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AJIA, Volume 12, n° 1 & 2, 2009 - Full Issue 美国农业学报,第12卷,2009年第1、2期
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-12-09 DOI: 10.57054/ajia.v12i1-2.1275
Journal system
Guest Editors Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo & Patrice Bigombe Logo Contents Introduction Etats et transformations de la politique en Afrique subsaharienne : quels nouveaux modes de régulations ? Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo & Patrice Bigombe Logo ........... .......... 1 La suppression de la limitation du nombre de mandats présidentiels au Cameroun : Analyse de la bifurcation de la trajectoire d’une politique institutionnelle André Tchoupie ............................................................................ 5 Sécurité et ordre politique au Cameroun : entre dynamiques internes et connexions internationales Belomo Essono Pélagie Chantal.....................................................39 Les gouvernements de transition comme sites d'institutionnalisation de la politique dans les ordres politiques en voie de sortie de crise en Afrique ? Yves Paul Mandjem.....................................................................81
嘉宾编辑Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo & Patrice Bigombe Logo内容介绍撒哈拉以南非洲的国家和政治转型:什么新的监管模式?Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo & Patrice Bigombe Logo ........... ..........1,取消总统连任次数限制:喀麦隆分叉分析andre Tchoupie体制政策的轨迹 ............................................................................喀麦隆的安全与政治秩序:内部动态与国际联系之间Belomo Essono pelagie Chantal……39过渡政府作为政治秩序制度化的场所,在非洲走出危机的过程中?伊夫(Paul Mandjem ..................................................................... 81
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引用次数: 0
BRICS and resistance in Africa: Contention, assimilation and co-optation 金砖国家与非洲的抵抗:争鸣、同化与选择
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-11-18 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2021.2003237
Marcelo C. Rosa
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引用次数: 3
Between the Africa Mining Vision and the neo-patrimonial state: The agency gap in Ghana’s regulation of artisanal and small-scale gold mining 在非洲矿业愿景和新世制国家之间:加纳对手工和小规模金矿开采的监管中的代理差距
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2021.2000888
J. Ayelazuno, Lord Mawuko-Yevugah
ABSTRACT This article critically examines the discourse of African agency in global affairs via Ghana’s failure to implement the artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) component of the Africa Mining Vision (AMV). If implemented effectively, the AMV would serve as a signal example of African agency, demonstrating the capacity and autonomy of African states to govern their natural resources in the interests of their own development. One of the pillars of the AMV is a well-governed ASM sector, to promote sustainable rural livelihoods in Africa. However, in the case of Ghana, a leading member of the Africa Union, it is argued that neo-patrimonial practices have contributed immensely to a failure to implement its ASM policies. This fact points to a gulf between collective African agency on the global stage and the acute ineffectiveness of African states to implement the AMV, a continental development blueprint which has often been used to illustrate this very agency.
摘要本文通过加纳未能实施《非洲矿业愿景》(AMV)中的手工和小规模采矿(ASM)部分,批判性地审视了非洲机构在全球事务中的话语。如果得到有效实施,AMV将成为非洲机构的一个标志性例子,展示非洲国家为自身发展利益管理其自然资源的能力和自主权。AMV的支柱之一是管理良好的ASM部门,以促进非洲可持续的农村生计。然而,就非洲联盟的主要成员加纳而言,有人认为,新的世袭做法极大地导致了其ASM政策未能得到执行。这一事实表明,全球舞台上的非洲集体机构与非洲国家在实施AMV方面的严重无效性之间存在差距,AMV是一个经常被用来说明这一机构的大陆发展蓝图。
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引用次数: 2
Missing mentions: An analysis of references to African heads of government in US broadcast news 遗漏提及:美国广播新闻中提及非洲政府首脑的分析
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2021.1993994
J. Hickman
ABSTRACT References to African heads of government in broadcast news in the United States provides one framework through which the US news audience can better learn about African politics – and arguably one which is less fraught with potential misperceptions than news frames emphasising conflict and underdevelopment. This article reports the findings of a content analysis of various broadcast news programmes in the US over the period 2003–2020, with a view to the impact of that coverage on US foreign policy on Africa. What it reveals is that of the six broadcast news programmes in the study, only three – NPR's All Things Considered, CNN Newsroom and PBS NewsHour – made significant mention of African heads of government, and Egyptian and South African heads of government received disproportionate attention. The proposed result of such skewed news coverage is an impoverished US public opinion, with implications for US foreign policymaking.
