Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104050
JOSE G. VASCONCELOS
Calles. Naranjo, Consuelo, y Miguel A. Puig-Samper, eds. 2020. La esclavitud y el legado cultural de África en el Caribe. Aranjuez: Doce Calles. Portuondo, Olga. 2012. El departamento oriental. Santiago de Cuba: Ediciones Santiago. Santamaría, Antonio. 2005. Nuevos temas de historia económica y social de Cuba. Colonial Latin American Historical Review 14 (2): 153–90. Santamaría, Antonio, y Consuelo Naranjo, eds. 2009. Más allá del azúcar: política, diversificación y prácticas económicas en Cuba, 1878–1930. Aranjuez: Doce Calles.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104032
A. Dueñas
On 10 October 1768, a group of 26 Machachi Indians, Spanish o ffi cials, landowners and other witnesses climbed together an Andean foothill to participate in a vista de ojos , a colonial walkabout ritual that intended to verify and rectify Andean-Spanish boundaries to settle a land dispute. This walkabout was especially signi fi cant because it followed tumultuous events in which the Machachi ‘ llactaios ’ rioted against judicial o ffi cials, shouted Quechua admonitions, and, ultimately, sabotaged legal procedures. 1 The llactaios intuited the land survey taking place would harm the community, since Joseph de Carcelén, the Spanish landowner behind it, claimed a portion of their lands as his. The Machachi land dispute brings to the forefront of cultural and legal history the manipulation of symbolic representations, images and maps, by Spanish and Andean claimants alike in an under-studied region. I argue that vistas de ojos, land surveys or mensuras and the use of legal cartography instituted a colonial mediation between Indians and the space of the pueblos de indios that accelerated the privatization of Andean communal space. Although Spanish and Andean claimants shared a variety of ways to prove possession, the Machachi Indians shaped such mediation with their own ritualization of possession, which they positioned in dialogue with Spanish law. Andeans created ‘ legal arguments ’ out of deploying religious symbols of land possession in the landscape, mobilizing images and displacing themselves across the disputed space. They also intended to contour Spanish land maps with their own cartographical discussions and demands for rectifying the legal procedures that constructed and de-con-structed their communal space. This case broadens our understanding of the co-creation of colonial legality by Andeans and Spaniards, particularly in the transforma-tional process of privatization of communal lands and in locations peripheral to the centers of Spanish power. This co-creation also speaks to the pluralistic and complex structure of Spanish imperial law (legal sources and expressions of possession). 2 Andeanists have largely approached the change of indigenous land tenure practices
1768年10月10日，一群由26名马查奇印第安人、西班牙官员、土地所有者和其他目击者组成的团体一起爬上安第斯山麓，参加一项名为vista de ojos的殖民徒步仪式，旨在核实和纠正安第斯-西班牙边界，以解决土地争端。这次游行尤其具有重要意义，因为它发生在骚乱事件之后，在这些骚乱事件中，马基“llactaios”对司法官员发动骚乱，大声疾呼，并最终破坏了法律程序。llactaos认为，正在进行的土地调查将损害社区利益，因为调查背后的西班牙地主Joseph de carcelsamen声称他们的一部分土地是他的。马基土地争端将西班牙人和安第斯人在一个研究不足的地区对象征性代表、图像和地图的操纵带到了文化和法律历史的最前沿。我认为，远景、土地调查或测量以及合法制图的使用，在印第安人和印第安人部落的空间之间建立了一种殖民调解，加速了安第斯公共空间的私有化。尽管西班牙和安第斯的索赔人有各种各样的方式来证明占有，但马基印第安人用他们自己的占有仪式塑造了这种调解，他们将其定位为与西班牙法律对话。安第斯人创造了“法律论据”，通过在景观中部署土地占有的宗教象征，调动图像并在有争议的空间中取代自己。他们还打算用他们自己的制图讨论和要求纠正构建和解构他们的公共空间的法律程序来绘制西班牙陆地地图的等高线。这个案例拓宽了我们对安第斯人和西班牙人共同创造殖民合法性的理解，特别是在公共土地私有化的转型过程中，以及在西班牙权力中心的外围地区。这种共同创造也说明了西班牙帝国法律的多元化和复杂结构(法律来源和所有权的表达)。安第斯人在很大程度上改变了土著土地使用权的做法
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104035
J. Ensminger
