Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147308
María Bárbara Zepeda Cortés
The Anglo-Spanish war of 1779–1783 within the context of the American Revolution challenged New Spain more intensely than previous imperial wars. As never before, the Spanish Crown pressured its wealthiest viceroyalty to financially support the war effort. The rule of interim viceroy Martín de Mayorga coincides with those critical years, but another figure, Pedro Antonio de Cossío, was the person in charge of controlling New Spain’s finances. Cossío’s brief tenure as superintendente de real hacienda (superintendent of the royal treasury) was anomalous in many senses and, for that reason, historians have misunderstood it. First, the Crown justified his tenure as a war emergency measure, but his appointment was a direct assault on the viceregal office as it dispossessed the incumbent viceroy from all his administrative economic powers. Cossío effectively displaced Mayorga as the main decision maker in the viceroyalty. Second, his position was secret, known only to four persons, including Cossío. To mask his covert office, the Crown appointed him publicly to the posts of intendente del ejército (army intendant) and secretary to the viceroy. Third, in addition to being an experienced royal official, Cossío was a rich transatlantic merchant. His contemporaries observed how a businessman now had equal or more power than the viceroy and began to denounce him as a corrupt despot. The perceived erasure of a line between the public and the private at such a high level of government led to Cossío’s political disgrace through a series of scandals and coordinated attacks from Bourbon reformers like him who accused him of favoritism toward his paisanos (fellow countrymen) and of creating a state-run monopoly of wheat trade that benefitted his family’s merchant house. His abrupt fall from power did not matter to the Crown, however, because the merchant-bureaucrat had served his purpose. While in power, the ruthlessly efficient Cossío orchestrated the collection and shipment out of the viceroyalty of tens of millions of silver pesos that sealed Britain’s military defeat in 1783. Moreover, at a time of great social discontent in Spanish America, Cossío had forced economic growth and drained the viceroyalty’s finances without provoking popular upheavals. Cossío’s virtual rule of New Spain has not entirely eluded the eye of historians, but his fall from power has served as a distraction for scholars who rush to dismiss his administrative role in the 1779–1783 period as merely an aberration. He is judged as ‘talented but erratic’ (Deans-Smith 1992, 83); inflexible, rude, and psychologically impaired to do
在美国独立战争的背景下，1779年至1783年的英西战争对新西班牙的挑战比以往的帝国战争更强烈。西班牙王室前所未有地向其最富有的总督施压，要求他们在财政上支持战争。临时总督Martín de Mayorga的统治与那些关键年份相吻合，但另一个人物Pedro Antonio de Cossío负责控制新西班牙的财政。Cossío作为皇家财政主管的短暂任期在很多方面都是不寻常的，因此，历史学家对其产生了误解。首先，国王将他的任期正当化为战争紧急措施，但他的任命是对总督办公室的直接攻击，因为它剥夺了现任总督的所有行政经济权力。Cossío有效地取代了马约尔加成为总督辖区的主要决策者。其次，他的职位是秘密的，只有四个人知道，包括Cossío。为了掩饰他的秘密职务，国王公开任命他为陆军司令和总督秘书。第三，Cossío除了是一位经验丰富的皇室官员外，还是一位富有的跨大西洋商人。他的同代人注意到一个商人现在拥有与总督相等甚至更多的权力，并开始谴责他是一个腐败的暴君。在如此高层的政府中，公共和私人之间的界限被抹去，这导致Cossío在政治上的耻辱，因为一系列的丑闻和波旁派改革者(如他)的协同攻击，他们指责他偏袒他的同胞，并创造了一个国家垄断的小麦贸易，使他的家族商人受益。然而，他的突然下台对王室来说并不重要，因为这位商人官僚已经达到了他的目的。在掌权期间，冷酷高效的Cossío精心策划了数千万银币的收集和运出总督府，这导致了1783年英国的军事失败。此外，在西属美洲社会极度不满的时期，Cossío在没有引发民众动荡的情况下，推动了经济增长，榨干了总督的财政。Cossío对新西班牙的实际统治并没有完全躲过历史学家的目光，但他的下台分散了学者们的注意力，他们急于将他在1779年至1783年期间的行政角色视为一种失常。他被评价为“有天赋但不稳定”(迪恩-史密斯1992,83);顽固的，粗鲁的，心理上有缺陷的
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147311
Brendan J. M. Weaver
The tendency toward material-focused history is not a recent turn in any discipline. Cer-tainly, the concern for multiple lines of material evidence for approximating the past has been the central drive for historical archaeology since the 1960s, especially in North America (e.g
