Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147728
Alexandre Coello de la Rosa
{"title":"Writing the New World: the politics of natural history in the early Spanish empire","authors":"Alexandre Coello de la Rosa","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147728","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147728","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"617 - 618"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49358471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147729
Ralph Bauer
García (CSIC) and Fermín del Pino (CSIC), who have extensively worked on Francisco Hernández and José de Acosta’s texts, respectively. By exploring early modern naturalists and missionary nature writing, Caraccioli wants to debunk the widespread misconception that portrays the Spanish empire as a largely marginal feature of modernity. Other historians, notably Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra (2006) and Irene Silverblatt (2004), have largely insisted on the colonial Iberian roots of Western modernity. However, what modernity means here remains a mystery. How does early modern globalization—what Serge Gruzinski defined as désenclavement planétaire (Paris, 2004)—fit into this imperial legacy?Was this Iberian modernity of the same kind of the Enlightened modernity? I would clearly say no, but when Caraccioli poses that the metanarrative of Scientific Revolution has to do with matters of faith as much as politics, he refers to the writings of Spanish naturalists and missionaries, notably Acosta, as contributing to the Enlightened, capitalist, and industrialized modernity. In my opinion, this book would have benefitted from the reading of the influential Arndt Brendecke’s The empirical empire: Spanish colonial rule and the politics of knowledge (De Gruyter, 2016), which analyzes the relationship between the use of knowledge and colonial domination on the basis of two fundamental premises: on the one hand, that the expansion of European colonialism favored the culture of modern empirical knowledge; and on the other, that the organization and concentration of this same knowledge was indispensable to consolidate the practices of domination and administration that Spain and Portugal put into practice from the sixteenth century onward. Finally, upon unraveling the historiographical prejudice that considers Spain as the opposite side of the Anglo-Saxon, German and French modernity, Caraccioli ironically prioritizes scholarship in English rather than in Spanish, which is shocking in the cases of Fernández de Oviedo and José de Acosta. In addition, this book draws a line of continuity that makes nature not just the setting, as he claims, but the means through which imperial projects developed from the sixteenth century onwards. However, in doing so, he falls into another (Eurocentric) fallacy, which is to make the Enlightenment into the goal of universal history to which all mankind must attain. The problem lies not in neglecting the history of Amerindian peoples who suffered colonial oppression but other forms of historical consciousness. As Caraccioli remarks, Iberian imperialism should be included into a broader conception ofWestern modernity: one that, let us not forget, is based on economic liberalism.
García (CSIC)和Fermín del Pino (CSIC)，他们分别对Francisco Hernández和josise de Acosta的文本进行了广泛的研究。通过探索早期现代博物学家和传教士的自然写作，卡拉乔利想要揭穿一种普遍的误解，即把西班牙帝国描绘成现代性的一个主要边缘特征。其他历史学家，特别是Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra(2006)和Irene Silverblatt(2004)，在很大程度上坚持西方现代性的殖民伊比利亚根源。然而，现代性在这里意味着什么仍然是个谜。早期的现代全球化——谢尔盖·格鲁津斯基将其定义为“dsamsenclavement planetaire”(巴黎，2004)——如何与帝国的遗产相适应?伊比利亚的现代性与开明的现代性是同一种吗?我肯定会说不，但当卡拉乔利提出《科学革命》的元叙事既与政治有关，也与信仰有关时，他提到了西班牙博物学家和传教士的著作，尤其是阿科斯塔，他们对开明的、资本主义的和工业化的现代性做出了贡献。在我看来，这本书会受益于有影响力的Arndt Brendecke的《经验帝国:西班牙殖民统治和知识政治》(De Gruyter, 2016)，它在两个基本前提的基础上分析了知识的使用与殖民统治之间的关系:一方面，欧洲殖民主义的扩张有利于现代经验知识的文化;另一方面，这些知识的组织和集中对于巩固西班牙和葡萄牙从16世纪开始实施的统治和管理实践是必不可少的。最后，在揭示将西班牙视为盎格鲁-撒克逊、德国和法国现代性的对立面的史学偏见之后，Caraccioli讽刺地优先考虑英语而不是西班牙语的学术，这在Fernández de Oviedo和jos de Acosta的案例中令人震惊。此外，这本书画了一条连续性的线，使自然不仅仅是他所说的背景，而是从16世纪开始帝国计划发展的手段。然而，在这样做的过程中，他陷入了另一个(以欧洲为中心的)谬误，即把启蒙运动变成全人类必须达到的普遍历史目标。问题不在于忽视遭受殖民压迫的美洲印第安人的历史，而在于忽视其他形式的历史意识。正如Caraccioli所说，伊比利亚帝国主义应该被纳入一个更广泛的西方现代性概念:让我们不要忘记，这是一个基于经济自由主义的概念。
