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Performing lowbrowness: How Chinese queer people negotiate visibility on short-video platforms 表演低俗:中国同性恋者如何在短视频平台上协商能见度
Pub Date : 2024-07-27 DOI: 10.1177/14614448241266984
Z. Zhou
In recent years, Chinese media have tightened regulations on LGBTQ-related content, yet queer people remain highly visible on short-video platforms. Many of them have become influencers with millions of followers. This paper examines queer people’s digital tactics of negotiating visibility and establishing queer connections. Based on extensive research from 2020 to 2023 on Douyin, this paper unpacks how rather than relying on bounded LGBT identities to construct selfhood, Chinese queer influencers resort to the tactic of performing lowbrowness to build online personas and to achieve queer visibility. The performed lowbrowness ostensibly signifies a cultural taste, but queer influencers imbue these classed signs with queer meanings, using them to re-signify unconventional genders and/or sexualities. This project brings to light Chinese queer people’s digital agency to navigate today’s media regulations. It also shows how Chinese digital queer politics may not be intelligible to, and contest the discourses of, queer liberalism.
近年来,中国媒体加强了对 LGBTQ 相关内容的监管,但同性恋者在短视频平台上的曝光率仍然很高。他们中的许多人已成为拥有数百万粉丝的影响力人物。本文探讨了同性恋者在协商知名度和建立同性恋联系方面的数字策略。基于 2020 年至 2023 年对豆瓣网的广泛研究,本文揭示了中国的同性恋影响者是如何通过 "表演低眉顺眼 "来建立网络角色并获得同性恋能见度的,而不是依靠受约束的 LGBT 身份来构建自我身份。表面上看,低眉顺眼是一种文化品味的象征,但同性恋影响者将这些阶级标志赋予了同性恋的含义,用它们来重新象征非传统的性别和/或性。本项目揭示了中国同性恋者在当今媒体法规下的数字代理权。它还展示了中国的数字同性恋政治如何与同性恋自由主义的论述相悖,并与之抗衡。
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引用次数: 0
When content moderation is not about content: How Chinese social media platforms moderate content and why it matters 当内容审核与内容无关时:中国社交媒体平台如何对内容进行审核以及审核为何重要
Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1177/14614448241263933
Luzhou Li, Kui Zhou
Content moderation has become an essential part of the business of social media platforms, yet how it works remains largely a mystery in some important cases, particularly with regard to platforms run by Chinese companies. This research examines the latest automated moderation approaches adopted by Chinese short video platforms. Drawing on expert interviews and documentary research, we argue that Chinese platforms are moving away from a semantic approach, one that aims to grasp the meaning of content, and toward regulating the ambient element, which we define as the pervasive information that immediately surrounds content and enacts its overall character and impact. Applying a consequentialist ethics lens to investigate this turn, we argue that the ambient shift represents a more proactive approach to moderation, one intended to create a generally beneficial informational environment for platform users. This contrasts with reactive, individualistic moderation regimes grounded in the principle of informational neutrality.
内容审核已成为社交媒体平台业务的重要组成部分,但在一些重要案例中,尤其是在中国公司运营的平台上,审核是如何进行的仍然是个谜。本研究探讨了中国短视频平台采用的最新自动审核方法。通过专家访谈和文献研究,我们认为中国的平台正在从旨在把握内容意义的语义方法转向对环境因素的监管,我们将环境因素定义为紧紧围绕内容并影响其整体特征的无处不在的信息。运用后果主义伦理学的视角来研究这一转变,我们认为,环境因素的转变代表了一种更加积极主动的管理方法,旨在为平台用户创造一个普遍有益的信息环境。这与基于信息中立原则的被动、个人主义的审核制度形成了鲜明对比。
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引用次数: 0
“Our advice is to break up”: Douban’s intimate public and the rise of girlfriend culture "我们的建议是分手":豆瓣的亲密关系公众号与女友文化的兴起
Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1177/14614448241264450
Yan Tan, Shih-Diing Liu
To date, insufficient attention has been given to the role of social media in navigating romantic relationships in China. This article analyzes the Douban Breakup Advice Group (豆瓣劝分小组), a popular digital platform, particularly among young women, for sharing failed love stories and seeking relationship guidance. Based on netnography and interviews, this study investigates how the group navigates the intricacies of romantic relationships and fosters distinct feminist sensibilities. The findings reveal that this group creates an intimate public, offering solace for love experiences in a therapeutic manner. It also functions as a feminist pedagogic space, promoting the reconstruction of gender relations based on egalitarian norms. These practices nurture a girlfriend culture where participants cultivate a commonality toward heterosexual romance within a feminist framework. This article contributes to the scholarship of mediated intimacy by examining the mutual influence of digital practices and popular feminism.
