Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2023.2205335
N. D. Cook
volume, where objects are scrutinized from different approaches to see how we have accommodated, taken ownership, and extended knowledge through them. The last two chapters are a case study of how objects have been classified in South America. Olaya Sanfuentes uses the index established by the bishop of Trujillo, Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, at the end of the eighteenth century, to initiate a broader reflection on the selection, classification, description, packing, transport, and exhibition process, recognizing that despite the rational spirit of the time, subjectivity was involved in every step. These objects were sent to Spain in response to King Carlos III’s orders. Although some artifacts can be identified in Spanish collections, as evidenced by the images illustrating the chapter, the objects are not the focus of the analysis, but the process involved in building and making this collection and how the meaning and ways of displaying have changed through time. María Paola Rodríguez Prada approaches the scientific character of material culture through the foundational period of the Museo Nacional de Colombia, moving away from the colonial era into the republican regime. The museum was advertised as part of the government’s interest in promoting civilization and progress through public instruction and educational institutions. Rodríguez Prada’s analysis is based on printed sources, collections of specimens, and watercolours illustrating the material culture. In addition, she traced some samples that French scientists took back to France when they participated in Colombia’s promotion of scientific development. Many of the contributing authors to these conference proceedings had already published on similar or related topics. This collection of essays offers a combined vision of material studies of Spanish America in a single volume that will serve as a reference for further investigations on these and connected topics related to material culture. It is a field of study that will certainly yield many more results.
卷，从不同的方法仔细检查对象，看看我们是如何通过它们来容纳、获得所有权和扩展知识的。最后两章是南美洲如何对物体进行分类的案例研究。Olaya Sanfuentes使用特鲁希略主教Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón在18世纪末建立的索引，对选择、分类、描述、包装、运输和展览过程进行了更广泛的反思，认识到尽管当时有理性精神，但每一步都涉及主观性。这些物品是根据国王卡洛斯三世的命令被送往西班牙的。尽管西班牙藏品中可以发现一些文物，正如本章所示的图像所证明的那样，这些文物并不是分析的重点，而是构建和制作这些藏品的过程，以及展示的意义和方式如何随着时间的推移而变化。玛丽亚·保拉·罗德里格斯·普拉达（María Paola Rodríguez Prada）通过哥伦比亚国家博物馆（Museo Nacional de Colombia）的奠基时期，从殖民时代走向共和政体，探讨了物质文化的科学特征。该博物馆被宣传为政府通过公共教学和教育机构促进文明和进步的兴趣的一部分。Rodríguez Prada的分析基于印刷资料、标本收藏和展示物质文化的水彩画。此外，她追踪了法国科学家在参与哥伦比亚促进科学发展时带回法国的一些样本。这些会议记录的许多撰稿人已经就类似或相关主题发表了文章。这本散文集在一卷中提供了对西班牙裔美国人物质研究的综合视野，将作为进一步调查这些以及与物质文化相关的相关主题的参考。这是一个肯定会产生更多结果的研究领域。
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2023.2205265
Kevin Terraciano
course of the Amazon. The volume relies on a modern readership’s fascination with the particular, the tangible, and the intimate, but it uses the allure of the material world to draw the reader into a world of knowledge: the expertise, material skill, and understanding of persons born or living in the ‘New World,’ be they creole, Nahua, or Inca—of cartography, mummification techniques, the crafting of quipus, the care of insects, or metallurgy. As such, the volume is not just a material history of the New World but, perhaps even more importantly, an important testimony to decades of vibrant historiography on Iberian (American) art, science, and knowledge, once viewed as ‘marginal,’ and peripheral to modern science (that historiographical context, incidentally, one might have liked to learn more about in the introduction). Indeed, the volume is the product of a scholarly network, stretching from London to Quito, and from Madrid to Rio de Janeiro, linking some of the most prominent institutions and figures in the history of Iberian (American) science and knowledge in the present day, and as such essential reading for any student looking for a colorful, graphic, and readable introduction to the subcontinent’s epistemic and material history. For, it is precisely in its cabinet-like breadth and disparateness that the volume manages to capture the extent, sophistication, and contingency of knowledge production about the material world in colonial Latin America.
