Udi is a Nakh-Daghestanian (Lezgic) language spoken in northern Azerbaijan, which has undergone many contact-induced changes due to the influence of unrelated languages of the eastern Caucasus (Indo-European, Turkic). A recent change is the borrowing of the conditional enclitic =sa from Azerbaijani (Turkic). In Udi, this marker can combine with finite indicative tenses, resulting in a series of derived ‘realis’ conditional mood forms. The clitic is also used to create an indefiniteness marker, which derives indefinite pronouns from interrogative ones. Prior to the borrowing of the Azerbaijani morpheme there was no comparable marker in Udi available to fulfil these functions, while other Lezgic languages employ their own native grammatical means for the same functions (conditional clitics or auxiliaries). The acquisition of the borrowed clitic has thus made Udi more and not less structurally isomorphic with respect to the other languages of the Lezgic branch. This paper develops a description of functions related to the domain of conditional mood on various stages of the history of Udi, and suggests a diachronic scenario for the borrowing of the Azerbaijani marker =sa.
{"title":"Borrowing from an unrelated language in support of intragenetic tendencies","authors":"T. Maisak","doi":"10.1075/dia.18019.mai","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.18019.mai","url":null,"abstract":"Udi is a Nakh-Daghestanian (Lezgic) language spoken in northern Azerbaijan, which has undergone many contact-induced changes due to the influence of unrelated languages of the eastern Caucasus (Indo-European, Turkic). A recent change is the borrowing of the conditional enclitic =sa from Azerbaijani (Turkic). In Udi, this marker can combine with finite indicative tenses, resulting in a series of derived ‘realis’ conditional mood forms. The clitic is also used to create an indefiniteness marker, which derives indefinite pronouns from interrogative ones. Prior to the borrowing of the Azerbaijani morpheme there was no comparable marker in Udi available to fulfil these functions, while other Lezgic languages employ their own native grammatical means for the same functions (conditional clitics or auxiliaries). The acquisition of the borrowed clitic has thus made Udi more and not less structurally isomorphic with respect to the other languages of the Lezgic branch. This paper develops a description of functions related to the domain of conditional mood on various stages of the history of Udi, and suggests a diachronic scenario for the borrowing of the Azerbaijani marker =sa.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59396956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper discusses several Slavic and Baltic dialects which have undergone stress shifts as a result of language contact. Two types of change are discussed: (1) stress retractions from the final syllable onto the initial syllable of a prosodic word, and (2) the rise of fixed stress replacing earlier free stress. It is argued that in all cases discussed in the paper, contact with a language with fixed initial stress caused a stress shift. Examples from Croatian and Lithuanian demonstrate that pitch contours played an important role in these shifts. The results of the shifts are not always identical, but the underlying mechanism is the same in each of these cases: the lexical pitch contour of the donor language was imposed on the target language, thereby introducing constraints on the position of stress in the target language. It is argued that a similar mechanism operated in West Slavic, where languages with free stress introduced fixed stress on the initial or penultimate syllable due to contact with German and possibly Hungarian.
{"title":"Language contact and prosodic change in Slavic and Baltic","authors":"T. Pronk","doi":"10.1075/DIA.16038.PRO","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.16038.PRO","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper discusses several Slavic and Baltic dialects which have undergone stress shifts as a result of language\u0000 contact. Two types of change are discussed: (1) stress retractions from the final syllable onto the initial syllable of a prosodic\u0000 word, and (2) the rise of fixed stress replacing earlier free stress. It is argued that in all cases discussed in the paper,\u0000 contact with a language with fixed initial stress caused a stress shift. Examples from Croatian and Lithuanian demonstrate that\u0000 pitch contours played an important role in these shifts. The results of the shifts are not always identical, but the underlying\u0000 mechanism is the same in each of these cases: the lexical pitch contour of the donor language was imposed on the target language,\u0000 thereby introducing constraints on the position of stress in the target language. It is argued that a similar mechanism operated\u0000 in West Slavic, where languages with free stress introduced fixed stress on the initial or penultimate syllable due to contact\u0000 with German and possibly Hungarian.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44455710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Word prosody and sentence-level intonation undergo complex interactions through time. In this study, I focus on the effects of intonation on the development of word prosody in two closely related Papuan languages, Makalero and Fataluku. Though both are very similar segmentally, Makalero’s prosodic system is based on trochaic stress, while Fataluku is characterized primarily by phrase-level intonational contours. On the basis of internal comparative evidence, I demonstrate that the trochaic stress system of Makalero is older, and that a series of well-motivated sound changes has led to a dissociation of stress and intonation in Fataluku. A disassociation between stress and intonation is typologically unexpected, and analysis of the historical development of Fataluku’s system sheds light on how such a dissociation may have taken place.
