅集体的“反法西斯”壁画，以庆祝当年的康乃馨革命，这场革命一夜之间推翻了独裁的Estado Novo政权，为葡萄牙自己的民主化进程铺平了道路。1974年5月，在里斯本，塑料艺术家民主运动的成员前往Palácio Foz，将拆除独裁者António de Oliveira Salazar的雕像和Estado Novo的作家António Ferro的半身像变成了一场公开表演，用黑布覆盖纪念碑，声明称，该倡议“同时是一种象征性的破坏和革命自由姿态下的艺术创作行为。法西斯艺术损害了你的视觉”（Serapiglia 2022，322；Pratas Cruzeiro 2022，313）。从葡萄牙康乃馨革命开始，其主要演员就将艺术活动解释为对与Estado Novo相关的象征、政策和结构的嬉戏表演。根据这些行动者的说法，这种活动基本上应该是集体的，能够在公共场合传播公民参与和社会民主的意识形态信息（Dionísio，1993年）。
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/14636204.2023.2207944
Eduardo Matos-Martín
{"title":"Después del acontecimiento: el retorno de lo político en la literatura española tras el 15-M","authors":"Eduardo Matos-Martín","doi":"10.1080/14636204.2023.2207944","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2023.2207944","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44289,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"317 - 320"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46148339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14636204.2023.2187169
Alex Saum-Pascual
NOTA DE LA AUTORA Todo el mundo sabe que las cosas tardan en llegar a California. Por eso, algunas veces, en vez de esperar a que algo llegue, aquí terminamos inventándonoslo. Un buen ejemplo de esto ocurrió en el mes de enero del 2020, cuando, ajena a la pandemia que asolaba Europa y Asia, yo comenzaba una residencia de poesía en el Arts Research Center de Berkeley con la promesa de diseñar una serie de poemas digitales interactivos con los que examinar la intersección entre el lenguaje corporativo y el corporal. Construidos a partir de plataformas conocidas, como las encuestas de Google Forms, Survey Monkey, Qualtrics o Zoom, estos poemas reutilizarían el tipo de lenguaje que asociamos con estas tecnologías de recolección de datos para tratar de domesticarlo y, a la par, interrumpir o alterar su proceso de recolección lo suficiente para volverlo inútil para esas mismas plataformas en las que se generaría. Mi intención era, por un lado, explorar la artificialidad de sus lenguajes y, por otro, apuntar a cómo estas plataformas construían y modificaban nuestra realidad física por medio de un proceso de exposición de las variadas infraestructuras digitales que intervienen cada vez que rellenamos una encuesta online o hacemos una videollamada. Sin embargo, aunque tarde, todo llega –incluso a California. Y unos meses después, la pandemia global de la COVID-19 tocó a nuestra puerta obligándonos a encerrarnos en casa para, simultáneamente, abrirle la ventana a una nueva red digital que nos conectaría con otras ventanas virtuales distribuidas por todo el planeta. El confinamiento digital al que, por otra parte, estábamos ya tan habituadas que nos era casi imperceptible, y la relación que nuestros cuerpos ahora mantenían con el lenguaje digital se volvieron, casi de la noche a la mañana, dolorosamente evidentes. Así, me di cuenta de que los poemas digitales en los que yo había estado trabajando para subvertir los objetivos utilitarios de estas tecnologías permitían, también casi instantáneamente, una renovada conciencia acerca de sus capacidades para coleccionar datos en el entorno doméstico y personal de nuestras cuarentenas: conectándonos a cambio de convertirnos en datos que contabilizar. “Untitled (atomic) form 2” es una expresión analógica de las mismas ideas. En vez de crear un poema digital interactivo, esta vez se trata de un poema visual escrito y dibujado a mano siguiendo las convenciones de una encuesta de Google. En vez de lanzarlo como una proyección hacia el futuro sobre la mediación digital en tecnologías de la comunicación, sirve como reflexión de la dimensión material de todo lo que está ya conectado, incluyendo actores humanos y no humanos. Inspirado en el nuevo materialismo cuántico de Karen Barad, que rechaza cualquier posibilidad de exterioridad del ser humano frente al mundo para situarnos siempre de manera relacional en un interior que lo (y nos) coconstituye, y la perspectiva fenomenológica de Sarah Ahmed que habla de la relativida
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