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See Me, Hear Me, Recognize Me 看见我,听见我,认出我
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/jfs.2023.a908314
Rachel A. R. Bundang
See Me, Hear Me, Recognize Me Rachel A. R. Bundang (bio) On the way to preparing these reflections,1 I stopped to watch the documentary short 38 at the Garden, in which Jeremy Lin finally gives himself permission to revisit the winter of 2012, when Linsanity hit the New York Knicks and the NBA.2 Much of the film shows the racism he encountered throughout his pursuit of a professional basketball career, in his improbable rise and fall. Through interviews with journalists, comedians, cultural commentators, and former teammates, we remember and understand anew the multilayered importance of representation and the way Lin shattered expectations. What I found most thoughtful, though, was the way Lin presented his unique, Cinderella experience as bookended with the Trump-fueled anti-Asian racism of these last few years. The documentary pointed me right to the predicament of Asian invisibility, which means that we are hiding in plain sight—until we are not. Asian invisibility in the United States is made to feel and seem natural, so that the moments and patterns of racism go unquestioned. The anti-Asian racism that flared up under Trump has not gone away; at best, it has leveled off a little. I have been living and working in coastal cities most of my life, and it surprised me that even in the Bay Area, with its high Asian, Asian American, or Pacific Islander (AAPI) population, I was attacked, harassed, made to feel unsafe and unwelcome. By making his bigotry clear, undeniable, and unapologetic, Trump gave permission through his example. Shifting Trump's familiar, othering tropes of contagion, infestation, and disease, I posit that he contaminated the social climate so that attacks in public spaces and public discourse became more common, normalized, and even "excused." In my case, I also saw [End Page 133] this bigotry seep into the workplace/classroom climate, when at a former institution a white male student freely hurled racist insults at me and suffered little consequence other than being transferred out of my class. AAPI individuals and communities are often rendered strange, and othered, as in the original sense of "alien"; it is so embedded that racists do not always recognize how or that they are being racist. We generally "wear our foreignness on our face," so while we might have occasional, situational power or privilege, it is capped or porous. Unless we happen to be visibly white-passing (or some other form of passing more readily slotted and intelligible), we will never be perceived as American, if that means trying to locate ourselves in that strict racial binary. And that is also part of the invisibility. In the US context, the racial binary still hangs heavy and admits nothing but "Black and white." The continuum is not real, and it does not work. Additionally, AAPI communities contend with the messiness and uncertainty of who actually counts as Asian, and when, and why, and how; I cannot think of the equivalent of a one-drop rule for u
在准备这些思考的路上,我停下来看了纪录片短片《38》,林书豪终于允许自己重新回到2012年的冬天,当时“林来疯”(Linsanity)冲击了纽约尼克斯队(New York Knicks)和nba。影片的大部分内容都展示了他在追求职业篮球生涯的过程中,在他不可思议的起起落落中遇到的种族主义。通过对记者、喜剧演员、文化评论员和前队友的采访,我们记住并重新理解了表现的多重重要性,以及林打破期望的方式。不过,我觉得最令人深思的是,林将自己独特的灰姑娘经历与过去几年特朗普引发的反亚裔种族主义联系在一起的方式。这部纪录片让我明白了亚洲人被忽视的困境,这意味着我们一直隐藏在众目睽睽之下——直到我们被遗忘。亚洲人在美国被忽视,这让人感觉很自然,看起来也很自然,所以种族主义的时刻和模式就不会受到质疑。特朗普执政期间爆发的反亚裔种族主义并没有消失;最好的情况是,它已经趋于平稳。我一生中大部分时间都在沿海城市生活和工作,令我惊讶的是,即使在亚裔、亚裔美国人或太平洋岛民(AAPI)人口众多的湾区,我也会受到攻击、骚扰,感到不安全和不受欢迎。特朗普明确地、不可否认地、毫无歉意地表明了他的偏执,通过他的榜样给予了许可。改变特朗普熟悉的其他传染、侵扰和疾病的比喻,我假设他污染了社会氛围,使公共空间和公共话语中的攻击变得更加常见、正常化,甚至“借口”。在我的例子中,我也看到这种偏见渗透到工作场所/课堂气氛中,当在以前的机构中,一名白人男学生自由地对我进行种族主义侮辱时,除了被转出我的班级外,几乎没有受到任何后果。亚太裔的个人和社区经常被认为是奇怪的和另类的,就像“外星人”的原始含义一样;它是如此根深蒂固,以至于种族主义者并不总是认识到他们是如何或他们是种族主义者。我们通常会“把我们的外国人烙印在脸上”,所以虽然我们偶尔会有权力或特权,但它是受限的或漏洞百出的。除非我们恰好是明显的白人通过(或其他更容易被划分和理解的形式的通过),否则我们永远不会被视为美国人,如果这意味着试图将自己定位在严格的种族二元中。这也是隐形的一部分。在美国的背景下,种族二分仍然很重,只承认“黑人和白人”。连续体是不真实的,它不起作用。此外,亚太裔社区还面临着一些混乱和不确定的问题:谁才是真正的亚洲人、何时、为何以及如何被算作亚洲人;对于我们来说,我想不出任何与“一滴规则”相对应的规则,尽管这首先是有问题的,但除了根据外观来衡量之外。我们面对东亚性在亚太地区的永久主导地位,并质疑将所有群体放在一起是否有任何好处。让我们不要忘记混合种族和/或白传球的额外层次和模式。与我的学术工作有关,当我写作或陈述时,我不能假设任何事情。很难确切地知道我的听众对我的背景或身份的理解,以及我们可能有共同的起点。我经常会备好解释性材料,以防万一,根据需要随时添加或删减。这就像过度包装的诱惑——在这种情况下,有一个装满括号的手提箱!——准备应付一切突发事件,随时准备寻找各种可能的连接点。所以,它会感觉好像进展缓慢和口吃。每次我必须做解释,就像从头再来一样。正如我一直在思考的那样,隐形可以通过几种方式发挥作用。一方面,它可以作为……
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引用次数: 0
Multiple Faces of the Same Coin: Religious Muslim Women in Israel Struggle with an Identity Crisis 同一枚硬币的多重面:以色列的宗教穆斯林妇女在身份危机中挣扎
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/jfs.2023.a908315
Salwa Alinat-Abed
Abstract: Muslim women activists in the Islamic Movement who are citizens of Israel, a Jewish-majority state, and members of a Palestinian minority live in a complex tangle of identities: religious, national, gender, and civilian. To cope with this complicated reality, they use patriarchal bargains based on social strategies such as gaining higher education, work, da ʿ wah (dissemination of religious knowledge to encourage the return to Islam), and political involvement. Within the framework of those bargains, female Islamic Movement activists subsequently have become involved in informal politics and gained power and influence in their society. In addition, they follow religious principles like musayarah (flowing with reality) and tawriyah (concealment, sending a double message to avoid provocations with their Israeli surroundings.)