迄今为止,人们对社交媒体在中国恋爱关系中的作用关注不够。本文分析了豆瓣分手劝分小组(Douban Breakup Advice Group),这是一个广受欢迎的数字平台,尤其是在年轻女性中,她们通过该平台分享失败的爱情故事并寻求恋爱指导。本研究以网络摄影和访谈为基础,探讨了该小组如何驾驭错综复杂的恋爱关系,以及如何培养独特的女权主义情感。研究结果表明,该小组创造了一个亲密的公共空间,以治疗的方式为爱情经历提供慰藉。它还发挥着女权主义教育空间的作用,促进在平等主义规范的基础上重建性别关系。这些做法培育了一种女友文化,参与者在女权主义框架内培养了对异性恋情的共同认识。本文通过研究数字实践与流行女权主义的相互影响,为媒介亲密关系的学术研究做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Unmasking coordinated hate: Analysing hate speech on Spanish digital news media 揭开协调仇恨的面纱:分析西班牙数字新闻媒体上的仇恨言论
Pub Date : 2024-06-13 DOI: 10.1177/14614448241259715
Sergio Arce-García, E. Said-Hung, Julio Montero-Díaz
This study examines the characteristics and behaviours of accounts that propagate hate speech through their responses to articles posted on five leading digital news media in Spain on Platform X (previously Twitter). Using non-experimental quantitative research, we analysed 1345 hate-expressing messages from 173,449 user comments on content shared in five leading digital news media during January 2021. Network analysis, the Homophilic Exposure Index (HEI), regression analysis and the k-means algorithm were used to identify features that characterize accounts that disseminate low-intensity hate expressions in a coordinated manner, undermining the moderation efforts of digital news media. As a result, digital news media must develop strategies to reduce the presence of this type of expression and confront accounts that operate covertly in a coordinated manner, using Astroturfing to manipulate debates around the content published on X.
本研究探讨了通过回复西班牙五家主要数字新闻媒体在 X 平台(之前的 Twitter)上发布的文章来传播仇恨言论的账户的特征和行为。通过非实验性定量研究,我们分析了 2021 年 1 月期间 173,449 条用户评论中的 1345 条仇恨言论信息,这些评论是针对五家主要数字新闻媒体分享的内容。我们使用网络分析、嗜同暴露指数(HEI)、回归分析和 k-means 算法来识别那些以协调方式传播低强度仇恨表达的账户的特征,从而破坏数字新闻媒体的审核工作。因此,数字新闻媒体必须制定战略,减少这类表达的出现,并对抗以协调方式暗中运作的账户,利用 Astroturfing 操纵围绕 X 上发布的内容的辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Human–AI communication in initial encounters: How AI agency affects trust, liking, and chat quality evaluation 初次见面时的人机交流:人工智能代理如何影响信任、好感和聊天质量评估
Pub Date : 2024-06-12 DOI: 10.1177/14614448241259149
Wenjing Pan, Diyi Liu, Jingbo Meng, Hailong Liu
Artificial intelligence (AI) agency plays an important role in shaping humans’ perceptions and evaluations of AI. This study seeks to conceptually differentiate AI agency from human agency and examine how AI’s agency manifested on source and language dimensions may be associated with humans’ perceptions of AI. A 2 (AI’s source autonomy: autonomous vs human-assisted) × 2 (AI’s language subjectivity: subjective vs objective) × 2 (topics: traveling vs reading) factorial design was adopted ( N = 376). The results showed autonomous AI was rated as more trustworthy, and AI using subjective language was rated as more trustworthy and likable. Autonomous AI using subjective language was rated as the most trustworthy, likable, and of the best quality. Participants’ AI literacy moderated the interaction effect of source autonomy and language subjectivity on human trust and chat quality evaluation. Results were discussed in terms of human–AI communication theories and the design and development of AI chatbots.