摘要美国广播新闻中提及非洲政府首脑,为美国新闻受众更好地了解非洲政治提供了一个框架——可以说,与强调冲突和欠发达的新闻框架相比,这个框架没有那么充满潜在的误解。本文报道了2003-2020年期间美国各种广播新闻节目的内容分析结果,以期了解这些报道对美国对非洲外交政策的影响。研究显示,在这项研究中的六个广播新闻节目中,只有三个——NPR的《考虑所有事情》、CNN新闻室和PBS新闻一小时——显著提到了非洲政府首脑,埃及和南非政府首脑受到了不成比例的关注。这种扭曲的新闻报道的拟议结果是美国公众舆论的贫乏,对美国的外交政策制定产生了影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Frontlines of Peace: An Insider’s Guide to Changing the World 《和平的前线:改变世界的内幕指南
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2021.2007165
Sven Botha
Séverine Autesserre has persistently made noteworthy and invaluable contributions to the literature on peacebuilding and conflict management, and The Frontlines of Peace is no exception to this trend. Autesserre notes that war has cost the international community $10 trillion annually, which equates to 13% of the world’s gross domestic product and an expenditure of $4 per person per day (p. 17). This mass expenditure, according to Autesserre, is a significant flaw of the peace industry at present. Autesserre argues that ‘[c]contrary to what most politicians preach, building peace doesn’t require billions in aid or massive international interventions’; rather, for Autesserre, ‘[r]eal, lasting pace requires giving power to ordinary citizens’ (pp. 18–19). With this premise in mind, Autesserre proceeds to review the peace industry: what she refers to as ‘Peace, Inc’. Peace, Inc adopts a top-down approach in terms of which peacebuilders and interveners originating from outside a conflict zone arrive in a conflict zone with the view that they know best. This approach is often rooted in stereotypes of the populace residing in the conflict zone in question. In order to prove her point, Autesserre points to her own experiences in the field. She recounts an episode, for example, where a European diplomat likened the violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to that witnessed during the Middle Ages. On a different occasion, a humanitarian worker posited that sexual violence was commonplace within Congolese society due to the existence of an extensive rape culture. Such stereotypes result in the perpetuation of negative perceptions of those residing in conflict zones. In the DRC context, locals gained a reputation associated with the idea that ‘Congo is as Congo does’ (p. 71). Reputations of this kind result in external interveners perceiving populations in conflict zones as weak and incompetent, which in turn leads to the former operating on the assumption that they have a better sense of how to resolve conflict than the latter. Against this backdrop, again drawing from her experiences in the field, Autesserre makes the case that insiders and outsiders need to ensure that they interact outside of the workspace in their efforts to bring about peace, as doing so will help disrupt habitual patterns and defuse tense relationships between different sides. Doing so would help to challenge, and in time reset, the top-down approach practised by Peace, Inc. Towards the end of the volume, Autesserre reflects on her years in the field, offering the reader her version of what she terms the ‘Model Intervener’; for Autesserre, such an individual understands that (p. 153):
ssamverine Autesserre一直对建设和平和处理冲突的文献作出值得注意和宝贵的贡献,《和平前线》也不例外。Autesserre指出,战争每年给国际社会造成10万亿美元的损失,相当于世界国内生产总值的13%,每人每天的支出为4美元(第17页)。根据Autesserre的说法,这种大规模的支出是目前和平产业的一个重大缺陷。Autesserre认为“[c]与大多数政治家所宣扬的相反,建立和平并不需要数十亿美元的援助或大规模的国际干预”;相反,对Autesserre来说,“真正的、持久的步伐需要把权力交给普通公民”(第18-19页)。考虑到这个前提,Autesserre继续回顾和平产业:她称之为“和平公司”。和平公司采用自上而下的方法,来自冲突地区以外的和平建设者和干预者带着他们最了解的观点来到冲突地区。这种做法往往植根于对有关冲突地区居民的刻板印象。为了证明她的观点,Autesserre提到了她自己在这个领域的经历。例如,她讲述了一个插曲,一位欧洲外交官将刚果民主共和国(DRC)的暴力事件比作中世纪的暴力事件。在另一个场合,一名人道主义工作者认为,由于普遍存在强奸文化,性暴力在刚果社会中是司空见惯的。这种陈规定型观念导致对居住在冲突地区的人的消极看法长期存在。在刚果民主共和国的背景下,当地人获得了一种与“刚果就是刚果”的观念相关的声誉(第71页)。这种声誉导致外部干预者认为冲突地区的人民软弱无能,这反过来又导致前者认为他们比后者更懂得如何解决冲突。在这种背景下,Autesserre再次从她在该领域的经验中得出结论,内部人员和外部人员需要确保他们在工作空间之外的互动,以努力实现和平,因为这样做将有助于打破习惯模式,缓和不同方面之间的紧张关系。这样做将有助于挑战和平公司实行的自上而下的方法,并及时进行重置。在书的最后,Autesserre回顾了她在这个领域的岁月,向读者提供了她所谓的“模范干预者”的版本;对于Autesserre来说,这样的人明白(第153页):