摘要:伊斯兰运动中的穆斯林女性活动家是以色列(一个犹太人占多数的国家)的公民,也是巴勒斯坦少数民族的成员,她们生活在一个复杂的身份纠结中:宗教、民族、性别和平民。为了应对这一复杂的现实,他们使用基于社会策略的父权制交易,如获得高等教育、工作、传播宗教知识以鼓励回归伊斯兰教和政治参与。在这些交易的框架内,女性伊斯兰运动积极分子随后参与了非正式政治,并在其社会中获得了权力和影响力。此外,他们遵循宗教原则,如musayarah(与现实流动)和tawriyah(隐藏,发出双重信息,以避免与以色列周围的挑衅)。
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引用次数: 0
Integrating Disability, Transforming Feminist Qurʾanic Studies 整合残障,转变女性主义古兰经研究
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/jfs.2023.a908298
Halla Attallah
Integrating Disability, Transforming Feminist Qurʾanic Studies Halla Attallah (bio) In her essay "Integrating Disability, Transforming Feminist Theory," Rosemarie Garland-Thomson advocates for a theoretical framework that combines insights from both disability and feminist studies. She maintains that a "feminist disability" lens allows scholars to think beyond sexed differentiations to include other value-laden particularities of the body.1 Garland-Thomson's discussion and her emphasis on a theoretically conscious interdisciplinary approach, I believe, is relevant to the current debates in feminist qurʾanic studies. As Hadia Mubarak rightfully observes, much of the discourse is motivated by the question of whether the Qurʾan is "inherently patriarchal," thereby reducing our scope of analysis to simple binaries. This emphasis is understandable, given the stubbornness of Islamophobic tropes that paint Islam as inherently "anti-women"; perhaps this focus is even necessary when we enter "the court of the sultans" that Celene Ibrahim depicts in this roundtable. Moving forward, however, feminist qurʾanic studies would benefit from a critical engagement with scholarship that is also interested in the ethical issues surrounding the body and the power structures defining it.2 A "feminist disability" lens is one such conversation partner that I believe would benefit our work—whether applying an inter- or intratextual reading. My current research examines infertility in the Qurʾan's annunciation scenarios, which recount the tale of the miraculous birth of a son to nonreproductive [End Page 67] bodies.3 To emphasize God's ability to create, the excerpts reference traits that are both gendered, definitively associated with sexed bodies, and—with Mary's chastity as an exception—disabling, preventing one from participating in the valued institution of establishing a household (bayt). Sarah is an "old woman" (ʿajūz)4 who is "barren" (ʿaqīm);5 Abraham and Zachariah are "old men" (shuyūkh);6 and Mary is not a "whore" (baghiyyā).7 Rereading these texts in the context of gender and disability studies helps illustrate the complexities of qurʾanic bodies. In my reading, these texts both affirm and destabilize binary readings of gender. For instance, the absence of an explicit term for male infertility—unlike the female-based term "barren"—suggests that infertility is a strictly female "disability."8 Just as the "barren wind" (al-rīḥ al-ʿaqīm) eradicates the nonbelieving community of ʿĀd,9 a "barren wife" can terminate lineages, disabling the household (bayt). This reading creates a binary between men and women—and between different groups of women, that is, "barren" and conceiving women or "mothers" (ummahāt).10 However, the addition of a disability lens, including what is referred to as the "stigma model," disrupts these binary views.11 While unnamed, for example, male infertility is recognized by the Qurʾan and in narratively creative ways that hint at the experienc