{"title":"Hernando Colón’s new world of books: toward a cartography of knowledge","authors":"Ralph Bauer","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147729","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147729","url":null,"abstract":"García (CSIC) and Fermín del Pino (CSIC), who have extensively worked on Francisco Hernández and José de Acosta’s texts, respectively. By exploring early modern naturalists and missionary nature writing, Caraccioli wants to debunk the widespread misconception that portrays the Spanish empire as a largely marginal feature of modernity. Other historians, notably Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra (2006) and Irene Silverblatt (2004), have largely insisted on the colonial Iberian roots of Western modernity. However, what modernity means here remains a mystery. How does early modern globalization—what Serge Gruzinski defined as désenclavement planétaire (Paris, 2004)—fit into this imperial legacy?Was this Iberian modernity of the same kind of the Enlightened modernity? I would clearly say no, but when Caraccioli poses that the metanarrative of Scientific Revolution has to do with matters of faith as much as politics, he refers to the writings of Spanish naturalists and missionaries, notably Acosta, as contributing to the Enlightened, capitalist, and industrialized modernity. In my opinion, this book would have benefitted from the reading of the influential Arndt Brendecke’s The empirical empire: Spanish colonial rule and the politics of knowledge (De Gruyter, 2016), which analyzes the relationship between the use of knowledge and colonial domination on the basis of two fundamental premises: on the one hand, that the expansion of European colonialism favored the culture of modern empirical knowledge; and on the other, that the organization and concentration of this same knowledge was indispensable to consolidate the practices of domination and administration that Spain and Portugal put into practice from the sixteenth century onward. Finally, upon unraveling the historiographical prejudice that considers Spain as the opposite side of the Anglo-Saxon, German and French modernity, Caraccioli ironically prioritizes scholarship in English rather than in Spanish, which is shocking in the cases of Fernández de Oviedo and José de Acosta. In addition, this book draws a line of continuity that makes nature not just the setting, as he claims, but the means through which imperial projects developed from the sixteenth century onwards. However, in doing so, he falls into another (Eurocentric) fallacy, which is to make the Enlightenment into the goal of universal history to which all mankind must attain. The problem lies not in neglecting the history of Amerindian peoples who suffered colonial oppression but other forms of historical consciousness. As Caraccioli remarks, Iberian imperialism should be included into a broader conception ofWestern modernity: one that, let us not forget, is based on economic liberalism.","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"618 - 620"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41389281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147314
Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros
Studies focused on communities and peoples marginalized in the past often must contend with their erasure both in archives and in the material record, and run the risk of reproducing those erasures in the present. Such is the case of maritime communities in South America under Spanish colonial rule. Fishing folks in southern Peru are very di ffi cult to ‘ locate ’ whether one looks to documentary sources, oral histories, or archaeological remains. Not only is the historiography scarce and in many cases quite old, but archaeological research has largely failed to connect documentary data with the material record. Indeed, I argue that the invisibilization of maritime communities since the Spanish invasion has remained an epistemological constant and that modern researchers, as heirs of colonial ideologies and structures, have largely replicated many of the same biases imposed during Spanish colonial rule. In other words, the invisibilization of maritime communities and the erasure of their material and documentary archives is not something of the past, but very much a fact of the present. Furthermore, some of the most remarkable objects that these fi shing communities used are largely unknown, except for a few examples held in museums, yet another expression of the rele-gation of these communities