{"title":"The evolution of word prosody in the Papuan languages of Eastern Timor","authors":"Tyler Heston","doi":"10.1075/DIA.17019.HES","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.17019.HES","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Word prosody and sentence-level intonation undergo complex interactions through time. In this study, I focus on\u0000 the effects of intonation on the development of word prosody in two closely related Papuan languages, Makalero and Fataluku.\u0000 Though both are very similar segmentally, Makalero’s prosodic system is based on trochaic stress, while Fataluku is\u0000 characterized primarily by phrase-level intonational contours. On the basis of internal comparative evidence, I demonstrate that\u0000 the trochaic stress system of Makalero is older, and that a series of well-motivated sound changes has led to a dissociation of\u0000 stress and intonation in Fataluku. A disassociation between stress and intonation is typologically unexpected, and analysis of the\u0000 historical development of Fataluku’s system sheds light on how such a dissociation may have taken place.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45708011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates the pragmatic function of new negative markers during incipient renewal of negation in ‘Jespersen’s cycle’. We outline a typology of these markers, suggesting a pathway by which they begin as specialized for use with discourse-old propositions and later expand to inferred propositions before finally becoming possible with discourse-new propositions. This framework is applied to an overlooked case of Jespersen’s cycle in North Germanic: replacement of early Norwegian ei(gi) “not” by ekki (originally “nothing”) from 1250 to 1550. We document a sharp rise in frequency of ekki around 1425, suggesting that, until then, ekki had been restricted to negating discourse-old propositions. Once this constraint was lifted, ei(gi) and ekki competed directly, resulting in rapid replacement of ei(gi) by ekki. This typologically unusual direct replacement of a negator with no intervening doubling stage can be attributed to the new negator’s origin as a negative indefinite and the lack of negative concord in early Norwegian.
{"title":"Pragmatic differentiation of negative markers in the early stages of Jespersen’s cycle in North\u0000 Germanic","authors":"T. Blaxter, David Willis","doi":"10.1075/DIA.16040.BLA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.16040.BLA","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article investigates the pragmatic function of new negative markers during incipient renewal of negation in\u0000 ‘Jespersen’s cycle’. We outline a typology of these markers, suggesting a pathway by which they begin as specialized for use with\u0000 discourse-old propositions and later expand to inferred propositions before finally becoming possible with discourse-new\u0000 propositions. This framework is applied to an overlooked case of Jespersen’s cycle in North Germanic: replacement of early\u0000 Norwegian ei(gi) “not” by ekki (originally “nothing”) from 1250 to 1550. We\u0000 document a sharp rise in frequency of ekki around 1425, suggesting that, until then, ekki had\u0000 been restricted to negating discourse-old propositions. Once this constraint was lifted, ei(gi)\u0000 and ekki competed directly, resulting in rapid replacement of ei(gi) by\u0000 ekki. This typologically unusual direct replacement of a negator with no intervening doubling stage can be\u0000 attributed to the new negator’s origin as a negative indefinite and the lack of negative concord in early Norwegian.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43963653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present study is an in-depth, corpus-based analysis of the rise and institutionalization of the indefinite nominal gerund in Late Modern English, considering the observed developments in light of their interactions with functionally related constructions. Based on historical data taken from the Corpus of Late Modern English Texts (version 3.1), we argue that the rise of indefinite nominal gerunds constitutes an instance of diachronic nominalization, in which the nominal gerund over time gradually comes to exploit a fuller range of paradigmatic properties associated with the nominal class. At the same time, this study investigates the potential influence of isomorphism on the observed developments. While the results do support the frequently investigated claim that language systems have a (weak) preference for a one-form-one-meaning organization in later stages of their development, the initial emergence of indefinite nominal gerunds can more accurately be explained by allowing system pressure as an enabling force of linguistic innovation. The picture presented in this study serves as evidence that the long-term development of linguistic constructions can be the result of competing – even maximally opposite – forces.