在她的文章《整合残疾,转变女权主义理论》中,罗斯玛丽·加兰德-汤姆森主张建立一个结合残疾和女权主义研究见解的理论框架。她坚持认为,“女权主义残疾”的视角使学者们能够超越性别差异来思考身体的其他承载价值的特殊性我相信,加兰德-汤姆森的讨论以及她对理论有意识的跨学科方法的强调,与当前女权主义古兰经研究中的辩论有关。正如Hadia Mubarak正确地观察到的那样,许多话语都是由古兰经是否“天生是父权的”这个问题所激发的,从而将我们的分析范围缩小到简单的二元性。这种强调是可以理解的,因为把伊斯兰教描绘成本质上“反妇女”的伊斯兰恐惧症是顽固的;也许当我们进入Celene Ibrahim在这个圆桌会议上描述的“苏丹的法庭”时,这种关注是必要的。然而,向前推进,女权主义古兰经研究将受益于与学术界的批判性接触,这些学者也对围绕身体和定义它的权力结构的伦理问题感兴趣“女权主义残疾”的镜头就是这样一个对话伙伴,我相信它会对我们的工作有益——无论是应用文本间还是文本内的阅读。我目前的研究考察了《古兰经》中报喜场景中的不孕症,该场景讲述了一个儿子奇迹般地诞生于无法生育的身体的故事为了强调上帝创造的能力,节选中提到了性别特征,明确地与性别的身体联系在一起,并且——玛丽的贞洁是一个例外——禁用,阻止一个人参与建立家庭的有价值的制度(bayt)。撒拉是一个“老妇人”(ajūz)4,她是“不能生育的”(aquz);5亚伯拉罕和撒迦利亚是“老人”(shuyūkh);6玛丽不是一个“妓女”(baghiyyu)在性别和残疾研究的背景下重读这些文本有助于说明古兰经身体的复杂性。在我的阅读中,这些文本既肯定了性别的二元解读,也破坏了它的稳定性。例如,没有一个明确的术语来描述男性不育——不像基于女性的术语“不孕”——这表明不育是一种严格意义上的女性“残疾”。8就像“不育风”(al-rī al- al- al- al- al- aqīm)消灭不信教的宗教团体Ād一样,9一个“不育之妻”可以终止血统,使家庭失去能力(bayt)。这种解读在男人和女人之间——以及不同的女性群体之间——创造了二元对立,即“不孕”和怀孕的女性或“母亲”(ummahāt)然而,从残疾的角度来看,包括所谓的“耻辱模型”,打破了这些二元观点例如,男性不育症虽然没有被命名,但《古兰经》承认了这一点,并以创造性的叙事方式暗示了社会耻辱的经历。正如玛丽坚持自己从未被“单身男人碰过”,从而使自己与“妓女”的边缘身体保持距离一样,亚伯拉罕沉默地承认自己与一个不受欢迎的男性身体有联系,他声称自己被“碰过”,但被“年老”了。在这里,被触摸意味着被贴上被污名化的社会生理标记——对女性来说是婚前性行为,对家长来说(也许)是性功能障碍。有些人可能会争辩说,以理论为基础的研究将《古兰经》分解成西方的世界观。我不敢苟同,至少我认为这种做法是一种“复制和粘贴”的做法,使《古兰经》保持沉默。例如,已故的萨巴·马哈茂德(Saba Mahmood)关于穆斯林复兴运动的开创性著作,既使西方女权主义的能动性概念复杂化,又对穆斯林女性经历提出了新颖的见解,使她的研究对象有了发言权她完成这项任务(部分地)是因为她对包括女权主义理论在内的成熟理论范式的深入而复杂的参与虽然我们的工作是基于文本的,但马哈茂德的民族志工作仍然为具有性别意识的古兰经学者提供了宝贵的方法论经验。通过在《古兰经》和我们的智力对话伙伴之间创造一种对话——以一种关键而透明的方式——我们揭示了经常被人们忽视的《古兰经》元素……
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引用次数: 0
Challenging Texts With Violence Toward Women: Lamentations and Comfort Woman in Feminist Postcolonial Perspective 以暴力对待女性的文本挑战:女权主义后殖民视角下的哀歌与慰安妇
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/jfs.2023.a908294
Eliana Ah-Rum Ku
Abstract: Postcolonial feminist hermeneutics presents many challenges to the traditional interpretation of Bible passages. Recognizing the ethical issues in Old Testament metaphors about unclean and unfaithful women, readers now contemplate how to understand and accept in modern times these texts that reveal disenfranchised and excluded voices. This study deals with the violence inflicted on women under the guise of reasonable punishment and its unavoidable results as these are narrated in cultural contexts. This study uses a postcolonial feminist perspective to examine how the book of Lamentations and the novel Comfort Woman reveal the violence, oppression, and forced silence imposed on women. In addition, through finding the value in both the witness to and resistance to suffering, as well as through exploring participation in suffering, this study probes how to dismantle the structure of colonialism that reduces women to victims and offers an alternative reading of the biblical script that in the past has justified violence against women.
摘要:后殖民女性主义解释学对传统的圣经经文解释提出了许多挑战。认识到旧约中关于不洁和不忠的女人的隐喻中的伦理问题,读者现在思考如何在现代理解和接受这些揭示被剥夺权利和被排斥的声音的文本。本研究涉及在合理惩罚的幌子下对妇女施加的暴力及其不可避免的结果,因为这些都是在文化背景下叙述的。本研究运用后殖民女性主义的视角,考察《哀歌》和小说《慰安妇》是如何揭示强加于女性身上的暴力、压迫和强迫沉默。此外,通过寻找见证和抵抗苦难的价值,以及通过探索参与苦难,本研究探讨了如何拆除将妇女沦为受害者的殖民主义结构,并提供了对圣经剧本的另一种解读,在过去,圣经剧本证明了对妇女的暴力行为是合理的。
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引用次数: 0
Queer Muslim Piety: The Hijab Practices of LGBTQ Muslims in Boston 酷儿穆斯林虔诚:波士顿LGBTQ穆斯林的头巾实践
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/jfs.2023.a908292
Magda Mohamed
Abstract:This article examines how queer Muslim pieties are constructed through sartorial practices, specifically, wearing hijab, and what these pious subjectivities suggest about gender, piety, authority, and identity more broadly in the American Muslim community. In Muslim communities, hijab is imbued with heteronormative assumptions and is often thought about in terms of modesty relating to hetero male desire. Yet people who fall outside heteronormative paradigms also choose to cover, suggesting there are alternative meanings to lift up. Based on interviews with three queer Muslim women in Boston, the author found that through donning hijab, queer Muslim women mark degrees of intimacy and privacy with others, protest and resist normative forces within Muslim and LGBTQ cultures, and secure for themselves a gendered and visible Muslim identity, while simultaneously subverting gender norms. This article shows the creative ways Muslim women have negotiated religious and secular authorities to imagine new, playfully pious possibilities for themselves and the Muslim community.