{"title":"The making of invisibility: colonialism and multiple erasures along the southern Peruvian shores","authors":"Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147314","url":null,"abstract":"Studies focused on communities and peoples marginalized in the past often must contend with their erasure both in archives and in the material record, and run the risk of reproducing those erasures in the present. Such is the case of maritime communities in South America under Spanish colonial rule. Fishing folks in southern Peru are very di ffi cult to ‘ locate ’ whether one looks to documentary sources, oral histories, or archaeological remains. Not only is the historiography scarce and in many cases quite old, but archaeological research has largely failed to connect documentary data with the material record. Indeed, I argue that the invisibilization of maritime communities since the Spanish invasion has remained an epistemological constant and that modern researchers, as heirs of colonial ideologies and structures, have largely replicated many of the same biases imposed during Spanish colonial rule. In other words, the invisibilization of maritime communities and the erasure of their material and documentary archives is not something of the past, but very much a fact of the present. Furthermore, some of the most remarkable objects that these fi shing communities used are largely unknown, except for a few examples held in museums, yet another expression of the rele-gation of these communities","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"607 - 616"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42075052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147731
Mark Z. Christensen
{"title":"Indigenous life after the conquest: the De la Cruz family papers of colonial Mexico","authors":"Mark Z. Christensen","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147731","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147731","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"622 - 623"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42359949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147305
Trilce Laske
La mañana del 5 de noviembre de 1692, el jesuita y profesor de prima Diego Marín presidía en su colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo las conclusiones de teología de un alumno suyo, Alonso de Fernández. Anunciado públicamente en México desde hacía varios días, el acto versaba sobre un tema polémico, que dividía a dominicos y jesuitas desde mucho tiempo: la gracia divina y su relación con el libre albedrío. Apenas dos años antes, en diciembre de 1690, los inquisidores capitalinos habían prohibido no obstante al profesor jesuita, como consecuencia de una queja presentada por dos dignatarios del Orden de Santo Domingo, tratar en público de la materia. Presente en la sala, el dominico y maestro de teología del colegio de Porta-Coeli, Miguel de Aguirre, solicitó pues la palabra al concluir el joven Fernández su exposición para dirigirse al presidente del acto. Ante la concurrencia de eruditos y autoridades clericales, el dominico acusó abiertamente a Diego Marín de infringir una directiva del Santo Oficio. Inesperada, su interrupción alteró a los asistentes. Después de un momento de sorpresa, Marín replicó calificando con ironía a su contradictor de comisario inquisitorial. Finalmente, entre el bullicio, el acto pudo reanudarse. A la mañana siguiente, el 6 de noviembre, tanto Marín como Aguirre se desplazaron no obstante a las oficinas del Santo Oficio para denunciarse mutuamente, uno por usurpar el papel de los funcionarios del tribunal y otro por infringir la interdicción inquisitorial respecto al de auxiliis. Además de su imputación, Diego Marín manifestó a los inquisidores su frustración por no poder tratar el tema y por la amplitud de su oposición a las doctrinas dominicas:
1692年11月5日上午，耶稣会士兼校长迭戈marin在他的圣佩德罗和圣巴勃罗学院主持了他的学生阿隆索·德·fernandez的神学结论。几天前，该法案在墨西哥公开宣布，涉及一个长期困扰多米尼加人和耶稣会士的有争议的问题:神的恩典及其与自由意志的关系。就在两年前，也就是1690年12月，在圣多明各教团的两位要人提出申诉后，首都的宗教裁判所禁止这位耶稣会教授公开讨论此事。多米尼加人、波塔-科埃利学院神学教授米格尔·德·阿吉雷(Miguel de Aguirre)出席了会议，在年轻的fernandez结束他的演讲后，他要求发言，并向活动的总统发表讲话。在学者和神职人员的出席下，多米尼加人公开指责迭戈marin违反了神圣办公室的指示。出乎意料的是，他的打断打断了与会者。“我不知道，”他说，“我不知道，”他说，“我不知道。”最后，在喧嚣中，行动得以继续。第二天早上，也就是11月6日，马林和阿吉雷都去了神圣办公室的办公室，互相谴责，一个是篡夺了法庭官员的角色，另一个是违反了关于辅助的调查禁令。除了他的指控，迭戈marin向审判官表达了他对未能处理这个问题和他对多明尼加教义的广泛反对的失望:
{"title":"Un catedrático combativo en la Nueva España: el jesuita Diego Marín de Alcázar (1639–1708)","authors":"Trilce Laske","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147305","url":null,"abstract":"La mañana del 5 de noviembre de 1692, el jesuita y profesor de prima Diego Marín presidía en su colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo las conclusiones de teología de un alumno suyo, Alonso de Fernández. Anunciado públicamente en México desde hacía varios días, el acto versaba sobre un tema polémico, que dividía a dominicos y jesuitas desde mucho tiempo: la gracia divina y su relación con el libre albedrío. Apenas dos años antes, en diciembre de 1690, los inquisidores capitalinos habían prohibido no obstante al profesor jesuita, como consecuencia de una queja presentada por dos dignatarios del Orden de Santo Domingo, tratar en público de la materia. Presente en la sala, el dominico y maestro de teología del colegio de