{"title":"Reflections on ‘material histories’ and the archaeology of slavery in Peru","authors":"Brendan J. M. Weaver","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147311","url":null,"abstract":"The tendency toward material-focused history is not a recent turn in any discipline. Cer-tainly, the concern for multiple lines of material evidence for approximating the past has been the central drive for historical archaeology since the 1960s, especially in North America (e.g","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"591 - 598"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45258743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147730
Sean F. McEnroe
methods that Hernando employed in ordering his collection that the authors reconstruct from his bibliographic records, most notably the Registrum A or Memorial de los libros naufragados, a catalogue of the more than 1,500 books that he had sent back to Spain via ship during his shopping spree through Germany, the Netherlands, and Italy but were lost at sea. Chapter Five tells the fate of the library after Hernando’s death, when it was moved out of the villa, first to the Dominican convent of San Pablo and then, in 1557 to the Biblioteca Capitular in the Cathedral of Seville, where it remains to this day. For the most part, it’s a rather melancholy story about the gradual loss of approximately half of the collection due to theft, neglect, and abuse before it was placed under the guardianship of the Fundación Capitular Colombina, newly created by the archdiocese of Seville and the Cathedral Chapter in 1991. The book concludes with five appendices of extremely useful primary documents, translated into English, including the Memoria by Juan Pérez, one of Hernando’s librarians and steward of the library after his death; Hernando’s will as well as a proposal to King Ferdinand for an expedition of circumnavigation; his appointment at the Casa de Contratación; and his Memorial al Emperador. Overall, this meticulously researched and very readable book makes an important contribution to early modern studies, as well as to the history of knowledge and information technology more broadly by reclaiming Hernando Colón as a pioneer in the early modern revolution of knowledge. Indeed, as the authors point out, Hernando’s collection ‘predates most of the works that are usually acknowledged as agents of these changes’ (194). As such, it will be indispensable reading for book historians, historians of science, and early modernists alike.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147310
Tiffany C. Fryer
The notion of ‘material histories’ unfolding in recent scholarship does not just offer a new term for an old idea. While inspired by the works of scholars like Sidney Mintz (1985), Igor Kopytoff (1986), and Michel-Rolph Trouillot (1995), we appear to be entering an intellectual moment characterized by a rekindled attention to how following materials might offer a productively different perspective on history that extends beyond concerns about production, consumption, and commodification—or the material confirmation of text-based historical narratives. These newer strands of scholarship (see Stahl 2010; Joyce 2012; Joyce and Gillespie 2015; Stoler 2016; Bauer 2021) aim to produce more than just histories of materials. Instead, contemporary material histories simultaneously show how material culture becomes bound up in lived socio-historical processes and how historical accounts are themselves material (Stahl 2010). They approach ‘materiality not as stuff, but as medium’ (Joyce 2015b, 188)—the traces through which the enmeshed worlds of humans and nonhumans can be gleaned. What is more, a material histories approach views space, time, and matter as coproductive. Because ‘spatial stories are also temporal’ (Joyce 2015a, 23), to speak of materials in this way is to presume that they occupy a certain spatiality and temporality. Much scholarship since Kopytoff’s foundational essay, ‘The cultural biography of things,’ positions the material world as comparable to the human world: materials can be said to be birthed, to live, and to die. But as Rosemary Joyce contends, approaching materials biographically misrepresents the trajectories of nonhuman things in the world. She argues that instead of focusing on the anthropomorphic