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2023.2205233
Kristie Patricia Flannery
hosted a conference last year that brought together a small group of scholars to discuss Iberian Asia; to take stock of recent work and to ponder the future directions of research exploring the Spanish and Portuguese ‘ presence ’ in this world region in the six-teenth and seventeenth centuries. What is striking about this meeting is that it centered on the question of whether an Iberian Asia ever existed. The organizers asked, ‘ Can we conceive of an Iberian Asia just as some historians have recently done for the Iberian Atlantic? ’ They shunned the term ‘ colonial ’ and spoke of ‘ Iberian societies ’ rather than Iberian colonies. 1 A reluctance to categorize Asia ’ s littorals zones, islands, seas, and peoples as colonized, or at least colonized by Spain and Portugal, is deeply rooted in a long and vibrant postco-lonial intellectual tradition. The historiography of the Philippines frames the archipelago as a frontier zone that a weak Spain never succeeded in conquering. In the 1970s and 1980s, Reynaldo Clemeña Ileto ’ s (1979) and Vicente Rafael ’ s (1988) respective monographs recovered Indigenous Filipino resistance to Spanish colonialism, from mass armed revolts against governments and the powerful friars, to those rebellions more subtly embedded in and enacted through language and translation. William Henry Scott (1974) and James C. Scott (2009) documented the Spanish conquistadors ’ and their Indigenous allies ’ futile e ff orts to dominate the Philippines ’ mountainous high-altitude zones. Arche-ological studies of the cordillera ’ s rice terraces have turned up more proof that multiethnic cimarrones fl ed the lowlands for the mountains to evade colonial rule, adding layers of evidence to what historians have mined from the empire ’ s paper archives (Acabado et al. 2019). More recently, John D. Blanco (2021) argued that Spain also failed to conquer the Philippines lowlands. Painting a picture of con fl ict rather than control, he emphasized how active missions were zones of protracted war. For Blanco, Spanish authority was weak even in Manila, the capital
去年主持了一次会议，召集了一小群学者讨论伊比利亚亚洲;盘点最近的工作，思考未来的研究方向，探索西班牙和葡萄牙在16世纪和17世纪在这个世界地区的“存在”。这次会议的惊人之处在于，它的中心问题是伊比利亚亚洲是否曾经存在过。组织者问道:“我们能否设想一个伊比利亚亚洲，就像一些历史学家最近设想的伊比利亚大西洋一样?”他们避免使用“殖民地”这个词，而使用“伊比利亚社会”而不是“伊比利亚殖民地”。不愿将亚洲沿海地区、岛屿、海洋和人民归类为殖民地，或至少是西班牙和葡萄牙的殖民地，这深深植根于一种长期而充满活力的后殖民主义思想传统。菲律宾的史学把这个群岛描绘成一个边界地带，弱小的西班牙从未成功征服过它。在20世纪70年代和80年代，Reynaldo Clemeña Ileto(1979)和Vicente Rafael(1988)各自的专著恢复了菲律宾土著对西班牙殖民主义的抵抗，从大规模武装反抗政府和强大的修士，到那些更微妙地嵌入并通过语言和翻译实施的反抗。威廉·亨利·斯科特(1974)和詹姆斯·c·斯科特(2009)记录了西班牙征服者和他们的土著盟友徒劳地试图统治菲律宾的山区高海拔地区。对科迪勒拉水稻梯田的考古研究发现了更多的证据，证明多民族的契马隆人为了逃避殖民统治而逃离低地，为历史学家从帝国的纸质档案中挖掘出来的证据提供了更多的证据(acaabado et al. 2019)。最近，John D. Blanco(2021)认为西班牙也未能征服菲律宾低地。他描绘了一幅冲突而非控制的画面，强调活跃的任务是旷日持久的战争区域。对布兰科来说，即使在首都马尼拉，西班牙的权威也很弱
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2023.2205257
Miruna Achim
The year 1964 marked a milestone in the history of Mexico’s national museum complex. The collection of pre-Columbian antiquities was moved from the National Palace, in the center of the city, to the world-class Museo Nacional de Antropología, built specifically for them, in a modern, up-and-coming neighborhood in Mexico City. Mexico’s prehispanic past left the colonial building, where it had been housed for over a century, to become part of the city’s bid for the future. Across Chapultepec Park from the anthropology museum, the natural history collection also found a new home, in the Museo de Historia Natural, just as it lost its ‘national’ status, the implication being that there is nothing particularly Mexican about ‘nature.’ Colonial art, which, since the 1930s, had shared space with objects of nineteenth-century material and political culture, was reconstituted as the Museo Nacional del Virreinato, and displaced to the lavish, exJesuit convent at Tepozotlán, about 20 miles north of Mexico City. Since the Museo Nacional de México was founded in 1825, as part of a generational wave that saw the emergence of national museums throughout newly independent Latin American countries, silver ores, mammoth bones, mummies, portraits of New Spain’s viceroys, and ‘idols’ had been displayed together, as part of a national collection that many a visitor described as a jumble of things, a cabinet of curiosities. It was not uncommon for the museum to exchange prehispanic antiquities for stuffed birds, for copies of the US constitution, or for prints of the French royal family. But, by the end of the nineteenth century, pre-Columbian antiquities were becoming recognized as ‘the only thing that distinguishes Mexico’s personality,’ as Justo Sierra, Porfirio Díaz’s influential minister of education, argued before congress in 1909, in an attempt to ensure funding for the preservation of antiquities. The 1964 redistribution of Mexico’s national collections, culminating in the creation of the Museo Nacional de Antropología, sealed the symbolic pact between Mexico’s modern state and its lithic preconquest foundation. I bring up these different moments in the history of the Mexican museum complex not as a critique of Mexico’s past or present cultural policies, but to call attention to the ways in which temporal orders which divide Mexican history (but also those of other Latin American countries) into three epochs—prehispanic, colonial, and national/postcolonial (?), corresponding to the ways in which academic specialties have been carved out and defined— are profoundly cartographic, spatial, and material. And they elicit different kinds of affect and regimens of care. Ask any inhabitant of Mexico City to direct you to the ‘national museum’ and they almost certainly will take you to the Museo Nacional de Antropología,
1964年是墨西哥国家博物馆建筑群历史上的一个里程碑。前哥伦布时期的文物收藏从市中心的国家宫(National Palace)搬到了世界级的国立博物馆(Museo Nacional de Antropología)，这是专门为它们建造的，位于墨西哥城一个现代化的新兴社区。墨西哥前西班牙时期的历史离开了这座殖民时期的建筑，它在这里被安置了一个多世纪，成为城市未来竞标的一部分。从人类学博物馆穿过查普尔特佩克公园，自然历史收藏也在自然历史博物馆找到了新家，就像它失去了“国家”地位一样，暗示着“自然”没有什么特别的墨西哥。殖民时期的艺术品，自20世纪30年代以来，一直与19世纪的物质和政治文化的物品共享空间，被重建为国立Virreinato博物馆，并被转移到位于墨西哥城以北约20英里(约合20公里)的Tepozotlán的一座奢华的耶稣会修道院。自从国家博物馆于1825年成立以来，随着新独立的拉丁美洲国家博物馆的兴起，银矿、猛犸象骨头、木乃伊、新西班牙总督的肖像和“偶像”一起展出，作为国家收藏品的一部分，许多游客称其为一堆乱七八糟的东西，一个奇珍异宝的柜子。博物馆用前西班牙文物交换鸟类标本、美国宪法副本或法国王室的版画并不罕见。但是，到了19世纪末，前哥伦布时期的文物被认为是“唯一能区分墨西哥个性的东西”，1909年，Porfirio Díaz有影响力的教育部长Justo Sierra在国会上说，他试图确保文物保护的资金。1964年，墨西哥对国家藏品进行了重新分配，最终建立了国家博物馆Antropología (Museo Nacional de Antropología)，在墨西哥的现代国家和其石器时代的征服前基础之间达成了象征性的协议。我提出墨西哥博物馆建筑群历史上的这些不同时刻，不是为了批评墨西哥过去或现在的文化政策，而是为了引起人们对墨西哥历史(以及其他拉丁美洲国家的历史)分为三个时代的时间顺序的关注——前西班牙时代、殖民时代和国家/后殖民时代(?)，与学术专业被划分和定义的方式相对应——是深刻的地图、空间和物质。它们会引起不同的影响和护理方案。让墨西哥城的任何一个居民告诉你去“国家博物馆”的路，他们几乎肯定会带你去国立博物馆Antropología，
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2023.2170555
Leonardo Moreno-Álvarez
ABSTRACT Using the wreck of the galleon Nuestra Señora de Las Maravillas (1656) as a point of departure, this article analyzes the role of Cartagena de Indias as a logistical center for fraudulent silver salvaging and transportation in the Spanish Caribbean during the middle of the seventeenth century. After 1640, Cartagena's insertion into Atlantic maritime networks suffered from the collapse of Portuguese-led slave trading, the decline in legal silver circulation in Spanish ports, and expansion of other European colonial powers across the Caribbean. The article uses the cases made against officials and contractors involved in unauthorized silver salvaging in Cartagena to show how Caribbean-based Spanish merchants and administrators created trans-Atlantic bullion transportation networks independent of royal control. Like their legal counterparts, these unauthorized networks relied on specialized maritime labor from free and unfree divers of African and Amerindian origin, and sailors of all races. Simultaneously, maritime laborers' knowledge, often extracted under torture, formed the basis of prosecutors' cases against suspect colonial officials. By following these maritime linkages, this article highlights the centrality of maritime labor and communication logistics in the structural rearrangement of the Caribbean during the seventeenth century.