Christopher Columbus first used dogs for military purposes in the NewWorld during his second voyage, a war technology that continued to be employed by the conquistadors for more than a century. John and Jeannette Varner, authors of the comprehensive history Dogs of the Conquest, which surveys the military and administrative use of war dogs in the New World, argued that the dogs were brought on the second voyage because the cleric in charge of provisioning the seventeen ships, Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca (‘Fonseca,’ 1451–1524), realized that to obtain the cooperation of Indigenous people, a level of coercion would be necessary. They support this supposition by describing the dogs of the second voyage as mastiffs and greyhounds, and the dogs that Columbus used at the Battle of Vega Real in March 1495 as mastiffs (Varner and Varner 1983, xiv, 4, 8). Were they correct in this description of the breeds involved, it might be difficult to dispute their logic concerning Fonseca’s motive, but the dogs at Vega Real were described as lebreles, greyhounds or sighthounds, not mastines, mastiffs, and there is little reason to think that a large number of mastiffs would have been considered essential in Hispaniola when Columbus’s second fleet was provisioned. The ships carried livestock but most of these would have been preserved to establish self-sustaining herds before harvesting to feed the human population (Las Casas 1875–1876, 2:2, 3). Versatile hunting dogs could help supply meat.
克里斯托弗·哥伦布在他的第二次航行中首次在新世界将狗用于军事目的，这项战争技术在一个多世纪以来一直被征服者使用。《征服之犬》（Dogs of the Conquest）一书的作者约翰和珍妮特·瓦尔纳（John and Jeannette Varner，意识到要获得土著人民的合作，就需要一定程度的胁迫。他们支持这一假设，将第二次航行的狗描述为獒犬和灰狗，并将哥伦布在1495年3月的维加皇家战役中使用的狗描述成獒犬（Varner和Varner 1983，xiv，4，8）。如果他们对相关品种的描述是正确的，可能很难质疑他们关于丰塞卡动机的逻辑，但Vega Real的狗被描述为lebreles、灰狗或导盲犬，而不是獒、獒、，没有什么理由认为，当哥伦布的第二支舰队被配备时，大量的獒会被认为是伊斯帕尼奥拉岛的必需品。这些船运载牲畜，但在收割之前，大多数牲畜都会被保存下来，以建立自我维持的畜群来养活人类（Las Casas 1875–1876，2:2，3）。多才多艺的猎犬可以帮助供应肉类。
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104039
Philippe Castejón
El 30 de noviembre de 1783, el Secretario de Estado y Gobernador del Consejo de Indias, José de Gálvez, distribuyó a los miembros del Consejo en cada una de sus salas. Más de la mitad de aquellos magistrados compartían la experiencia común de haber sido jueces en alguna Audiencia americana. Para un observador como el conde de Aranda, que como ex-Presidente del Consejo de Castilla era buen conocedor del funcionamiento del gobierno de la monarquía católica, la experiencia ultramarina tenía que ser un requisito para ser consejero de Indias. No obstante, hasta el reinado de Carlos III (1759–1788) esta condición previa nunca se había requerido. Algunas figuras, como la del jurista Juan de Solórzano Pereira (1575– 1655), que había sido oidor de la Audiencia de Lima durante más de dieciséis años antes de ser promovido al Consejo de Indias (García Hernán 2007), incluso alteran nuestra percepción, por haberse valorado, en su caso, la importancia de la experiencia ultramarina. Así pues, desde la creación del Consejo de Indias en 1524 hasta 1700, pocos magistrados habían estado en América. El 90% de los fiscales y consejeros togados y la gran mayoría de los consejeros de capa y espada y oidores de la Casa de la Contratación solo tenían un conocimiento libresco del imperio. La consecuencia de esta reducida movilidad profesional era que estas tres carreras (Consejo de Indias, Casa de la Contratación y Audiencias de América y Filipinas) estuvieron en gran medida desconectadas entre sí durante dos siglos. A diferencia del imperio portugués durante los siglos XVII y XVIII (Camarinhas 2012, 51), en la monarquía católica no se valoró hasta 1700 la experiencia ultramarina para ser