construct of biographies we ought to shift our perspective to consider what she calls object itineraries. This approach is open-ended and multidirectional, viewing objects holistically by reaching back to consider the matter from which they were formed and reaching forward to consider the transformations they have and might yet undergo (Joyce 2015b; Bauer 2019, 341–46). While it might seem that this approach is most relevant for conventionally portable objects, it applies to all worldly phenomena and their material extensions (Joyce 2015b, 183–84). To attend to an object’s itinerary—or its ‘route’—is to trace its whereabouts and activities through time and space. Thus, even things that move less through space than through time (such as buildings) can be approached within the itineraries framework. ‘Even when we cannot be sure of the entire route,’ Joyce tells us, ‘seeking to trace a thing’s itineraries forces us to ask where it came from and
{"title":"Periodizing things","authors":"Tiffany C. Fryer","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2147310","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2147310","url":null,"abstract":"The notion of ‘material histories’ unfolding in recent scholarship does not just offer a new term for an old idea. While inspired by the works of scholars like Sidney Mintz (1985), Igor Kopytoff (1986), and Michel-Rolph Trouillot (1995), we appear to be entering an intellectual moment characterized by a rekindled attention to how following materials might offer a productively different perspective on history that extends beyond concerns about production, consumption, and commodification—or the material confirmation of text-based historical narratives. These newer strands of scholarship (see Stahl 2010; Joyce 2012; Joyce and Gillespie 2015; Stoler 2016; Bauer 2021) aim to produce more than just histories of materials. Instead, contemporary material histories simultaneously show how material culture becomes bound up in lived socio-historical processes and how historical accounts are themselves material (Stahl 2010). They approach ‘materiality not as stuff, but as medium’ (Joyce 2015b, 188)—the traces through which the enmeshed worlds of humans and nonhumans can be gleaned. What is more, a material histories approach views space, time, and matter as coproductive. Because ‘spatial stories are also temporal’ (Joyce 2015a, 23), to speak of materials in this way is to presume that they occupy a certain spatiality and temporality. Much scholarship since Kopytoff’s foundational essay, ‘The cultural biography of things,’ positions the material world as comparable to the human world: materials can be said to be birthed, to live, and to die. But as Rosemary Joyce contends, approaching materials biographically misrepresents the trajectories of nonhuman things in the world. She argues that instead of focusing on the anthropomorphic construct of biographies we ought to shift our perspective to consider what she calls object itineraries. This approach is open-ended and multidirectional, viewing objects holistically by reaching back to consider the matter from which they were formed and reaching forward to consider the transformations they have and might yet undergo (Joyce 2015b; Bauer 2019, 341–46). While it might seem that this approach is most relevant for conventionally portable objects, it applies to all worldly phenomena and their material extensions (Joyce 2015b, 183–84). To attend to an object’s itinerary—or its ‘route’—is to trace its whereabouts and activities through time and space. Thus, even things that move less through space than through time (such as buildings) can be approached within the itineraries framework. ‘Even when we cannot be sure of the entire route,’ Joyce tells us, ‘seeking to trace a thing’s itineraries forces us to ask where it came from and","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"580 - 590"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42657469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2147309
Noa Corcoran-Tadd