人工智能(AI)代理在塑造人类对人工智能的认知和评价方面发挥着重要作用。本研究试图从概念上将人工智能的能动性与人类的能动性区分开来,并研究人工智能在源和语言维度上表现出的能动性如何与人类对人工智能的认知相关联。研究采用了 2(人工智能的来源自主性:自主 VS 人工辅助)×2(人工智能的语言主观性:主观 VS 客观)×2(主题:旅行 VS 阅读)因子设计(N = 376)。结果显示,自主人工智能被评为更值得信赖,而使用主观语言的人工智能被评为更值得信赖和更受欢迎。使用主观语言的自主人工智能被评为最值得信赖、最讨人喜欢和质量最好的人工智能。参与者的人工智能素养调节了源自主性和语言主观性对人类信任度和聊天质量评价的交互影响。研究结果从人类-人工智能交流理论以及人工智能聊天机器人的设计和开发方面进行了讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Internet access, place and belonging in the British asylum system 英国庇护制度中的互联网接入、场所和归属感
Pub Date : 2024-06-05 DOI: 10.1177/14614448241257216
Edanur Yazici
It is widely acknowledged that digital technologies are a part of everyday life. However, the UK Home Office does not consider communication or transport to be ‘essential needs’ for people seeking asylum. One Gigabyte of mobile data can cost up to 10% of weekly asylum support payments and a single bus ticket another 10%. By asking who can move and connect, this article explores the relationship between digital and physical spaces among people seeking asylum. Drawing on an ethnographic study, it argues that access to the Internet can facilitate a sense of belonging in physical and digital space. This, however, is constrained by “real-world” power relations, the consumer orientation of web design and the physical exclusions of the asylum system. The article concludes that digital exclusion, its intersections with physical exclusions as well as race, class and legal status have been brought into even sharper relief by COVID-19.
众所周知,数字技术是日常生活的一部分。然而,英国内政部并不认为通信或交通是寻求庇护者的 "基本需求"。一个 Gigabyte 的移动数据可以花费每周庇护支持费用的 10%,而一张公交车票的花费又是 10%。通过询问谁可以移动和连接,本文探讨了寻求庇护者中数字空间和物理空间之间的关系。通过一项人种学研究,本文认为,访问互联网可以促进人们在物理和数字空间中的归属感。然而,这种归属感受到 "现实世界 "的权力关系、网络设计的消费导向以及庇护制度的物理排斥的制约。文章的结论是,COVID-19 使数字排斥、数字排斥与物理排斥的交叉以及种族、阶级和法律地位变得更加明显。
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引用次数: 0
What did you hear and what did you see? Understanding the transparency of facial recognition and speech recognition systems during human–robot interaction 你听到了什么,又看到了什么?了解人机交互过程中面部识别和语音识别系统的透明度
Pub Date : 2024-06-02 DOI: 10.1177/14614448241256899
Kun Xu, Xiaobei Chen, Fanjue Liu, Luling Huang
As social robots begin to assume various social roles in society, the demand for understanding how social robots work and communicate grows rapidly. While literature on explainable artificial intelligence suggests that transparency about a social robot’s working mechanism can evoke users’ positive attitudes, transparency may also have negative outcomes. This study investigates the paradoxical effects of the transparency of facial recognition technology and speech recognition technology in human–robot interactions. Based on a lab experiment and combined analyses of users’ quantitative and qualitative responses, this study suggests that the transparency of facial recognition technology in human–robot interaction increases users’ social presence, reduces privacy concerns, and enhances users’ acceptance of robots. However, exposure to both facial and speech recognition technologies revives users’ privacy worries. This study further parses users’ open-ended evaluation of the prospective application of social robots’ tracking technologies and discusses the theoretical, practical, and ethical value of the findings.
