This article takes a quantitative approach to the long-term dynamics of the preterite inflection in West Germanic, with a special focus on Dutch. In a first step, we replicate two often-cited studies on English and German (Lieberman et al. 2007 and Carroll et al. 2012, respectively) by looking at Dutch. This part also tackles some methodological shortcomings in the previous studies. In a second step, we delve deeper into the evolution of the preterite morphology in Dutch in the last 1200 years, by looking at several factors which have been previously only investigated in isolation or on limited time slices. Using multiple binomial regression analysis, the various factors are studied under multifactorial control.
本文采用定量的方法来研究西日耳曼语中首选屈折的长期动态，特别关注荷兰语。首先，我们通过研究荷兰语，复制了两项经常被引用的关于英语和德语的研究(Lieberman et al. 2007和Carroll et al. 2012)。这一部分还解决了以往研究中方法论上的一些不足。在第二步中，我们通过观察几个因素，深入研究了过去1200年荷兰古物形态的演变，这些因素以前只在单独或有限的时间切片上进行了研究。采用多元二项回归分析，在多因素控制下对各因素进行了研究。
{"title":"Reassessing the evolution of West Germanic preterite inflection","authors":"Isabeau De Smet, F. Velde","doi":"10.1075/DIA.18020.DES","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.18020.DES","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article takes a quantitative approach to the long-term dynamics of the preterite inflection in West Germanic,\u0000 with a special focus on Dutch. In a first step, we replicate two often-cited studies on English and German (Lieberman et al. 2007 and Carroll et al. 2012, respectively)\u0000 by looking at Dutch. This part also tackles some methodological shortcomings in the previous studies. In a second step, we delve\u0000 deeper into the evolution of the preterite morphology in Dutch in the last 1200 years, by looking at several factors which have\u0000 been previously only investigated in isolation or on limited time slices. Using multiple binomial regression analysis, the various\u0000 factors are studied under multifactorial control.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43150808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines current approaches to studying alignment change and the role of language contact in the spread of ergativity, using the Chukotkan languages as a case study. Chukotkan is exceptional in that there does not appear to be a single reanalysis pathway that can account for the development of ergative case. Rather, the system appears to be the product of several changes that operated in different domains. This paper provides an alternative to an earlier account that claims that Chukotkan ergativity developed due to Yupik substrate effects, which is not supported by the historical accounts of the contact between these groups. This explanation is consistent with a problematic tendency of treating ergativity as a special phenomenon, even though ergative alignment regularly arises via internal change. Instead, I propose that the loss of split ergative case marking occurred due to the reanalysis of a passive participle, which was motivated by the tendency to encode animacy distinctions in these languages.
{"title":"Alignment change in Chukotkan","authors":"Jessica Kantarovich","doi":"10.1075/DIA.18016.KAN","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.18016.KAN","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines current approaches to studying alignment change and the role of language contact in the spread of ergativity, using the Chukotkan languages as a case study. Chukotkan is exceptional in that there does not appear to be a single reanalysis pathway that can account for the development of ergative case. Rather, the system appears to be the product of several changes that operated in different domains. This paper provides an alternative to an earlier account that claims that Chukotkan ergativity developed due to Yupik substrate effects, which is not supported by the historical accounts of the contact between these groups. This explanation is consistent with a problematic tendency of treating ergativity as a special phenomenon, even though ergative alignment regularly arises via internal change. Instead, I propose that the loss of split ergative case marking occurred due to the reanalysis of a passive participle, which was motivated by the tendency to encode animacy distinctions in these languages.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49186002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite its alleged relative stability, grammatical gender has nevertheless been completely lost in a number of languages. Through the analysis of three case studies (Afrikaans, Ossetic, and Cappadocian Greek) and a brief survey of similar developments in other languages, this article investigates the link between the loss of gender and language contact, which appears to be a key factor in the decline of gender systems. Drawing on recent research within the framework of sociolinguistic typology, I focus on the specific influence that a particular type of language contact (namely, non-native or imperfect learning) usually exerts on the grammar of the languages being acquired. I also discuss the diachronic asymmetry between the loss and the development of gender in language contact settings: while gender loss seems to be contact-related in quite a number of cases, replication or borrowing of gender turns out to be a rather restricted or even rare phenomenon.