摘要:本文探讨了酷儿穆斯林的虔诚是如何通过着装实践(特别是戴头巾)来构建的,以及这些虔诚的主体性在美国穆斯林社区中对性别、虔诚、权威和更广泛的身份认同的暗示。在穆斯林社区,头巾充满了异性恋的假设,通常被认为是与异性恋男性欲望有关的谦虚。然而,那些落在异性恋规范范式之外的人也会选择掩盖,这表明还有其他意义可以提升。通过对波士顿三名酷儿穆斯林女性的采访,作者发现,通过戴头巾,酷儿穆斯林女性标志着与他人的亲密程度和隐私,抗议和抵制穆斯林和LGBTQ文化中的规范力量,为自己争取一种性别化的、可见的穆斯林身份,同时颠覆性别规范。这篇文章展示了穆斯林妇女与宗教和世俗当局谈判的创造性方式,为她们自己和穆斯林社区想象新的、顽皮的虔诚可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Reflections on Asian American Religions: Transformative Hope and APARRI 对亚裔美国人宗教的反思:变革的希望与APARRI
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/jfemistudreli.39.2.21
Tamara C. Ho
Reflections on Asian American ReligionsTransformative Hope and APARRI Tamara C. Ho (bio) Despite the long history of Asian American authors writing about religion in US communities since the late 1800s (dating back to one of our earliest authors, Sui Sin Far), Asian American faith communities have been marginalized and persistently misrepresented in the larger public narrative of American religion because of the prevailing focus on white and Black communities and white Christian hegemony. Research and pedagogy on Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) religions are often unsupported and unrecognized in the academy, both in secular and theological institutions, because of structural racism, orientalism, and epistemological blinders. US academic scholarship has operated with particularly skewed notions and stereotypical views of Asian Americans and their engagement with religion. Teaching and scholarship rarely take into consideration how race is a defining and intersectional factor in the study of religion. Reshaping public knowledge and the narrative around Asian American religions is not only timely but also urgent because of increasing concern about anti-Asian hate—metastasized during the Islamophobic period following 9/11 and the Trump presidency, and intensified by the COVID pandemic since early 2020. Asian American and Pacific Islander religious communities are important elements of racial justice work and centers of political mobilizing. More critical attention to community dynamics, coalition building, and research in this sub-field can enhance the understanding of not only international relations among the United States, Asian nations, and Oceania (the transnational region often known as the Pacific Rim), but also interracial encounters, alliances, and diverse histories within the United States. Only relatively recently has there emerged a critical mass of scholars who can understand these intertwined, intersectional dynamics of race, gender, and religion, and how they shape perceptions of Asian American religious life. For [End Page 117] Click for larger view View full resolution Fig 1. Screenshot of photograph shown by Cabezón during his online 2020 AAR presidential address. example, during his 2020 presidential address on "The Study of Buddhism and the AAR [American Academy of Religion]," José I. Cabezón shared an archival photograph from the 1960s of the "Asian Religions" section meeting at an annual AAR conference: it showed a room full of white men and an all-male cisgender panel of white scholars at the front (fig. 1).1 It was not until 2019 that the annual AAR conference hosted a panel on "Asian American Buddhism and American Belonging" that was comprised entirely of Asian American scholar-teachers of varying genders, ethnicities, and Buddhist traditions. Organized by Sharon A. Suh, this panel was notable not only in its Asian American focus and diverse embodiment, but audience members also praised its remarkable ethos of coll