Porta-Coeli, Miguel de Aguirre, solicitó pues la palabra al concluir el joven Fernández su exposición para dirigirse al presidente del acto. Ante la concurrencia de eruditos y autoridades clericales, el dominico acusó abiertamente a Diego Marín de infringir una directiva del Santo Oficio. Inesperada, su interrupción alteró a los asistentes. Después de un momento de sorpresa, Marín replicó calificando con ironía a su contradictor de comisario inquisitorial. Finalmente, entre el bullicio, el acto pudo reanudarse. A la mañana siguiente, el 6 de noviembre, tanto Marín como Aguirre se desplazaron no obstante a las oficinas del Santo Oficio para denunciarse mutuamente, uno por usurpar el papel de los funcionarios del tribunal y otro por infringir la interdicción inquisitorial respecto al de auxiliis. Además de su imputación, Diego Marín manifestó a los inquisidores su frustración por no poder tratar el tema y por la amplitud de su oposición a las doctrinas dominicas:","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"504 - 525"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43573241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147307
Tania Lizeth García-Piña
In 1531, three Indigenous men from Huexotzingo, a town about 100 km east of Mexico City, testified in a contentious trial. The witnesses, Baltasar, Lucas Tamaueltetle, and Esteban Tochel, found themselves amid a conflict between Spanish conquistador Hernán Cortés and three former members of Mexico’s Primera Audiencia (First High Court), judges Juan Ortíz de Matienzo, Diego Delgadillo, and president Nuño Beltran de Guzmán, also a conquistador. Cortés claimed that the former officials had unlawfully demanded tribute payments and services from Huexotzingo, one of his encomienda claims. A two-year legal battle ensued, yielding what is known today as the Huexotzinco Codex. It consists of eight plates (láminas) on native paper (amatl) with pictographic writing, plus a 79-folio manuscript on European paper. At first sight, the Huexotzinco Codex is the simple product of a legal dispute between rival colonizing factions, treating an Indigenous altepetl (city-state or town) as a mere pawn. However, upon closer examination, the depositions by Huexotzingo’s principales (noblemen) Baltasar and Lucas Tamaueltetle, and that of Esteban Tochel, a macehual (commoner), confirmed Cortés’s accusations. In addition to general mistreatment of the Huexotzinca, the three men accused the ex-judges of demanding material resources and manual labor from the altepetl for the construction of their private residences, along with the Dominican monastery, in Mexico City. Yet what stands out amid their declarations are lengthy and detailed accounts of the human and material resources demanded by Nuño de Guzmán for his 1529–1531 conquest expedition to northwestern Mexico, the future Kingdom of New Galicia. Among the exactions were a horse to transport a Huexotzinca leader to the war front, a military banner depicting a Madonna with Child adorned with gold and feathers, and hundreds of men readied for battle. As supporting evidence, a group of principales presented eight images on amatl depicting the requisitioned items. The images were produced between 1529 and 1531 by unknown tlacuilos (painters/writers). This article centers Indigenous experiences and voices present in the Huexotzinco Codex. It follows a key principle in the field of Native American and Indigenous Studies: that scholarship about Indigenous subjects in historical sources must bring to light narratives emphasizing Native knowledge and agency, particularly in colonial
{"title":"‘They no longer belonged to the governor, but to the king’: the politics of being in the Huexotzinco Codex","authors":"Tania Lizeth García-Piña","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147307","url":null,"abstract":"In 1531, three Indigenous men from Huexotzingo, a town about 100 km east of Mexico City, testified in a contentious trial. The witnesses, Baltasar, Lucas Tamaueltetle, and Esteban Tochel, found themselves amid a conflict between Spanish conquistador Hernán Cortés and three former members of Mexico’s Primera Audiencia (First High Court), judges Juan Ortíz de Matienzo, Diego Delgadillo, and president Nuño Beltran de Guzmán, also a conquistador. Cortés claimed that the former officials had unlawfully demanded tribute payments and services from Huexotzingo, one of his encomienda claims. A two-year legal battle ensued, yielding what is known today as the Huexotzinco Codex. It consists of eight plates (láminas) on native paper (amatl) with pictographic writing, plus a 79-folio manuscript on European paper. At first sight, the Huexotzinco Codex is the simple product