{"title":"Of shipwrecks, fraudsters, and divers: Cartagena de Indias and the transformation of Spanish Caribbean labor and bullion flows, c. 1650–1660","authors":"Leonardo Moreno-Álvarez","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2023.2170555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2023.2170555","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Using the wreck of the galleon Nuestra Señora de Las Maravillas (1656) as a point of departure, this article analyzes the role of Cartagena de Indias as a logistical center for fraudulent silver salvaging and transportation in the Spanish Caribbean during the middle of the seventeenth century. After 1640, Cartagena's insertion into Atlantic maritime networks suffered from the collapse of Portuguese-led slave trading, the decline in legal silver circulation in Spanish ports, and expansion of other European colonial powers across the Caribbean. The article uses the cases made against officials and contractors involved in unauthorized silver salvaging in Cartagena to show how Caribbean-based Spanish merchants and administrators created trans-Atlantic bullion transportation networks independent of royal control. Like their legal counterparts, these unauthorized networks relied on specialized maritime labor from free and unfree divers of African and Amerindian origin, and sailors of all races. Simultaneously, maritime laborers' knowledge, often extracted under torture, formed the basis of prosecutors' cases against suspect colonial officials. By following these maritime linkages, this article highlights the centrality of maritime labor and communication logistics in the structural rearrangement of the Caribbean during the seventeenth century.","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"32 1","pages":"34 - 53"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45806704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2023.2170549
David Wheat, Ida Altman
Historical scholarship on the seventeenth-century Caribbean generally has focused on the rise of Dutch, English, and French settlements in the region and commercial export agriculture, especially the cultivation of sugar using enslaved African labor. From the vantage point of the Spanish Caribbean, however, the seventeenth century looks quite different. In theGreaterAntilles, on the Isthmus of Panama, and along theCaribbean’s southern littoral Spanish towns, the majority of them ports, had been established a century or more earlier (Altman 2021; Díaz Ceballos 2020). Initially mostly oriented to serving extractive enterprises such asmining and sugar cultivation (Gelpí Baíz 2000; Sued Badillo 2001; Rodríguez Morel 2012) and shipping livestock and provisions, Caribbean port towns became part of an active, sprawling maritime network serving local, regional, and transatlantic economies. Spanish expansion in theCaribbeanduring the 1490s and early 1500s dependedheavily on the subjugation and incorporation of Indigenous societies, with diverse responses from Amerindian communities, including sustained resistance (Mena García 2011; Farnsworth 2019; Stone 2021). Along with violence and the demands of Spanish colonialism, epidemic disease took a notoriously steep toll on Indigenous populations (Henige 1998; Livi-Bacci 2003), while ostensibly ‘Spanish’ society, particularly outside of urban areas, became increasingly ethnically mixed with a strong Indigenous component (Schwartz 1997; Altman 2013). During the 1560s or 1570s—at least half a century before northern Europeans began to establish permanent footholds in the region—Spanish activities in the Caribbean entered a second phase with the consolidation of the Indies fleets, and Havana and Cartagena de Indias overtook Santo Domingo as leading centers of trade (Vidal Ortega 2002; Fuente et al. 2008). By the late sixteenth century, sugar production inHispaniola and Puerto Rico had declined significantly while ranching, farming, regional commerce, and in some cases mining came to predominate in colonial Spanish Caribbean economies (Abello Vives and Bassi Arévalo 2006; Giusti-Cordero 2009; Cromwell 2014; Stark 2015). Perhaps the most dramatic event separating the sixteenth century from the seventeenth was the forced depopulation of western Hispaniola in 1604–1606, along with other draconian measures designed to stem unregulated trade and enforce Crown control (Ponce Vázquez 2020). In short, while scholarship on areas settled or seized by northern European powers tends to treat the seventeenth century as a natural chronological starting point, historical analysis of the SpanishCaribbean during the 1600s provides an