Colonial historians of Latin American have made specific and sustained turns to the material, the environmental, and the animal over the last three decades (e.g. Candiani 2014; Few and Tortorici 2013; Thurner and Pimentel 2021). Latin American historical archaeology—with its attention to these same domains—also came of age during this same period, with a genuine explosion in research on the colonial period over the past several decades in Mexico, the Caribbean, the Andes, the Cono Sur, and Brazil (e.g. Fernández Dávila and Gómez Serafín 1998; Funari and Senatore 2015; VanValkenburgh et al. 2016; Van Buren 2010). Enduring questions concerning subalternity, literacy, and the active suppression of historical voices and material traces remain central to how we understand the region’s colonial history, questions that have challenged many to seek out alternative (and indeed non-textual) archives. And yet—despite persistent calls for interdisciplinary exchange—the past few decades of research on colonial Latin America have also often been characterized by a lack of sustained engagement and dialog across many of the traditional disciplinary boundaries. Much of the new work in Latin American historical archaeology has tended to proceed without clear and sustained engagements with contemporary research in neighboring historical fields (partly as a result of the persistent emphasis on precolonial periods in university curricula). At the same time, colonial historians in the region making the turns to materials, animals, and the environment often remain unaware of parallel research in archaeology and material culture studies, running risks of reinventing the wheel or at least missing key opportunities for knowledge sharing. There are, of course, exceptions that point towards more promising modes of reading, research, and collaboration. One example that stands out in this respect is the nexus of recent scholarship surrounding the early colonial project of Indigenous resettlement in the central Andes (reducciones de indios) that began in the late sixteenth century, with archaeologists (Quilter 2010; VanValkenburgh 2021; Wernke 2007) and historians (Mumford 2012; Saito and Rosas Lauro 2017) entering into a productive dialog that runs counter to wider tendencies of mutual ignorance. Notably, this research builds upon even wider disciplinary foundations, exploring questions previously posed by historical geographers (Gade and Escobar 1982) and art historians (Cummins 2002) concerning the material processes and legacies of sixteenth-century resettlement in the
在过去的三十年里，拉丁美洲的殖民历史学家对材料、环境和动物做出了具体而持续的转变(例如，Candiani 2014;Few and Tortorici 2013;Thurner and Pimentel 2021)。拉丁美洲的历史考古学——对这些领域的关注——也在同一时期成熟起来，在过去的几十年里，对殖民时期的研究在墨西哥、加勒比海、安第斯山脉、南科诺和巴西出现了真正的爆炸式增长(例如Fernández Dávila和Gómez Serafín 1998;Funari和参议员2015;VanValkenburgh et al. 2016;Van Buren 2010)。关于次等性、识字率以及对历史声音和物质痕迹的积极压制的持久问题仍然是我们如何理解该地区殖民历史的核心，这些问题挑战了许多人寻找替代(实际上是非文本的)档案。然而，尽管不断呼吁跨学科交流，过去几十年对拉丁美洲殖民地的研究也常常以缺乏跨越许多传统学科界限的持续参与和对话为特征。拉丁美洲历史考古学的许多新工作往往没有与邻近历史领域的当代研究进行明确和持续的接触(部分原因是大学课程中持续强调前殖民时期)。与此同时，该地区转向材料、动物和环境的殖民历史学家往往不知道考古学和物质文化研究的平行研究，冒着重新发明轮子的风险，或者至少错过了知识共享的关键机会。当然，也有例外，它们指向了更有前途的阅读、研究和合作模式。在这方面，一个突出的例子是最近的学术联系，围绕着16世纪末开始的安第斯山脉中部土著重新安置(reducciones de indios)的早期殖民项目，考古学家(Quilter 2010;VanValkenburgh 2021;Wernke 2007)和历史学家(Mumford 2012;Saito和Rosas Lauro(2017)进入了一场富有成效的对话，这与相互无知的更广泛趋势背道而驰。值得注意的是，这项研究建立在更广泛的学科基础之上，探索了历史地理学家(Gade and Escobar 1982)和艺术史学家(Cummins 2002)先前提出的关于16世纪移民的物质过程和遗产的问题
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104048
Jorge Felipe Gonzalez
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104038
Marlis Hinckley