consejero de Indias. El siglo XVIII fue el punto de inflexión que vio transformarse la carrera de los magistrados del gobierno de Indias, cambios que estuvieron vigentes hasta las independencias hispanoamericanas. El historiador estadounidense Mark Burkholder fue el primero en darse cuenta de que bajo el reinado de Carlos III ocurrieron profundas modificaciones en relación con este asunto. Burkholder se enfocó sobre el giro que sucedió en 1773, cuando el Consejo de Indias se transformó en un ‘tribunal de término’ (final de carrera) al igual que el de Castilla. Para él, una de las consecuencias de esta nueva configuración dentro del aparato de gobierno fue la triplicación del número de consejeros con experiencia americana y el reforzamiento del Consejo de Indias (Burkholder 1976, 415, 422). La reforma de 1773 no fue un punto de partida sino una etapa de un proceso más amplio de transformación del gobierno de Indias. Planteamos que este proceso
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104031
Dana Leibsohn
From its earliest days, in the 1990s, Colonial Latin American Review sought to publish a wide variety of perspectives. Eschewing prescriptions and proscriptions, Fred Luciani described the journal’s ambition as endeavoring ‘to represent the broadest possible range of scholarship on colonial Latin America.’ Even a quick scan of back issues reveals how seriously the Editorial Board took this charge, cultivating disciplinary, geographic and methodological diversity. At the Taylor & Francis website, it is possible to see the number-of-views per article: while such accounting says precious little about how many people have actually read a CLAR essay from start to finish or mulled its arguments, the numbers show that all the genres of scholarship published in CLAR have their fans. Visual culture, literary practices, and historical projects all have piqued readers’ curiosities. No less importantly, the journal has been unwavering in its commitment to publish the work of scholars just finding their footing along with that written by those who have been walking through the field for decades. This, too, represents a kind of breadth. Nevertheless, as CLAR has participated in—and reshaped—discussions in colonial Latin American studies over the last thirty years, certain themes and geographies have come to the fore. For instance, reading through the backlist I see that the journal has contributed more emphatically to debates about Indigeneity than Blackness; it has developed histories of New Spain and the Andes most often, and it has discussed land and politics more intently than waterways or performance. Gender, too, has been a constant theme. Let me be clear, impressive articles that address Black histories or theatrical works have appeared (and, I hope, will continue to appear) in CLAR. Yet these are arenas where the journal has not yet made its most consistent interventions. This, I suspect, has much to do with approaches to colonialism in Latin America that have held sway through 1990s and early 2000s. The same might well be said of trans-Pacific histories and animal studies, environmental histories and studies of orality and sound—all of which have surfaced in CLAR, but not more frequently than trans-Atlantic histories, human-centered histories or studies of writing, mapping and texts. Every academic journal has its patterns, its editorial leanings, its scholarly predilections. And no journal, no matter how willing to embrace heterogeneity, can address everything. What interests me most, as CLAR enters its 30th year, is what leading interdisciplinary scholarship on colonialism and Latin America could look like. Submissions to the journal are healthy—in number and in seriousness of purpose— yet I see challenges on the nearhorizon that implicate all of us who work at the intersection of the humanities and the social sciences. These include the viability of traditional peer-review and current economic models for open-access publishing. Relatedly and, at le