of a legal dispute between rival colonizing factions, treating an Indigenous altepetl (city-state or town) as a mere pawn. However, upon closer examination, the depositions by Huexotzingo’s principales (noblemen) Baltasar and Lucas Tamaueltetle, and that of Esteban Tochel, a macehual (commoner), confirmed Cortés’s accusations. In addition to general mistreatment of the Huexotzinca, the three men accused the ex-judges of demanding material resources and manual labor from the altepetl for the construction of their private residences, along with the Dominican monastery, in Mexico City. Yet what stands out amid their declarations are lengthy and detailed accounts of the human and material resources demanded by Nuño de Guzmán for his 1529–1531 conquest expedition to northwestern Mexico, the future Kingdom of New Galicia. Among the exactions were a horse to transport a Huexotzinca leader to the war front, a military banner depicting a Madonna with Child adorned with gold and feathers, and hundreds of men readied for battle. As supporting evidence, a group of principales presented eight images on amatl depicting the requisitioned items. The images were produced between 1529 and 1531 by unknown tlacuilos (painters/writers). This article centers Indigenous experiences and voices present in the Huexotzinco Codex. It follows a key principle in the field of Native American and Indigenous Studies: that scholarship about Indigenous subjects in historical sources must bring to light narratives emphasizing Native knowledge and agency, particularly in colonial","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"526 - 548"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49490240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147733
M. Olsen
{"title":"Spanish New Orleans: an imperial city on the American periphery, 1766–1803","authors":"M. Olsen","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147733","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147733","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"625 - 626"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47780481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147303
R. Montero, L. G. Oliveto
Este trabajo explora el contraste entre lo que se ha propuesto historiográficamente como un ‘mundo creado’ a partir de las visitas de indios, y lo que pudo ser un ‘mundo hallado,’ es decir, información que esas visitas tenían sobre un mundo social heterogéneo y, por cierto, filtrado por la lente de los funcionarios coloniales (Guevara Gil y Salomon 1996). Lo hacemos a partir de una fuente excepcional por su cobertura geográfica y la calidad de sus padrones: la Numeración General ordenada por el virrey duque de La Palata y realizada entre 1683 y 1685. Con el objetivo de diferenciar esos dos mundos, en este artículo nos detenemos en los aspectos performativos y rituales de la Numeración, centrales para el análisis del ‘mundo hallado,’ es decir, de un mundo social que no necesariamente se ajustaba a los criterios (o deseos) de los funcionarios coloniales involucrados en su realización. Las visitas fueron instrumentos administrativos de control, incorporadas al derecho castellano y de origen eclesiástico. En las Cortes de Toro en 1371 se reglamentó su utilización para la auditoría de los oficiales reales, del funcionamiento de determinadas instituciones o de asuntos específicos de la corona en una jurisdicción concreta en España. Estas visitas formaron parte del conjunto de instituciones que —con sus reformulaciones— se trasladaron a América. En términos generales las visitas coloniales realizadas en el Virreinato del Perú fueron inspecciones ordenadas por la corona a sus territorios, que se hacían especialmente en momentos o en circunstancias de problemas o disputas. Nos enfocamos particularmente en un tipo específico, las ‘de indios’ también llamadas ‘de la tierra’ o ‘numeración.’ Estas podían ser generales si se inspeccionaba la totalidad de una jurisdicción o parciales si se visitaba un territorio más acotado como un corregimiento, un repartimiento o una encomienda (Zagalsky 2009). Examinamos el conjunto de documentos que compone y se agrega a los padrones de la Numeración, circunscriptos a la jurisdicción de Charcas. Su realización fue el paso fundamental que dio el virrey La Palata en el cumplimiento de lo que consideró la más importante orden que había recibido del rey Carlos II, a saber, aumentar la cantidad de mitayos que cumplían sus turnos en Potosí, tal como lo pedían desde hacía más de 50 años los mineros nucleados en el gremio de azogueros de la Villa Imperial (La Palata 1859, 237). Los españoles argumentaban que la baja del rendimiento del metal les impedía contratar la cantidad suficiente de trabajadores indígenas libres (mingas) por lo que solicitaban constantemente a la corona el incremento de mano de obra