{"title":"The seventeenth-century Spanish Caribbean as global crossroads: transimperial and transregional approaches","authors":"David Wheat, Ida Altman","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2023.2170549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2023.2170549","url":null,"abstract":"Historical scholarship on the seventeenth-century Caribbean generally has focused on the rise of Dutch, English, and French settlements in the region and commercial export agriculture, especially the cultivation of sugar using enslaved African labor. From the vantage point of the Spanish Caribbean, however, the seventeenth century looks quite different. In theGreaterAntilles, on the Isthmus of Panama, and along theCaribbean’s southern littoral Spanish towns, the majority of them ports, had been established a century or more earlier (Altman 2021; Díaz Ceballos 2020). Initially mostly oriented to serving extractive enterprises such asmining and sugar cultivation (Gelpí Baíz 2000; Sued Badillo 2001; Rodríguez Morel 2012) and shipping livestock and provisions, Caribbean port towns became part of an active, sprawling maritime network serving local, regional, and transatlantic economies. Spanish expansion in theCaribbeanduring the 1490s and early 1500s dependedheavily on the subjugation and incorporation of Indigenous societies, with diverse responses from Amerindian communities, including sustained resistance (Mena García 2011; Farnsworth 2019; Stone 2021). Along with violence and the demands of Spanish colonialism, epidemic disease took a notoriously steep toll on Indigenous populations (Henige 1998; Livi-Bacci 2003), while ostensibly ‘Spanish’ society, particularly outside of urban areas, became increasingly ethnically mixed with a strong Indigenous component (Schwartz 1997; Altman 2013). During the 1560s or 1570s—at least half a century before northern Europeans began to establish permanent footholds in the region—Spanish activities in the Caribbean entered a second phase with the consolidation of the Indies fleets, and Havana and Cartagena de Indias overtook Santo Domingo as leading centers of trade (Vidal Ortega 2002; Fuente et al. 2008). By the late sixteenth century, sugar production inHispaniola and Puerto Rico had declined significantly while ranching, farming, regional commerce, and in some cases mining came to predominate in colonial Spanish Caribbean economies (Abello Vives and Bassi Arévalo 2006; Giusti-Cordero 2009; Cromwell 2014; Stark 2015). Perhaps the most dramatic event separating the sixteenth century from the seventeenth was the forced depopulation of western Hispaniola in 1604–1606, along with other draconian measures designed to stem unregulated trade and enforce Crown control (Ponce Vázquez 2020). In short, while scholarship on areas settled or seized by northern European powers tends to treat the seventeenth century as a natural chronological starting point, historical analysis of the SpanishCaribbean during the 1600s provides an","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"2 1","pages":"1 - 10"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59733338","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2023.2170553
M. Eagle
ABSTRACT In 1627 and 1628, Francisco de Prada carried out a royal commission to investigate illicit arrivals of slaving voyages to Santo Domingo and San Juan over the previous five years. The witness testimony he gathered during the course of his investigation reveals that—even though Cartagena and Veracruz had become the primary official destinations for enslaved Africans transported to Spanish America—these ports remained closely connected to Portuguese African territories and to regional trade circuits due to periodic emergency entries by slaving vessels using them as alternate entry points to the Spanish Caribbean. While Prada's records obscure the human stories of thousands of enslaved Africans taken to Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, they contain a variety of valuable insights into informal slaving routes and practices in a multinational Caribbean prior to the end of the Portuguese asiento period in 1640.
摘要1627年和1628年，弗朗西斯科·德·普拉达（Francisco de Prada）成立了一个皇家委员会，调查过去五年中圣多明各（Santo Domingo）和圣胡安（San Juan）非法入境的奴隶活动。他在调查过程中收集的证人证词显示，尽管卡塔赫纳和韦拉克鲁斯已成为被奴役的非洲人运往西班牙美洲的主要官方目的地，但由于奴隶船定期紧急进入这些港口，这些港口与葡非领土和地区贸易线路仍保持着密切联系西班牙加勒比海的备用入境点。虽然普拉达的记录掩盖了数千名被奴役的非洲人被带到伊斯帕尼奥拉岛和波多黎各的人类故事，但它们包含了对1640年葡萄牙阿西恩托时期结束前加勒比多国非正式奴隶贩卖路线和做法的各种有价值的见解。