{"title":"Competing motivations in the diachronic nominalization of English gerunds","authors":"Lauren Fonteyn, Charlotte Maekelberghe","doi":"10.1075/DIA.17015.FON","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.17015.FON","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The present study is an in-depth, corpus-based analysis of the rise and institutionalization of the indefinite\u0000 nominal gerund in Late Modern English, considering the observed developments in light of their interactions with functionally\u0000 related constructions. Based on historical data taken from the Corpus of Late Modern English Texts (version 3.1), we argue that\u0000 the rise of indefinite nominal gerunds constitutes an instance of diachronic nominalization, in which the nominal gerund\u0000 over time gradually comes to exploit a fuller range of paradigmatic properties associated with the nominal class. At the same\u0000 time, this study investigates the potential influence of isomorphism on the observed developments. While the results do\u0000 support the frequently investigated claim that language systems have a (weak) preference for a one-form-one-meaning organization\u0000 in later stages of their development, the initial emergence of indefinite nominal gerunds can more accurately be explained by\u0000 allowing system pressure as an enabling force of linguistic innovation. The picture presented in this study serves as\u0000 evidence that the long-term development of linguistic constructions can be the result of competing – even maximally\u0000 opposite – forces.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47960682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Non-configurationality is a linguistic property associated with free word order, discontinuous constituents, including NPs, and null anaphora of referential arguments. Quantitative metrics, based both on local networks (syntactic trees and word order within sentences) and on global networks (incorporating the relations within a whole treebank into a shared graph), can reveal correlations among these features. Using treebanks we focus on diachronic varieties of Ancient Greek and Latin, in which non-configurationality tapered off over time, leading to the largely configurational nature of the Romance languages and of Modern Greek. A property of global networks (density of their spectra around zero eigenvalues) measuring the regularity in word order is shown to be strengthened from classical to late varieties. Discontinuous NPs are traced by counting the words creating non-projectivity in dependency trees: these drop dramatically in late varieties. Finally, developments in the use of null referential direct objects are gauged by assessing the percentage of third-person personal pronouns among verb objects. All three features turn out to change over time due to the decay of non-configurationality. Evaluation of the strength of their pairwise correlation shows that null direct objects and discontinuous NPs are deeply intertwined.