{"title":"Loss of grammatical gender and language contact","authors":"Iván Igartua","doi":"10.1075/DIA.17004.IGA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.17004.IGA","url":null,"abstract":"Despite its alleged relative stability, grammatical gender has nevertheless been completely lost in a number of languages. Through the analysis of three case studies (Afrikaans, Ossetic, and Cappadocian Greek) and a brief survey of similar developments in other languages, this article investigates the link between the loss of gender and language contact, which appears to be a key factor in the decline of gender systems. Drawing on recent research within the framework of sociolinguistic typology, I focus on the specific influence that a particular type of language contact (namely, non-native or imperfect learning) usually exerts on the grammar of the languages being acquired. I also discuss the diachronic asymmetry between the loss and the development of gender in language contact settings: while gender loss seems to be contact-related in quite a number of cases, replication or borrowing of gender turns out to be a rather restricted or even rare phenomenon.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48840501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The languages of the Dene (aka Athapaskan) family in North America almost universally employ two copular verbs. In several languages of this family, copular forms are also employed as verbal auxiliaries: forms of one copula mark clausal focus while forms of the other mark TAM (tense/aspect/mode) categories. With reference to two Dene languages in particular, Tłı̨chǫ Yatıì and Tsúùt’ínà, I explain this difference by positing distinct grammaticalization paths and motivations for each copula: both focus and TAM markers originate in a uniclausal reanalysis of biclausal constructions, the former from constructions where the matrix clause asserts the truth of the embedded clause, and the latter from those where the matrix clause supplies extra TAM information to the embedded clause. Both grammaticalizations involve an upward reanalysis of copulas as functional heads.
{"title":"Differential grammaticalization of copulas in Tsúùt’ínà and Tłı̨chǫ Yatıì","authors":"N. Welch","doi":"10.1075/DIA.15031.WEL","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.15031.WEL","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The languages of the Dene (aka Athapaskan) family in North America almost universally employ two copular verbs. In several languages of this family, copular forms are also employed as verbal auxiliaries: forms of one copula mark clausal focus while forms of the other mark TAM (tense/aspect/mode) categories. With reference to two Dene languages in particular, Tłı̨chǫ Yatıì and Tsúùt’ínà, I explain this difference by positing distinct grammaticalization paths and motivations for each copula: both focus and TAM markers originate in a uniclausal reanalysis of biclausal constructions, the former from constructions where the matrix clause asserts the truth of the embedded clause, and the latter from those where the matrix clause supplies extra TAM information to the embedded clause. Both grammaticalizations involve an upward reanalysis of copulas as functional heads.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45335763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Clifton Pye. The comparative method of language acquisition research","authors":"D. Law","doi":"10.1075/DIA.00012.LAW","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.00012.LAW","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49258484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Scouring the world for transgenetic interrelationships","authors":"James A. Matisoff","doi":"10.1075/DIA.00011.MAT","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.00011.MAT","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47651253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article documents the historical development and synchronic variation of so-called “/h/ insertion” (/h/ before vowel-initial words such as apple, under, etc.). It argues that the maintenance of /h/ insertion in post-colonial English varieties around the world provides an ideal opportunity for research on language change under dialect contact scenarios involving British donors and other dialects. After an assessment of regional distribution patterns in current World Englishes, I present some first findings from a large-scale quantitative analysis of Tristan da Cunha English, where /h/ insertion, firmly attested yet nearing obsolescence in British English, has survived into the 21st century. The quantitative analysis provides important insights into donor attribution and competition-selection processes that accompany dialect contact and koinéization, with special reference to theoretical concepts such as colonial lag, feature pool formation and founder effects. A holistic application of the concept of colonial lag to post-colonial English varieties needs to be refined and critically assessed. I argue that entire linguistic systems (in the form of koinés) are not conservative as such but that arrested language (and dialect) change operates on a feature-specific level instead.