{"title":"Informal entrepôts: witness testimony about slave ship arribadas to Santo Domingo and San Juan in the 1620s","authors":"M. Eagle","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2023.2170553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2023.2170553","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 1627 and 1628, Francisco de Prada carried out a royal commission to investigate illicit arrivals of slaving voyages to Santo Domingo and San Juan over the previous five years. The witness testimony he gathered during the course of his investigation reveals that—even though Cartagena and Veracruz had become the primary official destinations for enslaved Africans transported to Spanish America—these ports remained closely connected to Portuguese African territories and to regional trade circuits due to periodic emergency entries by slaving vessels using them as alternate entry points to the Spanish Caribbean. While Prada's records obscure the human stories of thousands of enslaved Africans taken to Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, they contain a variety of valuable insights into informal slaving routes and practices in a multinational Caribbean prior to the end of the Portuguese asiento period in 1640.","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"32 1","pages":"11 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44626278","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2023.2170562
Elena A. Schneider
Collectively, the pieces in this special issue shed light on the transatlantic African trade routes and transimperial networks of exchange that built Spanish Caribbean societies in the seventeenth century. As in later eras of Caribbean history, the African slave trade was the most powerful engine that drove this imperial boundary crossing. These essays demonstrate the lengths that local Spanish elites would go to in order to procure more enslaved African laborers, as well as the key role that that Africans played, along with Indigenous peoples, in shaping Spanish colonialism in the region. Although the issue focuses on the ‘Spanish Caribbean,’ there is nothing exclusively ‘Spanish’ about it. Treating the era of the Union of the two Crowns of Spain and Portugal (1580–1640) and the periods when the asiento slave-trading contract was in Portuguese, Genoese, and Dutch hands, the authors emphasize the role that Angolan, Portuguese, Dutch, Indigenous, and/or Jewish individuals played in building these Caribbean hubs and networks of exchange. Ambitious local elites in Spanish Caribbean ports leveraged relationships with pirates, slave traders, and foreign merchants in order to broker broader trading networks throughout the region. As the contribution of Moreno Álvarez demonstrates, Cartagena merchants also sought out other sources of capital—including ‘a salvage economy’ of shipwreck diving for Spanish pieces of eight —to break into the transatlantic slave trade when they lost state-sanctioned access to it through Portuguese traders in the 1640s. This new scholarship on the seventeenth-century Caribbean makes an important contribution to our greater understanding of the region. As Altman and Wheat have noted, Caribbean historiography before the eighteenth century is exceedingly thin, or at least it was until this generation of scholars, including those in this special issue, began to publish. But why is the historiography so sparse when, as Wheat and Altman note, scholars of the Spanish Caribbean are ‘blessed (or cursed) with an abundance of extant primary sources, many of which are located in peninsular Spanish archives’? Certainly the technical, paleographic challenges of these sources are considerable. Not every historian has the interest, skill set, or patience to mine these early documents, and doing so requires prodigious intellectual and financial resources that are increasingly scarce in the current landscape of higher education and public humanities. Additionally, the vastness of the sources waiting to be tapped poses problems of its own, given that until very recently the Archive of the Indies in Seville forbade photography and made reproduction