随着社交机器人开始在社会中扮演各种社会角色,人们对了解社交机器人如何工作和交流的需求迅速增长。尽管有关可解释人工智能的文献表明,社交机器人工作机制的透明化可以唤起用户的积极态度,但透明化也可能带来负面影响。本研究调查了人脸识别技术和语音识别技术的透明度在人机交互中的矛盾效应。基于实验室实验以及对用户定量和定性反应的综合分析,本研究表明,人脸识别技术在人机交互中的透明性会增加用户的社会存在感,减少对隐私的担忧,并提高用户对机器人的接受度。然而,同时接触面部识别和语音识别技术会重新引起用户对隐私的担忧。本研究进一步解析了用户对社交机器人追踪技术应用前景的开放式评价,并讨论了研究结果的理论、实践和伦理价值。
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引用次数: 0
Protest and repression on social media: Pro-Navalny and pro-government mobilization dynamics and coordination patterns on Russian Twitter 社交媒体上的抗议与镇压:俄罗斯 Twitter 上亲纳瓦尔尼派和亲政府派的动员动态和协调模式
Pub Date : 2024-06-02 DOI: 10.1177/14614448241254126
Aytalina Kulichkina, Nicola Righetti, A. Waldherr
In this study, we examine connective protest mobilization and suppression during the 2021 protests in Russia. We use time series analysis to study the dynamic interplay between the pro-Navalny movement and pro-government countermovement on Twitter, complemented by network analyses of co-retweeting networks to assess the movements’ coordination patterns. Findings show that pro-Navalny accounts were more active and coordinated within more centralized Twitter networks than pro-government accounts. Contrarily, the pro-government camp employed preventive communication tactics and coordinated in more clustered networks. Granger causality tests reveal that pro-Navalny tweeting activity triggered increased pro-regime reaction during the largest protests on 23 January and 21 April, whereas pro-government tweeting activity caused the escalation of pro-Navalny reaction during the 14 February protests. Both sides’ tweeting activity decreased after the February protests, presumably due to external repression. These findings contribute to a deeper understanding of online mobilization and coordination strategies via social media in authoritarian contexts.
在本研究中,我们考察了俄罗斯 2021 年抗议活动期间的联动抗议动员和镇压情况。我们使用时间序列分析来研究推特上亲纳瓦尼运动和亲政府反运动之间的动态相互作用,并辅以共同转发网络分析来评估运动的协调模式。研究结果表明,与亲政府账户相比,亲纳瓦尼账户在更为集中的推特网络中更为活跃和协调。相反,亲政府阵营则采用了预防性传播策略,并在更集中的网络中进行协调。格兰杰因果关系检验表明,在 1 月 23 日和 4 月 21 日最大规模的抗议活动中,亲纳瓦利内的推特活动引发了更多亲政府的反应,而在 2 月 14 日的抗议活动中,亲政府的推特活动则导致了亲纳瓦利内反应的升级。2 月抗议活动结束后,双方的推特活动都有所减少,这可能是由于外部镇压所致。这些发现有助于加深对专制背景下通过社交媒体进行在线动员和协调策略的理解。
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引用次数: 0
‘Everyday talk’ about working-from-home: How the affordances of Twitter enable ambient affiliation but constrain political talk 关于在家工作的 "日常谈话":推特的便利性如何促成环境归属感,但又如何限制政治言论
Pub Date : 2024-06-02 DOI: 10.1177/14614448241255562
Karen Handley, Shelley Beck
How do the affordances of microblogging platforms, such as visibility to imagined audiences, shape the nature of ‘everyday talk’? Drawing on a qualitative study of tweets posted during the COVID-19 pandemic and containing the acronym WFH (working-from-home), we draw on Habermasian theorisation of deliberative democratic systems to show how Twitter (X) can act as a third space in which everyday talk about socio-political issues emerges alongside relational talk seeking ambient affiliation. Our analysis shows that tweets expressing already-established political positions that are amenable to reductive symbolism—using memes, images and shorthand stories—gain ‘likes’ and are amplified on Twitter. However, we argue that the desire for ambient affiliation combined with the imperative of reductive symbolism has a constraining effect on public debate, by encouraging the reproduction of established political tropes at the expense of ideas that are novel, controversial or require more complex exposition.