{"title":"Non-configurationality in diachrony: Correlations in local and global networks of Ancient Greek and Latin","authors":"E. Ponti, S. Luraghi","doi":"10.1075/DIA.00007.PON","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.00007.PON","url":null,"abstract":"Non-configurationality is a linguistic property associated with free word order, discontinuous constituents, including NPs, and null anaphora of referential arguments. Quantitative metrics, based both on local networks (syntactic trees and word order within sentences) and on global networks (incorporating the relations within a whole treebank into a shared graph), can reveal correlations among these features. Using treebanks we focus on diachronic varieties of Ancient Greek and Latin, in which non-configurationality tapered off over time, leading to the largely configurational nature of the Romance languages and of Modern Greek. A property of global networks (density of their spectra around zero eigenvalues) measuring the regularity in word order is shown to be strengthened from classical to late varieties. Discontinuous NPs are traced by counting the words creating non-projectivity in dependency trees: these drop dramatically in late varieties. Finally, developments in the use of null referential direct objects are gauged by assessing the percentage of third-person personal pronouns among verb objects. All three features turn out to change over time due to the decay of non-configurationality. Evaluation of the strength of their pairwise correlation shows that null direct objects and discontinuous NPs are deeply intertwined.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":"35 1","pages":"367-392"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43532072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Many studies on Spanish verbal periphrases either discuss the general features of the syntactic category or analyse the semantic and functional differences between specific members of that category. The present paper focusses on one particular periphrasis, parecer “to seem” + infinitive but, at the same time, takes into account a similar, impersonal construction with parecer. Adopting a constructionist, usage-based approach, data are drawn from a large diachronic corpus, which makes it possible to describe the interplay between the two competing constructions and identify different semantic and syntactic contexts that favoured the increase of the periphrasis in the 19th century at the cost of the impersonal construction. More generally, the paper addresses the relevance of studying individual constructions in the context of other semantically and/or formally related constructions, since a change in one particular area of the constructional landscape can have repercussions on other areas as well.
{"title":"Changing frequencies in a constructional landscape","authors":"Dorien Nieuwenhuijsen","doi":"10.1075/DIA.17021.NIE","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.17021.NIE","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Many studies on Spanish verbal periphrases either discuss the general features of the syntactic category or analyse the semantic\u0000 and functional differences between specific members of that category. The present paper focusses on one particular periphrasis,\u0000 parecer “to seem” + infinitive but, at the same time, takes into account a similar, impersonal construction\u0000 with parecer. Adopting a constructionist, usage-based approach, data are drawn from a large diachronic corpus,\u0000 which makes it possible to describe the interplay between the two competing constructions and identify different semantic and\u0000 syntactic contexts that favoured the increase of the periphrasis in the 19th century at the cost of the impersonal construction.\u0000 More generally, the paper addresses the relevance of studying individual constructions in the context of other semantically and/or\u0000 formally related constructions, since a change in one particular area of the constructional landscape can have repercussions on\u0000 other areas as well.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1075/DIA.17021.NIE","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48064278","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recent decades have seen a surge of interest in grammaticalization. In this paper, however, we are not concerned with reaching a better understanding of the nature of grammaticalization phenomena or their triggering factors, but we ask under what circumstances grammaticalization does not take place, even if it would have seemed likely to – a topic that has scarcely been addressed in the literature. Based on a comparative investigation of the historical development of a class of Indo-European spatial adverbs, we argue that mismatches between layers of linguistic structure present one type of situation in which grammaticalization may be blocked. For grammaticalization to occur, the outer semantic-syntactic boundaries of the potentially grammaticalizing construction must be matched by prosodic boundaries. If prosodic chunking is shifted in relation to semantic-syntactic chunking, grammaticalization may be prevented.
{"title":"When grammaticalization does not occur","authors":"Uta Reinöhl, Antje Casaretto","doi":"10.1075/DIA.17013.REI","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.17013.REI","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Recent decades have seen a surge of interest in grammaticalization. In this paper, however, we are not concerned with reaching a better\u0000 understanding of the nature of grammaticalization phenomena or their triggering factors, but we ask under what circumstances\u0000 grammaticalization does not take place, even if it would have seemed likely to – a topic that has scarcely been addressed in the\u0000 literature. Based on a comparative investigation of the historical development of a class of Indo-European spatial adverbs, we\u0000 argue that mismatches between layers of linguistic structure present one type of situation in which grammaticalization may be\u0000 blocked. For grammaticalization to occur, the outer semantic-syntactic boundaries of the potentially grammaticalizing construction\u0000 must be matched by prosodic boundaries. If prosodic chunking is shifted in relation to semantic-syntactic chunking,\u0000 grammaticalization may be prevented.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2018-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1075/DIA.17013.REI","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42871414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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