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引用次数: 1
A constructivist approach to Gambia-Senegal relations: Analysis of the ‘two states, one people’ and the ‘next-door enemy’ discourse 冈比亚-塞内加尔关系的建构主义视角:“两个国家,一个人民”和“隔壁敌人”话语分析
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2021.2014355
M. Lenn
ABSTRACT Gambia’s foreign policy on Senegal under the presidency of Yahya AJJ Jammeh (1996–2016) is the focus of this article. The study relied on speeches, statements and communiqués as its source of data for analysis. Using constructivism as a general theory and discourse analysis as a framework of analysis, the work argues that the Gambia’s foreign policy towards its neighbour was built upon two main social constructs, namely ‘two states, one people’ and ‘next-door enemy’. Despite changes in the leadership in Senegal, it is argued that the Gambian leadership consistently constructed Senegal in the same way during this period. The article concludes that these two constructs explain the often contradictory relationship between the two countries. While the ‘two states, one people’ construct was used to argue for and build cordial relationships, ‘the next-door enemy’ construct was invoked to condemn Senegal and justify strained relations.
摘要:叶海亚·贾梅(1996–2016)担任总统期间,冈比亚对塞内加尔的外交政策是本文的重点。该研究以演讲、声明和公报为数据来源进行分析。该工作以建构主义为一般理论,以话语分析为分析框架,认为冈比亚对邻国的外交政策建立在两个主要的社会结构之上,即“两个国家,一个人民”和“隔壁敌人”。尽管塞内加尔的领导层发生了变化,但有人认为,冈比亚领导层在这一时期一直以同样的方式建设塞内加尔。文章的结论是,这两个结构解释了两国之间经常矛盾的关系。“两个国家,一个人民”的概念被用来主张和建立友好关系,而“隔壁敌人”的概念则被用来谴责塞内加尔,并为紧张的关系辩护。
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引用次数: 1
Authoritarian Africa: Repression, Resistance, and the Power of Ideas 威权主义的非洲:镇压、抵抗和思想的力量
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2021.2009018
Gilbert M. Khadiagala
peacekeeping). Instead, it encourages us to think of peacebuilding as a long-term ‘all inclusive’ process which must start at the beginning of, and persist throughout, the conflict management cycle. In addition to potentially changing our way of thinking about Peace, Inc, The Frontlines of Peace offers the reader unique insights into how invaluable fieldwork and qualitative research methods can prove, if undertaken rigorously. Many of Autesserre’s insights and arguments are more relatable to readers thanks to various maps and photographs provided. Through challenging the way we think, The Front Lines of Peace is a laudable contribution to the literature and would be of interest to a number of reading communities. First, researchers in political science, international relations and related disciplines would find this book useful, especially if one of their aims is to interrogate the peace industry in their research. Second, students may find The Frontlines of Peace useful as a source of inspiration, particularly if they intend to engage in fieldwork in future. Third, given that Autesserre’s emphasis on understanding local context, The Frontlines of Peacemay prove useful for thinking about how diplomats should serve in conflict zones, The Frontlines of Peace would also be of interest to those engaged in capacity building activities such as diplomatic training. Finally, Autesserre’s means of bringing practical insights into peacebuilding would also make the volume valuable to academics who seek inspiration on how they can enhance their roles within peacebuilding. Overall, Séverine Autesserre has provided her readers with a roadmap for changing the world of peacebuilding; such change, however, will take time, as well as willingness and collaboration from both insiders and outsiders engaging in conflict management within conflict zones.