{"title":"La creación —fallida— de un mundo fiscal. Charcas (actual Bolivia) 1683–1689","authors":"R. Montero, L. G. Oliveto","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147303","url":null,"abstract":"Este trabajo explora el contraste entre lo que se ha propuesto historiográficamente como un ‘mundo creado’ a partir de las visitas de indios, y lo que pudo ser un ‘mundo hallado,’ es decir, información que esas visitas tenían sobre un mundo social heterogéneo y, por cierto, filtrado por la lente de los funcionarios coloniales (Guevara Gil y Salomon 1996). Lo hacemos a partir de una fuente excepcional por su cobertura geográfica y la calidad de sus padrones: la Numeración General ordenada por el virrey duque de La Palata y realizada entre 1683 y 1685. Con el objetivo de diferenciar esos dos mundos, en este artículo nos detenemos en los aspectos performativos y rituales de la Numeración, centrales para el análisis del ‘mundo hallado,’ es decir, de un mundo social que no necesariamente se ajustaba a los criterios (o deseos) de los funcionarios coloniales involucrados en su realización. Las visitas fueron instrumentos administrativos de control, incorporadas al derecho castellano y de origen eclesiástico. En las Cortes de Toro en 1371 se reglamentó su utilización para la auditoría de los oficiales reales, del funcionamiento de determinadas instituciones o de asuntos específicos de la corona en una jurisdicción concreta en España. Estas visitas formaron parte del conjunto de instituciones que —con sus reformulaciones— se trasladaron a América. En términos generales las visitas coloniales realizadas en el Virreinato del Perú fueron inspecciones ordenadas por la corona a sus territorios, que se hacían especialmente en momentos o en circunstancias de problemas o disputas. Nos enfocamos particularmente en un tipo específico, las ‘de indios’ también llamadas ‘de la tierra’ o ‘numeración.’ Estas podían ser generales si se inspeccionaba la totalidad de una jurisdicción o parciales si se visitaba un territorio más acotado como un corregimiento, un repartimiento o una encomienda (Zagalsky 2009). Examinamos el conjunto de documentos que compone y se agrega a los padrones de la Numeración, circunscriptos a la jurisdicción de Charcas. Su realización fue el paso fundamental que dio el virrey La Palata en el cumplimiento de lo que consideró la más importante orden que había recibido del rey Carlos II, a saber, aumentar la cantidad de mitayos que cumplían sus turnos en Potosí, tal como lo pedían desde hacía más de 50 años los mineros nucleados en el gremio de azogueros de la Villa Imperial (La Palata 1859, 237). Los españoles argumentaban que la baja del rendimiento del metal les impedía contratar la cantidad suficiente de trabajadores indígenas libres (mingas) por lo que solicitaban constantemente a la corona el incremento de mano de obra","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"479 - 503"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49666187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147732
M. Henrique
style of record-keeping around the time he became governor, with his posterity continuing and strengthening this preference. Throughout the book, the De la Cruz family emphasizes their role in supporting the community—particularly financially—thus continuing responsibilities and duties bestowed upon Indigenous rulers long before Spanish contact. Indeed, the book’s preservation within the family generation after generation speaks to the importance the family gave to remembering the past, the community, and their role in sustaining it. The other four documents—a tribute notebook and parish records and two wills pertaining to the family—all complement each other to tell a story of Indigenous life in Tepemaxalco and the surrounding region, and how ‘the more things change, the more they stay the same’ (43). Indeed, although Spanish colonialism brought livestock, Catholicism, and new tribute quotas, maize farming continued its importance; the local community took ownership of the church, its finances, adornment, and impact, with individuals determining which saints became treasured and honored household images; and the local elite shouldered the responsibility to ensure tribute quotas were met while fulfilling their traditional reciprocal roles, even making up any shortage in the accounts. In the end, the documents illustrate how Spanish government, society, economy, and religion came to the Toluca Valley, and how the De la Cruz family and others engaged such change through traditional avenues that allowed for