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104046
W. Eamon
for enslaved Africans in New Spain through the long seventeenth century. Moving south, Rachel O’Toole’s chapter details how crucial enslaved and free people of color were to the functioning of the Pacific slave trade between Panama and Peru, including while working as enslaved mariners. Alex Borucki then details the intricacies of inter-imperial trade, between the Portuguese and Spanish in the Río de la Plata, thereby revealing the influence of the coastal trade from Brazil. One of the phenomena sketched in the chapter by David Eltis and Jorge Felipe González, in their analysis of trade to Cuba, was the concomitant increase in the free black population in Cuba even as the enslaved population grew so rapidly in the nineteenth century. Building upon González’s work on Cuban slaving activities and networks, Elena Schneider focuses on various routes to enslavement in Cuba in the eighteenth century and our understandings of ‘creole’ in the context of inter-colonial trade. The concluding chapter by Emily Berquist Soule presents a counterpoint that traces out the long, but generally muted, and ultimately unsuccessful Catholic intellectual Spanish antislavery and abolitionist impulse. Each of these chapters carries documentary gems that elaborate upon the lived experiences of Africans and their descendants in the colonies such as Smith’s account of Antonio Martinez, the enslaved man from Mozambique, forced across the Indian and Pacific Oceans to disembark at the port of Acapulco and finally sold in Antequera. The painstaking work by these authors tells stories of the Slave Trade and encounters of enslavement that have too often remained muffled in the colonial historiography. They argue convincingly for a continuing reassessment of the participation of Spain in the slave trade, of the impact of the trade on the Spanish empire, and the power of those more than 2.7 million Africans and their innumerable descendants, enslaved and free, in shaping the Spanish colonial world itself.
在漫长的十七世纪里，新西班牙被奴役的非洲人。向南看，Rachel O'Toole的章节详细介绍了被奴役和自由的有色人种对巴拿马和秘鲁之间太平洋奴隶贸易的运作是多么重要，包括在担任被奴役的水手时。Alex Borucki随后详细介绍了葡萄牙和西班牙在拉普拉塔的错综复杂的帝国间贸易，从而揭示了来自巴西的沿海贸易的影响。大卫·埃尔蒂斯（David Eltis）和豪尔赫·费利佩·冈萨雷斯（Jorge Felipe González。在González关于古巴奴隶活动和网络的工作的基础上，Elena Schneider专注于18世纪古巴奴隶的各种途径，以及我们在殖民地间贸易背景下对“克里奥尔语”的理解。Emily Berquist Soule的最后一章提出了一个对比，追溯了长期但普遍沉默的、最终失败的天主教知识分子西班牙反奴隶制和废奴主义冲动。每一章都有讲述非洲人及其后裔在殖民地生活经历的纪录片，比如史密斯对来自莫桑比克的被奴役者安东尼奥·马丁内斯的描述，他被迫穿越印度洋和太平洋，在阿卡普尔科港下船，最后在安特奎拉被卖掉。这些作者的艰苦工作告诉了奴隶贸易和遭遇奴役的故事，这些故事在殖民地史学中常常被掩盖。他们令人信服地主张继续重新评估西班牙参与奴隶贸易的情况，重新评估奴隶贸易对西班牙帝国的影响，以及270多万非洲人及其无数被奴役和自由的后代在塑造西班牙殖民世界本身方面的力量。
{"title":"Marvels of medicine: literature and scientific enquiry in early colonial Spanish America","authors":"W. Eamon","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2104046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2104046","url":null,"abstract":"for enslaved Africans in New Spain through the long seventeenth century. Moving south, Rachel O’Toole’s chapter details how crucial enslaved and free people of color were to the functioning of the Pacific slave trade between Panama and Peru, including while working as enslaved mariners. Alex Borucki then details the intricacies of inter-imperial trade, between the Portuguese and Spanish in the Río de la Plata, thereby revealing