微博平台的可承受性(如对想象中的受众的可见性)如何塑造 "日常谈话 "的性质?通过对 COVID-19 大流行期间发布的包含缩写 WFH(在家工作)的微博进行定性研究,我们借鉴了哈贝马斯关于协商民主制度的理论,说明了 Twitter (X) 如何充当第三空间,在这个空间中,关于社会政治问题的日常谈话与寻求环境归属的关系谈话同时出现。我们的分析表明,表达已经确立的政治立场的推文,可以通过使用memes、图片和速记故事来还原象征意义,从而获得 "点赞 "并在推特上被放大。然而,我们认为,对环境归属感的渴望与还原象征主义的必要性相结合,对公共辩论产生了限制作用,因为它鼓励复制既定的政治套路,而牺牲了新颖、有争议或需要更复杂阐述的观点。
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引用次数: 0
Trust is key: Determinants of false beliefs about climate change in eight countries 信任是关键:八个国家对气候变化错误认识的决定因素
Pub Date : 2024-05-17 DOI: 10.1177/14614448241250302
W. Ejaz, Sacha Altay, Richard Fletcher, Rasmus Kleis Nielsen
Science has established the human-caused nature of climate change, yet the prevalence of climate-related misinformation persists, undermining public understanding and impeding collective action. Strikingly, existing research on belief in misinformation about climate change has disproportionately focused on WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic) countries. To move beyond this, our online survey (N = 8541) includes high-income countries in North America (US), Western Europe (France, Germany, UK) and East Asia (Japan), as well as an upper-middle income country in South America (Brazil) and lower-middle income countries in South Asia (India and Pakistan). By examining the interplay of news media usage, information sources, and trust in these sources, we advance our understanding of how these factors influence belief in climate change-related misinformation in diverse socio-cultural contexts. Across countries, we found that the strongest determinants of belief in misinformation about climate change were identifying as right-wing (compared with left-wing), consuming less offline news, having less trust in scientists, environmental activists, as well as international organizations, and having more trust in politicians, celebrities, and energy companies. Overall, trust in sources of information about climate change and demographic variables were much stronger predictors of belief in misinformation about climate change than reported news consumption (online, offline or on social media). These findings suggest that trust is key to understanding belief in false information about climate change.
科学已经证实了气候变化的人为性质,但与气候相关的错误信息却依然盛行,破坏了公众的理解,阻碍了集体行动。令人震惊的是,现有关于气候变化误导信息的研究过多地集中在WEIRD(西方国家、受教育国家、工业化国家、富裕国家和民主国家)国家。为了超越这一点,我们的在线调查(N = 8541)包括北美(美国)、西欧(法国、德国、英国)和东亚(日本)的高收入国家,以及南美的中高收入国家(巴西)和南亚的中低收入国家(印度和巴基斯坦)。通过研究新闻媒体的使用、信息来源和对这些来源的信任之间的相互作用,我们进一步了解了在不同的社会文化背景下,这些因素是如何影响人们对气候变化相关错误信息的信念的。我们发现,在不同国家,决定人们相信气候变化错误信息的最主要因素是:被认定为右翼(与左翼相比);线下新闻消费较少;对科学家、环保活动家以及国际组织的信任度较低;对政客、名人和能源公司的信任度较高。总体而言,对气候变化信息来源的信任和人口统计学变量对相信气候变化误传的预测作用要比报告的新闻消费(在线、离线或社交媒体)强得多。这些发现表明,信任是了解人们是否相信气候变化虚假信息的关键。
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引用次数: 0
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New Media & Society
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