adaptation not capitulation. Although the book offers myriad insights from gender roles to old rivalries between communities, one that leaps from the pages is the support and devotion the De la Cruz family gave the local church. In fact, don Pedro was an organist, and over the generations he and his descendants gave thousands of pesos in financial donations to the church, enabling not only upkeep and repairs, but also new construction and the purchase of various items that often favored musical instruments, including an organ and a music score. Indigenous agency shines throughout the work while the translations allow an English-reading audience access to the everyday affairs of Tepemaxalco. Moreover, the authors present their insights and analysis in a warm and welcoming prose that invites readers read on as they come to understand how the De la Cruz family helped ‘preserve traditions and buildings that remain at the core of the identity of the place still today’ (136).
{"title":"Contact strategies: histories of native autonomy in Brazil","authors":"M. Henrique","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147732","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147732","url":null,"abstract":"style of record-keeping around the time he became governor, with his posterity continuing and strengthening this preference. Throughout the book, the De la Cruz family emphasizes their role in supporting the community—particularly financially—thus continuing responsibilities and duties bestowed upon Indigenous rulers long before Spanish contact. Indeed, the book’s preservation within the family generation after generation speaks to the importance the family gave to remembering the past, the community, and their role in sustaining it. The other four documents—a tribute notebook and parish records and two wills pertaining to the family—all complement each other to tell a story of Indigenous life in Tepemaxalco and the surrounding region, and how ‘the more things change, the more they stay the same’ (43). Indeed, although Spanish colonialism brought livestock, Catholicism, and new tribute quotas, maize farming continued its importance; the local community took ownership of the church, its finances, adornment, and impact, with individuals determining which saints became treasured and honored household images; and the local elite shouldered the responsibility to ensure tribute quotas were met while fulfilling their traditional reciprocal roles, even making up any shortage in the accounts. In the end, the documents illustrate how Spanish government, society, economy, and religion came to the Toluca Valley, and how the De la Cruz family and others engaged such change through traditional avenues that allowed for adaptation not capitulation. Although the book offers myriad insights from gender roles to old rivalries between communities, one that leaps from the pages is the support and devotion the De la Cruz family gave the local church. In fact, don Pedro was an organist, and over the generations he and his descendants gave thousands of pesos in financial donations to the church, enabling not only upkeep and repairs, but also new construction and the purchase of various items that often favored musical instruments, including an organ and a music score. Indigenous agency shines throughout the work while the translations allow an English-reading audience access to the everyday affairs of Tepemaxalco. Moreover, the authors present their insights and analysis in a warm and welcoming prose that invites readers read on as they come to understand how the De la Cruz family helped ‘preserve traditions and buildings that remain at the core of the identity of the place still today’ (136).","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"623 - 625"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44826586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147312
Lúcio Menezes Ferreira
Afro-Brazilian archaeology has the potential to bear fruitful results for advancing our knowledge about the environmental and material histories of Latin America
非裔巴西考古有可能在提高我们对拉丁美洲环境和物质历史的认识方面取得丰硕成果
{"title":"Ancestral technologies: Afro-Brazilian archaeology and its contributions to the material history of Latin America","authors":"Lúcio Menezes Ferreira","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147312","url":null,"abstract":"Afro-Brazilian archaeology has the potential to bear fruitful results for advancing our knowledge about the environmental and material histories of Latin America","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"599 - 606"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44397714","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：