尽管自19世纪末以来,亚裔美国作家一直在写美国社区的宗教(可以追溯到我们最早的作家之一隋善远),但由于对白人和黑人社区以及白人基督教霸权的普遍关注,亚裔美国人的信仰社区一直被边缘化,并且在更大的美国宗教公共叙事中一直被歪曲。由于结构性种族主义、东方主义和认识论上的盲点,对亚裔美国人和太平洋岛民(AAPI)宗教的研究和教学在学术界(无论是在世俗机构还是神学机构)往往得不到支持和认可。对于亚裔美国人及其宗教活动,美国学术研究一直带有特别扭曲的观念和刻板印象。教学和学术研究很少考虑到种族在宗教研究中如何成为一个决定性的、交叉的因素。重塑公众对亚裔美国人宗教的认识和叙事不仅及时,而且迫在眉睫,因为在9/11和特朗普总统任期后的伊斯兰恐惧症时期,人们越来越担心反亚洲仇恨的扩散,并因2020年初以来的新冠疫情而加剧。亚裔美国人和太平洋岛民宗教社区是种族正义工作的重要组成部分和政治动员的中心。对社区动态、联盟建设和这一子领域的研究给予更多的批判性关注,不仅可以增进对美国、亚洲国家和大洋洲(通常被称为环太平洋地区的跨国地区)之间国际关系的理解,还可以增进对美国内部种族间相遇、联盟和不同历史的理解。直到最近才出现了一批学者,他们能够理解种族、性别和宗教之间这些相互交织、相互影响的动态,以及它们如何塑造对亚裔美国人宗教生活的看法。[结束页117]点击查看大图查看全分辨率图1。Cabezón在他的2020年AAR总统在线演讲中展示的照片截图。例如,在2020年关于“佛教研究与美国宗教学会”的总统演讲中,jos·i·Cabezón分享了一张20世纪60年代在美国宗教学会年度会议上“亚洲宗教”部分会议上的档案照片:照片上,一间屋子里坐满了白人男性,前排是一群全男性的白人学者(图1)直到2019年,年度AAR会议才举办了一个关于“亚裔美国佛教和美国归属感”的小组讨论,该小组完全由不同性别、种族和佛教传统的亚裔美国学者教师组成。该小组由Sharon A. Suh组织,不仅以亚裔美国人为焦点和多元化的体现而引人注目,而且听众也赞扬了其卓越的合作精神,问责制和相互尊重-这是一种受欢迎和罕见的转变,从通常是学术聚会规范模式的形式,竞争和自我推销。作为一个跨学科的女权比较主义者,我的学术研究一直集中在少数性别、女性和非二元个体(例如,跨性别的缅甸灵媒,或nat kadaw),以突出边缘化、被忽视和被污名化的人群如何作为文化生产者发挥作用,为权力、社区的运作以及异性父权制和霸权的逻辑提供批判性的见解。有人告诉我,在我的研究和出版物中,我经常引用太多的人。我的引用实践集中在尊重和阐明女权主义者的谱系。在我的出版物中,我关注少数族裔的同事、导师和有色人种的朋友,他们在批判性民族/种族研究、后殖民/跨国女权主义研究和文化研究方面的工作塑造、影响并告知了我自己的思想。这种认识论实践遵循了黑人和土著女权主义理论家的传统,如Combahee River Collective、Alice Walker、Paula Gunn Allen和Deborah Miranda,他们也将自己的母系/女权主义谱系命名为对知识生产的父权制生态的反霸权干预女权主义理论家萨拉·艾哈迈德(Sara Ahmed)写道,引用是“我们承认对前人的亏欠的方式;那些帮助我们找到方向的人”,并讨论了她如何有意引用“有色人种女权主义者,他们为命名和拆除父权制白人制度的项目做出了贡献”。然而,嘉莉·莫特和丹尼尔·考凯恩把……
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引用次数: 0
Raising the Moral Bar: Reaching for the Beauty and Goodness of Iḥsān 提高道德标准:达到Iḥsān的美与善
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/jfs.2023.a908306
Amira Abou-Taleb
Raising the Moral BarReaching for the Beauty and Goodness of Iḥsān Amira Abou-Taleb (bio) In my research on the Qurʾan, I build upon the works of scholars who call for gender justice from within an Islamic framework. My interest is informed by the works of Omaima Abou Bakr and Mulki Al-Sharmani, who examine qurʾanic ethics of family and marriage, and it speaks to Abou Bakr's study of the jamālī aesthetics of the Qurʾan, as described in this roundtable. My work calls for raising the moral bar beyond "justice" to the qurʾanic mandate of iḥsān. Within Arabic morphology, words derived from the triliteral root ḥ-s-n, including iḥsān, fuse the meanings of beauty and goodness. The Qurʾan employs the root ḥ-s-n on 194 occasions. However, despite this high frequency, we still lack a comprehensive academic critical analysis of the concept in the Qurʾan. Across the globe, Muslims in Arabic and non-Arabic speaking contexts have internalized iḥsān within their common vocabularies. However, most references to iḥsān in Islamic literature reference hadith and not the Qurʾan as the main source. In a famous hadith—known as the Gabriel (Jibrīl) hadith—iḥsān represents the pinnacle of faith: it is akin to being in the presence of God. Through my research, I conduct a close textual analysis of the root ḥ-s-n and its morphological derivatives across the Qurʾan. The intra-qurʾanic hermeneutical approach (tafsīr al-Qurʾān bi-l-Qurʾān) that I use as an investigative lens facilitates a holistic reading of the concept of iḥsān. My findings reveal the presence of an intricate and elaborate "iḥsān paradigm in the Qurʾan." Through this iḥsān paradigm, the Qurʾan presents iḥsān as being integral to the Creator and to all of creation, including human beings. While nature appears to seamlessly follow an intricate cycle of universal harmony, the Qurʾan shows how human beings have the aptitude to live in and out of sync with this harmony: manifesting iḥsān allows one to uphold the harmony while injustice and transgression cause corruption upon earth. Furthermore, the Qurʾan frequently prompts individuals to contemplate [End Page 99] the magnificence of the surrounding natural order and commands human beings to uphold justice (ʿadl) and put forth iḥsān. The Qurʾan establishes