{"title":"/h/ insertion as a ‘camouflage archaism’?","authors":"D. Schreier","doi":"10.1075/DIA.17030.SCH","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.17030.SCH","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article documents the historical development and synchronic variation of so-called “/h/ insertion” (/h/\u0000 before vowel-initial words such as apple, under, etc.). It argues that the maintenance of /h/\u0000 insertion in post-colonial English varieties around the world provides an ideal opportunity for research on language change under\u0000 dialect contact scenarios involving British donors and other dialects. After an assessment of regional distribution patterns in\u0000 current World Englishes, I present some first findings from a large-scale quantitative analysis of Tristan da Cunha English, where\u0000 /h/ insertion, firmly attested yet nearing obsolescence in British English, has survived into the 21st century. The quantitative\u0000 analysis provides important insights into donor attribution and competition-selection processes that accompany dialect contact and\u0000 koinéization, with special reference to theoretical concepts such as colonial lag, feature pool formation and founder effects. A\u0000 holistic application of the concept of colonial lag to post-colonial English varieties needs to be refined and critically\u0000 assessed. I argue that entire linguistic systems (in the form of koinés) are not conservative as such but that arrested language\u0000 (and dialect) change operates on a feature-specific level instead.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47839571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Sampling error in lexicostatistical measurements","authors":"Jan Feld, Alexander Maxwell","doi":"10.1075/DIA.18004.FEL","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.18004.FEL","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48606714","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the effects of borrowing on the semantics of a derivational suffix. It presents a case study that compares the borrowed Middle English suffix -ery to Middle French -erie, paying special attention to their respective semantic structures and analysing them with semantic maps. The semantic structure of the borrowed suffix -ery is very similar to that of its origin -erie and there is no evidence for semantic reduction as a result of the borrowing process. This stability is linked to sociolinguistic aspects of the contact situation. Substantial semantic changes do occur in the recipient language after the suffix has become an established word formation process, however. On the basis of empirical data, this paper makes a contribution to the study of derivational semantics and contact linguistics by proposing a methodology for the analysis of the semantic structure of (borrowed) derivational morphology.
{"title":"The semantic development of borrowed derivational morphology","authors":"Marion Schulte","doi":"10.1075/DIA.17016.SCH","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.17016.SCH","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study investigates the effects of borrowing on the semantics of a derivational suffix. It presents a case\u0000 study that compares the borrowed Middle English suffix -ery to Middle French -erie, paying\u0000 special attention to their respective semantic structures and analysing them with semantic maps. The semantic structure of the\u0000 borrowed suffix -ery is very similar to that of its origin -erie and there is no evidence for\u0000 semantic reduction as a result of the borrowing process. This stability is linked to sociolinguistic aspects of the contact\u0000 situation. Substantial semantic changes do occur in the recipient language after the suffix has become an established word\u0000 formation process, however. On the basis of empirical data, this paper makes a contribution to the study of derivational semantics\u0000 and contact linguistics by proposing a methodology for the analysis of the semantic structure of (borrowed) derivational\u0000 morphology.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44839066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The principle of directionality is an important part of the comparative method: in order to arrive at a reconstruction, historical linguists need a robust theory that informs them in what direction linguistic change is likely to proceed. But any such theory will have exceptions. How are these to be spotted? I examine one case in which a counter-directional change, degrammaticalization, can be reconstructed by invoking the phonotactics of the proto-language. The degrammaticalized form is the Sirva 3sg pronoun be, and the proto-language is Proto-Sogeram. After making this reconstruction, I also demonstrate that it can be used to enhance our understanding of degrammaticalization. Be spawned a small family of related forms, which shows us that degrammaticalized forms can become polygrammaticalized in the same way as other grammatical morphemes.
{"title":"Using phonotactics to reconstruct degrammaticalization","authors":"Don Daniels","doi":"10.1075/DIA.18015.DAN","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.18015.DAN","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The principle of directionality is an important part of the comparative method: in order to arrive at a\u0000 reconstruction, historical linguists need a robust theory that informs them in what direction linguistic change is likely to\u0000 proceed. But any such theory will have exceptions. How are these to be spotted? I examine one case in which a counter-directional\u0000 change, degrammaticalization, can be reconstructed by invoking the phonotactics of the proto-language. The degrammaticalized form\u0000 is the Sirva 3sg pronoun be, and the proto-language is Proto-Sogeram. After making this reconstruction,\u0000 I also demonstrate that it can be used to enhance our understanding of degrammaticalization. Be spawned a small\u0000 family of related forms, which shows us that degrammaticalized forms can become polygrammaticalized in the same way as other\u0000 grammatical morphemes.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48653250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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