{"title":"Afterword: Looking backwards in time from the eighteenth-century Caribbean and Atlantic world","authors":"Elena A. Schneider","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2023.2170562","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2023.2170562","url":null,"abstract":"Collectively, the pieces in this special issue shed light on the transatlantic African trade routes and transimperial networks of exchange that built Spanish Caribbean societies in the seventeenth century. As in later eras of Caribbean history, the African slave trade was the most powerful engine that drove this imperial boundary crossing. These essays demonstrate the lengths that local Spanish elites would go to in order to procure more enslaved African laborers, as well as the key role that that Africans played, along with Indigenous peoples, in shaping Spanish colonialism in the region. Although the issue focuses on the ‘Spanish Caribbean,’ there is nothing exclusively ‘Spanish’ about it. Treating the era of the Union of the two Crowns of Spain and Portugal (1580–1640) and the periods when the asiento slave-trading contract was in Portuguese, Genoese, and Dutch hands, the authors emphasize the role that Angolan, Portuguese, Dutch, Indigenous, and/or Jewish individuals played in building these Caribbean hubs and networks of exchange. Ambitious local elites in Spanish Caribbean ports leveraged relationships with pirates, slave traders, and foreign merchants in order to broker broader trading networks throughout the region. As the contribution of Moreno Álvarez demonstrates, Cartagena merchants also sought out other sources of capital—including ‘a salvage economy’ of shipwreck diving for Spanish pieces of eight —to break into the transatlantic slave trade when they lost state-sanctioned access to it through Portuguese traders in the 1640s. This new scholarship on the seventeenth-century Caribbean makes an important contribution to our greater understanding of the region. As Altman and Wheat have noted, Caribbean historiography before the eighteenth century is exceedingly thin, or at least it was until this generation of scholars, including those in this special issue, began to publish. But why is the historiography so sparse when, as Wheat and Altman note, scholars of the Spanish Caribbean are ‘blessed (or cursed) with an abundance of extant primary sources, many of which are located in peninsular Spanish archives’? Certainly the technical, paleographic challenges of these sources are considerable. Not every historian has the interest, skill set, or patience to mine these early documents, and doing so requires prodigious intellectual and financial resources that are increasingly scarce in the current landscape of higher education and public humanities. Additionally, the vastness of the sources waiting to be tapped poses problems of its own, given that until very recently the Archive of the Indies in Seville forbade photography and made reproduction","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"32 1","pages":"97 - 101"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42334167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2023.2170557
Juan José Ponce Vázquez
ABSTRACT In November 1682 the Dutch pirate Nicholas Van Hoorn entered the port of Santo Domingo. He left behind a path of robberies in Spain and attacks on ships of every nationality in West Africa for which English and Dutch authorities sought to prosecute him. The events that transpired during Van Hoorn's visit to Hispaniola reveal that European diplomatic alliances meant little in places where local groups had co-opted the Spanish bureaucracy under their own control and patronage. Local interests used their political influence to maneuver the Spanish administration and to serve their own goals, thus upending Spanish (and by extension, European) diplomatic arrangements. The sack of Veracruz in 1683 was in part the consequence of these actions, showing a worst-case scenario of the impact that events in the Spanish Caribbean borderlands had on the functioning of imperial systems. This article thus seeks to encourage a reevaluation of the relevance of Spanish Caribbean in the functioning of the Spanish colonial system beyond their traditional categorization as marginal enclaves.