the influence of the coastal trade from Brazil. One of the phenomena sketched in the chapter by David Eltis and Jorge Felipe González, in their analysis of trade to Cuba, was the concomitant increase in the free black population in Cuba even as the enslaved population grew so rapidly in the nineteenth century. Building upon González’s work on Cuban slaving activities and networks, Elena Schneider focuses on various routes to enslavement in Cuba in the eighteenth century and our understandings of ‘creole’ in the context of inter-colonial trade. The concluding chapter by Emily Berquist Soule presents a counterpoint that traces out the long, but generally muted, and ultimately unsuccessful Catholic intellectual Spanish antislavery and abolitionist impulse. Each of these chapters carries documentary gems that elaborate upon the lived experiences of Africans and their descendants in the colonies such as Smith’s account of Antonio Martinez, the enslaved man from Mozambique, forced across the Indian and Pacific Oceans to disembark at the port of Acapulco and finally sold in Antequera. The painstaking work by these authors tells stories of the Slave Trade and encounters of enslavement that have too often remained muffled in the colonial historiography. They argue convincingly for a continuing reassessment of the participation of Spain in the slave trade, of the impact of the trade on the Spanish empire, and the power of those more than 2.7 million Africans and their innumerable descendants, enslaved and free, in shaping the Spanish colonial world itself.","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"461 - 463"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46786758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2036025
B. Hamnett
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104045
R. S. France
This long-anticipated collection sets the groundwork for the continuing re fi nement of the history of Africans and their descendants in the Atlantic World and more speci fi cally within the Spanish empire. The methodologies and analyses gathered in conversation in From the galleons to the Highlands o ff er a rich example of the power of collaborative historical networks. These authors tackle the historiographies of the Atlantic World, the Transatlantic Slave Trade, and the histories of speci fi c Spanish colonies in America. They skillfully traverse the breadth of Spanish America in time and space to o ff er a compelling framework for under-standing the detailed functioning of the slave trade and its reach into the varied histories of the Spanish colonies. This research highlights the crucial import of evidence-based demo-graphic projections emerging from the often-shifting patterns of trade networks, while sim-ultaneously arguing for the equally signi fi cant relevance of enslaved and free Africans ’ individual and collective experiences in the making of the Spanish colonial world. The volume ’ s successful balance between quantitative and qualitative analysis is unsurpris-ing given the expertise of the three editors and their long experience and commitment to building research tools that ground the study of the Slave Trades solidly in archival evidence. From the galleons to the Highlands reveals the complexity of patterns of the Slave Trade to Spanish America as well as the weight of Spanish involvement in the trade, and the crucial importance the Inter-American slave trade in shaping slave routes. The editors argue that greatest The revised numbers indicate the
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104047
Felipe Valencia
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Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2069406