The first Spaniards to arrive in the Americas, friars and sailors alike, lost no time in learning about American diets. Fifteenthand sixteenth-century writings record Europeans’ initial attempts to make sense of the continent’s diverse flora through comparisons to familiar foodstuffs, as well as prompt introduction of European species and the reverse transport of American plants to Spain (Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés 2016, 91, 97– 106; Martire d’Anghiera 1998, 46, 69; Fernández de Navarrete 1922, 250). Over the course of the sixteenth century, shifts in diet would provoke changes in ecology, medicine, and natural history that would lay the foundation for a new colony (Earle 2012; Crosby 2003, esp. ch. 3; Sluyter 1996; Melville 1994). While some Spanish interest in American foodways was born of necessity, recent scholarship has highlighted the role of other cultural factors in shaping how American cultivars and practices were seen by the new arrivals (Delbourgo and Dew 2008; Schiebinger and Swan 2005; Schiebinger 2005; Gómez 2017). In New Spain, particularly in central Mexico, religion played a central role. This area was one of the first zones of sustained contact between Europeans and Americans; many of the Spaniards on the front lines there were Observant Franciscan missionaries who brought with them their own thinking on how diet affected both physical health and spiritual well-being. The missions they built were hubs of knowledge exchange where the friars introduced European foods and medicines while also drawing heavily on indigenous expertise about these topics (Tucker and Janick 2020). Consequently, some of the earliest European texts about American plants were written at these Franciscan missions (Gimmel 2008). The Franciscan discourse about diet in central Mexico marked a continuation of medieval discussions within the Order about food’s relationship with the human body, the commonwealth, and a virtuous lifestyle. In fifteenth-century Europe, food was central to healthcare and religious practice, and one’s spiritual and physical health depended on eating the right things at the right times. Spanish regimen sanitatis literature extolled the virtues of moderation for bodily health, recommending a well-balanced diet based around bread, meat, and wine; from a religious perspective, fasting and abstention were seen as key to the refinement of one’s soul. Abstention was particularly characteristic of the Observant branch of the order, which over the preceding decades had separated from the Conventual branch of the same by privileging an ascetic vision of the holy life that emphasized the value of absolute poverty (Turley 2016, 1–3; Milhou 1983; Roest
第一批到达美洲的西班牙人，无论是修士还是水手，都不失时机地学习了美国人的饮食。十五世纪和十六世纪的著作记录了欧洲人最初试图通过与熟悉的食物进行比较来理解欧洲大陆多样的植物群，以及迅速引入欧洲物种和将美国植物反向运输到西班牙（Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés 2016，91，97–106；Martire d‘Anghiera 1998，46，69；Fernás de Navarrete 1922，250）。在16世纪的过程中，饮食的变化将引发生态学、医学和自然史的变化，这将为新的殖民地奠定基础（Earle 2012；克罗斯比2003，特别是第3章；Sluyter 1996；梅尔维尔1994）。虽然一些西班牙人对美国美食的兴趣是出于必要，但最近的学术研究强调了其他文化因素在塑造新移民对美国品种和做法的看法方面的作用（Delbourgo和Dew，2008年；Schiebinger和Swan，2005年；Schieb inger，2005年，戈麦斯，2017年）。在新西班牙，特别是在墨西哥中部，宗教发挥了核心作用。这个地区是欧洲人和美国人之间最早持续接触的地区之一；许多在前线的西班牙人都是方济各会的传教士，他们带来了自己关于饮食如何影响身体健康和精神健康的想法。他们建立的使团是知识交流的中心，修士们在这里介绍了欧洲食品和药品，同时也大量借鉴了当地关于这些主题的专业知识（Tucker和Janick 2020）。因此，一些最早的关于美国植物的欧洲文本是在这些方济各会传教会上写的（Gimmel 2008）。方济各会关于墨西哥中部饮食的讨论标志着中世纪教团内部关于食物与人体、联邦和美德生活方式关系的讨论的延续。在15世纪的欧洲，食物是医疗保健和宗教实践的核心，一个人的精神和身体健康取决于在正确的时间吃正确的东西。西班牙养生保健文献赞扬了适度对身体健康的好处，建议以面包、肉和葡萄酒为基础的均衡饮食；从宗教的角度来看，禁食和戒除被视为完善灵魂的关键。戒严令是该教团观察派的特别特征，在过去的几十年里，该教团通过对强调绝对贫困价值的神圣生活的禁欲主义愿景而与传统派分离（Turley 2016，1-3；Milhou 1983；Roest
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104037
Frances L. Ramos, Iván Escamilla González
Carlos II de España murió el 1 de noviembre de 1700. En marzo de 1701 un navío arribó a Nueva España llevando no solo la cédula con la noticia de su fallecimiento, sino también al nuevo rey español, ‘si no en el original, en su real copia.’ De hecho el navío de aviso había traído lo que una relación impresa de la época describió como finos retratos grabados del rey (Mendieta Rebollo 1701, 2). Estos sirvieron a sus súbditos como una primera presentación del primer Borbón de España. De conformidad con el propósito del abuelo del nuevo rey, el monarca francés Luis XIV, quien parece haber buscado que la última voluntad de Carlos II expresada en su testamento se materializase a través de la imagen del joven príncipe francés, se procuró que la noticia de la sucesión circulase por las Indias acompañada de buenos ejemplares de su retrato (Navarro García 1979, 132–35). Menos de un mes después, otra imagen del rey se ofreció a la veneración de los súbditos, pero esta vez se trataba de una semejanza de la persona regia de naturaleza espectacular. Como si se tratase del telón de un teatro, listo para una gran representación, un rico dosel ornado de ‘recamados, y bordaduras, y debajo una Corona grande de Oro sentada sobre dos mundos,’ acompañado a los lados de dos esculturas que alegorizaban a Castilla y a las Indias con sus atavíos tradicionales, se colocó detrás de un tablado con asientos dispuestos para las principales autoridades del reino bajo el balcón principal del palacio virreinal en la ciudad de México. Todo este ‘aparato’ se había levantado para dar lugar ante él a la solemne ceremonia en la plaza mayor de México durante la cual los súbditos novohispanos habrían de cumplir con el tradicional ritual de la ‘jura’ por aclamación de Felipe V como nuevo monarca de España y de las Indias. Era habitual que en el dosel del tablado ante el que se celebraba la jura se colocase sobre un trono receptor la efigie real, pero las circunstancias peculiares de ese momento—nada menos que la inauguración de una nueva dinastía en el trono hispánico— convencieron a los organizadores del acto de la necesidad de hacer un esfuerzo especial que acrecentase entre los asistentes el sentimiento de presencia del soberano. Así, ‘en el más eminente lugar,’ es decir, sobre el propio balcón central del palacio, se colocó un aparato especial que producía la ilusión de las gradas de un trono, y sobre él, dándole un realce aún mayor, el retrato del monarca, pintado por Juan Rodríguez Juárez (1675–1728), joven y
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2022.2104033
Sonia I. Ocaña Ruiz, Rie Arimura
Between the 1550s and 1650s, Japan, Portugal and Spanish America played a leading role in artistic globalization, which led to the wide circulation of Japanese objects, both in the Iberian Peninsula and in Spanish America. Between 1544 and 1571, Portuguese merchants and Jesuits established trading ports in Goa, Macau and Nagasaki, creating an intra-Asian network. In 1565, the Spanish settlement in Cebu, as well as the discovery of the return route across the Pacific, coincided with the fact that the Ming dynasty loosened its ban on maritime trade in 1567, allowing Chinese merchants to engage in commercial activity. The Spanish trade route between Manila and Acapulco was launched in 1573. Once the port of Nagasaki was open to trade exchange with Portugal in 1571, ‘The Portuguese became essential agents in the trade between China, Japan, and India, on one hand, and the Philippines, on the other’ (GaschTomás 2019, 58). In turn, material evidence and documents testify to the circulation, consumption, and adaptation of Asian commodities in the Americas, whose role in these processes has long been underestimated. Dobado (2014) and Gasch-Tomás (2019) are among the recent scholars who have demonstrated New Spain’s central position in the making of connections between the Spanish Empire and Asia during the late sixteenth to early seventeenth centuries. This led to the ‘greater commoditisation of Asian goods in the viceroyalty of New Spain than in Castile’ from 1580 to 1630 (Gasch-Tomás 2019, 42). But even into the eighteenth century, a large number of Japanese porcelain pieces circulated in New Spain, proof that Japanese-Spanish American artistic relations were complex throughout the colonial period. In 1614, the shogunate banned Christianity and expelled Catholics from Japan, closing itself off in 1639, yet leaving some ports open to international trade. Under these conditions, how did Japanese goods continue to circulate in the Americas after 1640? They must have been transported by Manila-Acapulco galleons. But since neither the Portuguese nor the Spanish could land in Japanese territories, it is possible to propose different routes: 1) the Dutch transported commodities to Batavia, and then Chinese merchants took them to Manila; 2) Chinese traders carried Japanese goods from
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