justice as a prerequisite for the higher moral value of iḥsān, and it commands both. I analyze the complex implications of this hierarchy in verses that mandate iḥsān in family relationships and when dealing with those who are vulnerable in society. I also examine how the Qurʾan forwards iḥsān as a tool for conflict management. One thing that is important to highlight is the way in which the Qurʾan commands iḥsān at the most difficult times, such as during marital strife and divorce. This implies that acting in a beautiful manner calls for deep reflection and deliberation. Such a mandate counters the human tendency to react impulsively at times of difficulty, and it restrains egotistical desires that often lea
提高道德门槛追求Iḥsān的美与善阿米拉·阿布·塔勒布(传记)在我对《古兰经》的研究中,我以一些学者的作品为基础,这些学者呼吁在伊斯兰框架内实现性别正义。我的兴趣来自于奥迈马·阿布·贝克尔和穆尔基·阿尔-沙玛尼的作品,他们研究了古兰经中的家庭和婚姻伦理,它谈到了阿布·贝克尔对古兰经jamālī美学的研究,正如这次圆桌会议所描述的那样。我的工作呼吁将道德标准从“正义”提升到《古兰经》中iḥsān的要求。在阿拉伯语的词法中,从三个音节的词根ḥ-s-n衍生出来的词,包括iḥsān,融合了美和善的意思。古兰经有194次使用ḥ-s-n这个词根。然而,尽管频率很高,我们仍然缺乏对古兰经概念的全面的学术批判性分析。在全球范围内,阿拉伯语和非阿拉伯语环境中的穆斯林已经将iḥsān内化到他们的共同词汇中。然而,在伊斯兰文献中,对iḥsān的大多数引用都是圣训,而不是古兰经作为主要来源。在著名的圣训中——被称为加布里埃尔(jibr) hadith-iḥsān代表了信仰的顶峰:它类似于在上帝面前。通过我的研究,我对古兰经中的词根ḥ-s-n及其词形衍生物进行了严密的文本分析。我使用的《古兰经》内部解释学方法(tafs ā r al-Qur ā ān bi-l-Qur ā ān)作为调查性视角,促进了对iḥsān概念的整体阅读。我的发现揭示了古兰经中存在着一个复杂而精细的“iḥsān范式”。通过这个iḥsān范例,《古兰经》将iḥsān呈现为造物主和包括人类在内的所有创造物的整体。虽然大自然似乎无缝地遵循着宇宙和谐的复杂循环,但《古兰经》显示了人类如何有能力与这种和谐共存或不同步:显化iḥsān允许一个人维护和谐,而不公正和违法导致地球上的腐败。此外,《古兰经》经常促使个人去思考周围自然秩序的辉煌,并命令人类维护正义(al - adl),提出iḥsān。《古兰经》将正义作为iḥsān更高道德价值的先决条件,它要求两者兼而有之。我分析了这种等级制度的复杂含义,在家庭关系中,在处理社会上的弱势群体时,要求iḥsān。我还研究了《古兰经》如何将iḥsān作为冲突管理的工具。要强调的一件重要的事情是,在最困难的时候,比如在婚姻纠纷和离婚期间,《古兰经》命令iḥsān的方式。这意味着,以美丽的方式行事需要深刻的反思和深思熟虑。这一任务制止了人类在困难时期冲动反应的倾向,并抑制了常常导致剥削和违法的利己主义欲望。因此,在iḥsān中表演是一种高度有意的行为。这对两性关系以及所有人类关系的影响都是巨大的。它展示了《古兰经》如何将iḥsān置于其道德世界观的核心,并将正义作为走向iḥsān的必经之路。没有正义,就没有iḥsān。因此,性别公正不仅是一个基本的社会目标,也是履行iḥsān的古兰经道德义务所必需的。在古兰经中,那些显化iḥsān的人得到了进一步iḥsān.1的承诺iḥsān范例因此呈现了一个永恒的美与善的循环,框定了所有的关系。Amira Abou-Taleb是赫尔辛基大学神学院的一名博士,他的研究…
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引用次数: 0
Invisibility 隐身
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/jfs.2023.a908310
Grace Ji-Sun Kim
Invisibility Grace Ji-Sun Kim (bio) The history of racism and prejudice against Asian Americans shows the long record of suffering and oppression of Asian immigrants. In the 1800s and the beginning of the 1900s, discrimination, racism, and xenophobia marked Asian immigrants as undesirable and un-American. White America precisely defines who and what is American, which denotes privileged selectivity in choosing who can immigrate and become naturalized according to what they feel is acceptable. When the Chinese Exclusion Act expired, it was extended by the Geary Act of 1892, which barred the Chinese from entering the United States. The Geary Act ended in 1943. During World War II, Japanese Americans lost everything they possessed and were forced into internment camps as they became national threats to white Americans. Anti-Asian racism has been part of the fabric of the American story. Race and the American cultural perception of one's race have been the determining factors in distinguishing between the "good" immigrants and the "bad" ones, the better assimilable ones from the unassimilable ones, the racialized ones, and the neutral ones. Immigrants deemed worthy of American citizenship were naturalized; those who were not were excluded. The McCarran-Walter Act (1952) abolished the racial restrictions put in place by the Naturalization Act of 1790, which limited naturalization to "free white persons." This meant women, nonwhite persons, and indentured servants (who were mostly Asian Americans) could not become naturalized citizens. Over time, access to citizenship became more expansive, but the racial