María José Brañes
Conocido ante todo por los textos de carácter científico que publicó después de abandonar su tierra natal, el jesuita Juan Ignacio Molina (Villa Alegre, 1740–Bolonia, 1829) es también uno de los más importantes autores de poesía neolatina de Chile colonial. Estas obras constituyen un valioso registro a nivel testimonial, y en varios aspectos reflejan el lugar ocupado por la formación clásica en las aulas jesuitas chilenas antes de la expulsión. Su origen probablemente se enmarca en alguna tarea o certamen escolar: la composición de textos en lengua latina y griega constituía uno de los pilares fundamentales del programa educativo de la Compañía de Jesús, y también en los territorios americanos sus estudiantes se ejercitaban en la práctica de la imitación de los auctores. De peste variolarum, ‘Acerca de la peste de viruelas,’ es quizás el texto más llamativo de la producción en lengua latina del chileno. En esta obra, conformada por dos libros de seis elegías cada uno, Molina plasma las distintas etapas de la patología y su tratamiento, con tintes explícitamente autobiográficos. Se conserva en el Archivo Histórico Nacional de Chile (Fondo Varios, vol. 158, fs. 2r–11v). Si creemos a una nota marginal que acompaña a los versos iniciales, la obra—que lleva la fecha de 1761 junto al título y en una nota al margen— habría sido compuesta durante la enfermedad del autor: ‘Escribí este librito enfermo de viruelas, en el lecho, y un amigo me lo arrebató antes de que lo corrigiera.’ Además ha llegado a nosotros una segunda redacción (Fondo Varios, vol. 995, fs. 64r– 78r), que lleva el título De peste variolis vulgo dicta (‘Acerca de la vulgarmente llamada peste de viruelas’) y que, si bien indica el año de 1760 en su último folio, habría sido trabajada tardíamente por Molina, cuando ya se encontraba en Bolonia (Jiménez 1974, 46). Corresponde a un texto considerablemente más extenso y con importantes adiciones a nivel de contenidos, aunque el manuscrito por desgracia se encuentra incompleto: se conserva solamente el segundo libro, compuesto por once elegías. En comparación con esta segunda versión, De peste variolarum posee rasgos que dan cuenta de un trabajo temprano y estrechamente vinculado a la juventud del autor: la descripción de la enfermedad en la primera redacción se caracteriza por una espontaneidad que no se percibe en la segunda y por la inclusión de fragmentos que incluso podríamos calificar de familiares, como sus quejas a los estudios filosóficos o la mención de los nombres de los compañeros hacia el final de la obra; otro aspecto que conviene destacar es que, a diferencia de De peste variolis vulgo dicta, De peste variolarum no contiene notas explicativas de carácter geográfico y etnográfico, lo cual hace pensar que en esta primera
耶稣会士胡安·伊格纳西奥·莫利纳（1740年-博洛尼亚，1829年，阿雷格里亚别墅）以离开祖国后发表的科学文本而闻名，他也是殖民地智利最重要的新拉丁诗歌作家之一。这些作品在证词层面上是一份宝贵的记录，在几个方面反映了驱逐前智利耶稣会教室古典培训所占据的位置。它的起源可能是在一些学校任务或比赛中进行的：用拉丁语和希腊语编写文本是耶稣会教育计划的基本支柱之一，在美国领土上，他的学生也在练习模仿拍卖人。关于天花瘟疫，“关于天花瘟疫”，也许是智利拉丁语制作中最引人注目的文本。在这部由两本书组成的作品中，莫利纳用明确的自传体色彩记录了病理学及其治疗的不同阶段。它保存在智利国家历史档案馆（杂项基金，第158卷，FS.2R-11V）。如果我们相信开头几句话所附的一个边缘音符，这部作品的标题旁边写着1761年的日期，旁边写着一个音符，它本应是在作者生病期间创作的：“我在床上写了这本患有天花的小书，一个朋友在我纠正之前从我这里拿走了。”此外，我们还收到了第二个版本（Fundo杂项，vol.995，fs.64R-78R），其标题为“Variolis vulgo dicta瘟疫”（“关于俗称的天花瘟疫”），虽然它在其最新的一页中指出了1760年，但它本应在莫利纳已经在博洛尼亚（希门尼斯1974年，46年）工作得很晚。它对应于更广泛的文本，并在内容层面上增加了重要的内容，尽管不幸的是，手稿是不完整的：只有第二本书由11首挽歌组成。与第二个版本相比，《天花瘟疫》具有与作者的年轻密切相关的早期作品的特点：第一个版本中对疾病的描述具有第二个版本中没有看到的自发性，并包含了我们甚至可以称之为家庭成员的片段，例如他对哲学研究的抱怨或在作品结束时提到同事的名字；另一个值得强调的方面是，与Variolis-Vulgo dicta瘟疫不同，Variolarum瘟疫不包含地理和人种学性质的解释性说明，这使得人们认为前者
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