维和)。相反,它鼓励我们将建设和平视为一个长期的“包容各方”进程,必须从冲突管理周期的开始就开始,并在整个过程中持续下去。除了有可能改变我们对和平公司的思考方式外,《和平前线》还为读者提供了独特的见解,让他们了解如果严格执行,宝贵的实地调查和定性研究方法可以证明什么。由于提供了各种地图和照片,奥特斯塞尔的许多见解和论点与读者更有联系。通过挑战我们的思维方式,《和平前线》对文学做出了值得称赞的贡献,并将引起许多阅读群体的兴趣。首先,政治学、国际关系和相关学科的研究人员会发现这本书很有用,特别是如果他们的目的之一是在他们的研究中询问和平工业。其次,学生可能会发现《和平前线》是一个有用的灵感来源,特别是如果他们打算在未来从事实地工作。第三,鉴于Autesserre强调了解当地情况,《和平前线》可能对思考外交官应该如何在冲突地区服务有用,《和平前线》也会对那些从事能力建设活动(如外交培训)的人感兴趣。最后,Autesserre为建设和平带来实际见解的方法,也将使这本书对那些寻求如何加强其在建设和平中的作用的启发的学者有价值。总的来说,ssamverine Autesserre为她的读者提供了改变世界建设和平的路线图;然而,这种改变需要时间,也需要参与冲突地区内冲突管理的内部人员和外部人员的意愿和合作。
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引用次数: 9
Negotiating Our Economic Future: Trade, Technology and Diplomacy 谈判我们的经济未来:贸易、技术和外交
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2021.2003236
F. Adeleke
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引用次数: 1
South Africa's access to the global financial safety net 南非进入全球金融安全网的途径
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2021.1995480
A. Hoosain, L. Rangasamy
ABSTRACT The rapid globalisation of the world economy has heightened the exposure of many economies to global economic developments. Small open economies have become particularly vulnerable to global shocks, a situation which has increased their need for emergency funding during times of crisis. The global financial safety net (GFSN) is a financial backstop at the international level which provides support to countries during periods of financial stress. However, access to the GFSN is ‘unequal’ and ‘uneven’, with emerging and developing economies being particularly disadvantaged. This paper provides an overview of the GFSN and analyses South Africa's access to the GFSN in a comparative setting. The analysis reveals South Africa's unequal access to the GFSN, relative to upper-middle income and high-income countries. Finally, the paper highlights some measures to strengthen the country's financial backstop at the international level to enhance South Africa's resilience against international financial shocks.
摘要世界经济的快速全球化加剧了许多经济体对全球经济发展的影响。小型开放经济体特别容易受到全球冲击的影响,这种情况增加了它们在危机时期对紧急资金的需求。全球金融安全网(GFSN)是一个国际层面的金融后盾,在金融压力时期为各国提供支持。然而,获得GFSN是“不平等的”和“不平衡的”,新兴和发展中经济体尤其处于不利地位。本文提供了GFSN的概述,并在比较设置中分析了南非对GFSN的访问。分析显示,相对于中高收入和高收入国家,南非获得GFSN的机会不平等。最后,本文重点介绍了在国际层面加强国家金融支持的一些措施,以增强南非抵御国际金融冲击的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Human Rights and Economic Inequalities 人权与经济不平等
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1017/9781009006545
Alexander Beyleveld
Economic inequalities are among the greatest human rights challenges the world faces today due to the past four decades of neoliberal policy dominance. Globally, there are now over 2,000 billionaires, while 3.4 billion people live below the poverty line of US $5.50 per day. Many human rights scholars and practitioners read these statistics with alarm, asking what impact such extreme inequalities have on realizing human rights and what role, if any, should human rights have in challenging them? This edited volume examines these questions from multiple disciplinary perspectives, seeking to uncover the relationships between human rights and economic inequalities, and the barriers and pathways to greater economic equality and full enjoyment of human rights for all. The volume is a unique contribution to the emerging literature on human rights and economic inequality, as it is interdisciplinary, global in reach and extends to several under-researched areas in the field.
由于过去四十年来新自由主义政策的主导地位,经济不平等是当今世界面临的最大人权挑战之一。全球有2000多名亿万富翁,但仍有34亿人生活在每天5.5美元的贫困线以下。许多人权学者和实践者对这些统计数据感到震惊,问这种极端不平等对实现人权有什么影响,人权在挑战这些不平等方面应该发挥什么作用(如果有的话)?这本编辑过的书从多个学科的角度审视了这些问题,试图揭示人权与经济不平等之间的关系,以及实现更大的经济平等和所有人充分享受人权的障碍和途径。该卷是对人权和经济不平等的新兴文献的独特贡献,因为它是跨学科的,全球性的影响,并延伸到该领域的几个研究不足的领域。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA
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