restrictions were not eliminated entirely until 1952. This produced the category of "aliens" who were ineligible for citizenship, which largely affected Asian immigrants and limited their rights, as noncitizens, to property ownership, representation in courts, public employment, and voting. Thus, many generations of Asian Americans were made invisible. Without citizenship, they were pushed to the margins, and they did not have the rights to challenge their marginality and invisibility in the courts. [End Page 111] Xenophobia is a defining feature of American life. Xenophobia emerged as soon as nonwhites immigrated to America, and it triumphed in the 1920s. The 1924 Johnson-Reed Act was a strict policy of ethnic quotas that nearly closed the door on immigration from Asia for over forty years. When mainstream, explicit forms of xenophobia began to wane during the civil rights movement, it merely bubbled away from the surface, still lurking, only to reemerge in the last half century—namely, during the Trump administration. Xenophobia has continued the legacy of discriminatory immigration policies, as reflected in the Muslim ban (2017) introduced by President Trump that banned foreigners from seven predominantly Muslim countries from visiting the United States for ninety days. Xenophobia continues to marginalize immigrants and people of color who have bee
Grace Ji-Sun Kim(传记):对亚裔美国人的种族主义和偏见的历史展示了亚裔移民长期遭受的苦难和压迫。在19世纪和20世纪初,歧视、种族主义和仇外心理标志着亚洲移民不受欢迎和非美国人。美国白人精确地定义了谁是美国人,什么是美国人,这意味着根据他们认为可以接受的方式选择谁可以移民和入籍。《排华法案》到期后,被1892年的《加里法案》延长,该法案禁止中国人进入美国。Geary法案于1943年结束。在第二次世界大战期间,日裔美国人失去了他们所拥有的一切,并被迫进入拘留营,因为他们成为美国白人的国家威胁。反亚裔种族主义一直是美国历史的一部分。种族和美国文化对一个人种族的看法一直是区分“好”移民和“坏”移民、比较容易被同化的移民和不容易被同化的移民、种族化的移民和中性移民的决定性因素。被认为有资格成为美国公民的移民被归化;那些没有被排除在外的人。《麦卡伦-沃尔特法案》(1952年)废除了1790年《入籍法案》(Naturalization Act)中规定的只有“自由白人”才能入籍的种族限制。这意味着妇女、非白人和契约仆人(大多是亚裔美国人)不能成为入籍公民。随着时间的推移,获得公民身份的机会越来越多,但种族限制直到1952年才完全取消。这就产生了没有资格获得公民身份的“外国人”类别,这在很大程度上影响了亚洲移民,并限制了他们作为非公民的权利,包括财产所有权、在法庭上的代表权、公共就业和投票权。因此,许多代亚裔美国人都被忽视了。没有公民身份,他们被推到了边缘,他们没有权利在法庭上挑战自己的边缘地位和隐形地位。仇外心理是美国生活的一个显著特征。当非白人移民到美国时,仇外情绪就出现了,并在20世纪20年代大获全胜。1924年的《约翰逊-里德法案》是一项严格的种族配额政策,在40多年的时间里,它几乎关闭了亚洲移民的大门。当主流的、明确形式的仇外心理在民权运动期间开始减弱时,它只是从表面冒出来,仍然潜伏着,直到过去半个世纪——也就是特朗普政府期间——才重新出现。仇外心理延续了歧视性移民政策的遗产,正如特朗普总统在2017年推出的穆斯林禁令所反映的那样,该禁令禁止来自七个主要穆斯林国家的外国人在90天内访问美国。仇外心理继续使在美国生活了几个世纪的移民和有色人种边缘化。亚裔美国人被推入了一个模棱两可的空间,在这个空间里,他们所谓的政治上的温顺和社会上的缄默,使其他人无法将他们视为文化领袖。他们在权力位置上没有代表,也没有看到他们做出明显的改变,部分原因是美国社会不相信他们会这样做。通过雄心勃勃的行动主义和多样化的对话,亚裔美国人必须重新定义他们的文化历史,这使得他们的歧视在美国故事中变得不可见和不重要。在这个种族模糊的空间和暂时的国家身份中,亚裔美国人保持沉默,冷漠地忍受着日常生活中的小不公正。近几十年来,美国文化已经从对亚洲人的可怕仇恨转变为对他们的赞美,宣称“亚裔美国人的崛起”是所有其他移民和少数族裔的榜样。这种说法是由于模范少数族裔的神话和白人的荣誉地位,这是错误的,只会让亚裔美国人与其他有色人种对立,制造紧张和仇恨。此外,这些神话抹去了亚裔美国人从移民之初就经历的歧视、种族主义、仇外心理和契约劳动的悠久历史。结果,他们的痛苦和困难被忽视了,这导致种族主义被用“黑与白”的术语来讨论。被忽视成为亚裔美国人,尤其是亚裔美国女性的一种普遍经历,她们被双重忽视——不仅是白人文化,还有亚洲亚文化……
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引用次数: 0
Censorship, Silence, and the Voices of Catholic Feminist Theologians 审查、沉默和天主教女性主义神学家的声音
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/jfemistudreli.39.2.26
Hille Haker
Abstract: This article argues that theological dissent is not only censored by church institutions but also silenced by mechanisms of self-censoring. Calling for recognition of the intertwining of censorship and shame as analytical categories, the article explores the simultaneity of the silencing of feminist theologians about sexual morality and gender theories, and the silence around the clergy sexual abuse committed by priests as well as the abuse committed by Catholic nuns. It examines the systemic control of critique by the institution of the Catholic Church, which is itself immune to any institutional or theological critique, and calls for a renewal process that involves remembrance, recognition, and responsibility.