{"title":"Smugglers, pirates, diplomacy, and the Spanish Caribbean in the late seventeenth century","authors":"Juan José Ponce Vázquez","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2023.2170557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2023.2170557","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In November 1682 the Dutch pirate Nicholas Van Hoorn entered the port of Santo Domingo. He left behind a path of robberies in Spain and attacks on ships of every nationality in West Africa for which English and Dutch authorities sought to prosecute him. The events that transpired during Van Hoorn's visit to Hispaniola reveal that European diplomatic alliances meant little in places where local groups had co-opted the Spanish bureaucracy under their own control and patronage. Local interests used their political influence to maneuver the Spanish administration and to serve their own goals, thus upending Spanish (and by extension, European) diplomatic arrangements. The sack of Veracruz in 1683 was in part the consequence of these actions, showing a worst-case scenario of the impact that events in the Spanish Caribbean borderlands had on the functioning of imperial systems. This article thus seeks to encourage a reevaluation of the relevance of Spanish Caribbean in the functioning of the Spanish colonial system beyond their traditional categorization as marginal enclaves.","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"32 1","pages":"54 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44340952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2023.2170560
Oren Okhovat
ABSTRACT Traditional studies of the seventeenth-century Atlantic world often describe it in terms of discreet imperial territories governed by distinct imperial systems. This study joins recent scholarship that has observed how the Atlantic and, more specifically, the Caribbean remained an entangled space rooted in the regional trade of both basic and lucrative commodities. This paper examines how Portuguese Jewish merchants in Curaçao helped facilitate mutually beneficial economic relationships between Spanish and Dutch ports that functioned independently of grander imperial designs. These relationships reveal that Portuguese Jewish, Spanish Catholic, and Dutch Protestant actors in the Caribbean could be flexible in their attitudes towards religious ‘others.’ The transfer of both goods and people (free and enslaved) across imperial borders in the Caribbean thus relied on a culture of pragmatic tolerance (but not necessarily acceptance) adopted by such diverse actors as Spanish and Dutch governors,asiento factors, and local and foreign merchants.
{"title":"Portuguese Jews and Dutch Spaniards: cultural fluidity and economic pragmatism in the early modern Caribbean","authors":"Oren Okhovat","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2023.2170560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2023.2170560","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Traditional studies of the seventeenth-century Atlantic world often describe it in terms of discreet imperial territories governed by distinct imperial systems. This study joins recent scholarship that has observed how the Atlantic and, more specifically, the Caribbean remained an entangled space rooted in the regional trade of both basic and lucrative commodities. This paper examines how Portuguese Jewish merchants in Curaçao helped facilitate mutually beneficial economic relationships between Spanish and Dutch ports that functioned independently of grander imperial designs. These relationships reveal that Portuguese Jewish, Spanish Catholic, and Dutch Protestant actors in the Caribbean could be flexible in their attitudes towards religious ‘others.’ The transfer of both goods and people (free and enslaved) across imperial borders in the Caribbean thus relied on a culture of pragmatic tolerance (but not necessarily acceptance) adopted by such diverse actors as Spanish and Dutch governors,asiento factors, and local and foreign merchants.","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"32 1","pages":"74 - 96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46220461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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