摘要:本文认为,神学异见不仅受到教会机构的审查,还受到自我审查机制的压制。文章呼吁人们认识到审查制度和羞耻感是相互交织的分析范畴,并探讨了女权主义神学家对性道德和性别理论的沉默,以及对神职人员性侵犯和天主教修女性侵犯的沉默的同时性。它考察了天主教会制度对批评的系统控制,天主教会本身不受任何制度或神学批评的影响,并呼吁一个包括纪念、承认和责任的更新过程。
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引用次数: 0
Invisibility, Anti-Asian Racism, and Feminist Studies in Religion 隐形、反亚裔种族主义与宗教中的女权主义研究
4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/jfemistudreli.39.2.19
Tracy Sayuki Tiemeier
Invisibility, Anti-Asian Racism, and Feminist Studies in Religion Tracy Sayuki Tiemeier (bio) In July of 2020, the leadership of Feminist Studies in Religion, Inc. (FSR) issued a statement on anti-Black racism in the wake of the recent police killings of Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, and Rayshard Brooks.1 FSR committed to a series of action items to combat anti-Black racism. It also committed to ongoing self-reflection on its own history and practices as they relate to race and racism. As a part of this work, the Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion (JFSR) published a roundtable in 2022 (38, no. 1). For the roundtable, Judith Plaskow wrote a lead piece reflecting on race, racism, and the history of JFSR,2 and a series of scholars wrote short responses. The respondents included former JFSR coeditors and current board members. All current unit coleaders also offered responses. Nami Kim's response is particularly relevant for our own roundtable here. She writes that even as we continue to "examine how 'our' work and network engender anti-Blackness," FSR also must attend "to multiple logics of white supremacy and Christian hegemony, since white supremacy is undergirded by not only anti-Black racism but also anti-Muslim racism, pernicious orientalism and anti-Asian racism, and settler colonialism."3 These multiple logics were on our mind when Grace Ji-Sun Kim (FSR director at large) and I (FSR vice president) developed this roundtable discussion. Our hope is to continue FSR's antiracism initiatives by [End Page 107] attending to some of these complex dynamics as they impact Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) communities. As has been well documented (and, for many of us, personally experienced), the COVID-19 pandemic led to a surge of violence and hate against Asian and Pacific Islander folks in North America and Europe. But, as Nami Kim notes, the violence long predates COVID; and Stop AAPI Hate's work to document, research, and respond to the rise of anti-Asian attacks did not receive significant attention until the murders of six women of Asian descent in Atlanta (March 16, 2021).4 Clearly, anti-Asian racism in religion, the academy, and society has a much longer history than just the past three years. Our roundtable participants—Grace Ji-Sun Kim, Vijaya Nagarajan, Rachel Bundang, Najeeba Syeed, and Tamara C. Ho—have been invited to reflect on the following questions: How do you see Asian invisibility and/or anti-Asian racism in religion and society? How do you respond to that in your scholarship? How do you see Asian, Asian American, and Pacific Islander American voices and issues represented in feminist studies in religion? And what needs to happen in feminist studies in religion to contend with Asian invisibility and anti-Asian racism? These questions are only meant to start the conversation, as we wanted participants to have the freedom to develop their thoughts in light of their own concerns and work. A number of themes arise from th
2020年7月,在Breonna Taylor、George Floyd和Rayshard brooks被警察枪杀事件发生后,宗教女性主义研究公司(FSR)领导层发表了一份关于反黑人种族主义的声明,FSR承诺采取一系列行动打击反黑人种族主义。它还承诺不断地自我反省自己与种族和种族主义有关的历史和做法。作为这项工作的一部分,《宗教女性主义研究杂志》(JFSR)在2022年(38年,第6期)发表了一篇圆桌会议。1).在圆桌会议上,朱迪思·普拉斯科(Judith Plaskow)写了一篇关于种族、种族主义和JFSR历史的主要文章,2还有一些学者写了简短的回应。受访者包括前JFSR共同编辑和现任董事会成员。所有现任单位领导也都作出了回应。Nami Kim的回答与我们在这里举行的圆桌会议特别相关。她写道,即使我们继续“审视‘我们的’工作和网络如何引发反黑人”,FSR也必须关注“白人至上主义和基督教霸权的多重逻辑,因为白人至上主义不仅受到反黑人种族主义的支持,也受到反穆斯林种族主义、有害的东方主义和反亚洲种族主义以及定居者殖民主义的支持。”当Grace Ji-Sun Kim (FSR总监)和我(FSR副总裁)展开这次圆桌讨论时,这些多重逻辑就在我们的脑海里。我们希望通过关注这些影响亚裔美国人和太平洋岛民(AAPI)社区的复杂动态,继续FSR的反种族主义倡议。众所周知(对我们许多人来说,亲身经历过),2019冠状病毒病大流行导致北美和欧洲针对亚太岛民的暴力和仇恨激增。但是,正如Nami Kim指出的那样,暴力早在COVID之前就发生了;3 .直到2021年3月16日6名亚裔女性在亚特兰大被谋杀事件发生后,AAPI仇恨组织记录、研究和应对反亚裔袭击事件的工作才得到了广泛关注显然,宗教、学术界和社会上的反亚裔种族主义的历史要比过去三年长得多。我们的圆桌会议参与者- grace Ji-Sun Kim, Vijaya Nagarajan, Rachel Bundang, Najeeba syed和Tamara C. ho -被邀请反思以下问题:你如何看待宗教和社会中的亚洲隐形和/或反亚洲种族主义?你如何在你的奖学金中回应这一点?你如何看待亚裔、亚裔美国人和太平洋岛民在宗教女权主义研究中所代表的声音和问题?女性主义宗教研究需要做些什么来应对亚裔的隐形和反亚裔的种族主义?这些问题只是为了开始对话,因为我们希望参与者能够根据自己的关注点和工作自由地发展自己的想法。圆桌会议的答复产生了若干主题。一方面,亚太裔人士(以及他们的宗教和社区)由于他们的特征、文化等因素而引人注目。他们被认为是不可同化的、永远的外国人。他们是“异类”,从未被视为完全的美国人。这导致了种族化的仇外心理,长期以来的排斥和暴力一直持续到今天。即便如此,美国种族的二元框架意味着,在美国历史和美国种族历史中,AAPI社区同时是隐形的。在学校和教室里,隐形也同样存在。东方主义和西方白人对宗教、权威和学术的霸权建构意味着,在研究他们自己的宗教思想和实践时,亚洲、太平洋岛民和亚太裔社区往往是隐形的。学生、学者和实践者并没有从他们的宗教和社区的抽象呈现(白人男性)中看到他们自己。圆桌会议的撰稿人还强调了亚洲的不可见性是多方面的。有纠缠的不可见性和不可见性中的不可见性。性别动态和性别刻板印象对亚太裔学者起着隐形作用,使他们保持在自己的“位置”上。“额外的综合因素包括教师地位,基督教的主导地位,以及……
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JOURNAL OF FEMINIST STUDIES IN RELIGION
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