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Governance and traditional rulership in northern Nigeria 尼日利亚北部的治理和传统统治
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2122547
Mellissa Simbisai Mlambo
ABSTRACT Traditional rulers have long provided security and stability in Nigeria. However, although they play an important governance role, they are not adequately acknowledged within governance literature and discourse. Primarily, this is because the latter are predominantly western-centred and thereby do not adequately acknowledge the nuances and differences in governance practices in other regions of the world. This article provides a Global South reading of governance, specifically focusing on traditional rulership in northern Nigeria. The article explores how and why traditional rulers wield and exercise power within their communities and provides new insights on how informal actors like traditional rulers can – and cannot – influence the governance arena, arguing for greater inclusion in the literature and discourse on the subject.
传统统治者长期以来为尼日利亚提供了安全和稳定。然而,尽管它们在治理中扮演着重要的角色,但在治理文献和话语中却没有得到充分的承认。这主要是因为后者主要以西方为中心,因此没有充分认识到世界其他地区治理实践的细微差别和差异。本文提供了对治理的全球南方解读,特别关注尼日利亚北部的传统统治。本文探讨了传统统治者如何以及为什么在其社区内行使和行使权力,并就像传统统治者这样的非正式行为者如何能够和不能影响治理领域提供了新的见解,并主张在有关这一主题的文献和话语中增加包容性。
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引用次数: 0
Coloniality and othering in DFID’s development partnership with South Africa 英国国际发展部与南非发展伙伴关系中的殖民和其他问题
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2127871
M. Strand
ABSTRACT Development aid discourses have been criticised for perpetuating othering and coloniality. They have been argued to produce and reproduce conceptual creations of a distinguishable ‘us’ and ‘them’ and uphold hierarchies where former colonial powers remain preeminent and subjugate the ‘Global South’. The turn of the century, however, saw the emergence of ‘development partnerships’ to rebalance asymmetrical relationships between donor and recipient. Developing a critical discourse analysis framework from decolonial scholarship and applying it to the United Kingdom Department for International Development’s development partnership with South Africa between 2014 and 2018, the article reveals clear examples of othering and coloniality. The suggestion of mutuality therefore appears to be just a façade, and the development partnership discourse is rather emphasising difference and justifying colonial hierarchies, contradicting its purported values. Recommendations include increased scrutiny of dehistoricised and decontextualised development narratives, and clearly stating national and political interests in bilateral partnerships.
发展援助话语因延续他者和殖民主义而受到批评。有人认为,它们产生并复制了一个可区分的“我们”和“他们”的概念创造,并维护了前殖民大国仍然卓越并征服“全球南方”的等级制度。然而,在世纪之交,出现了“发展伙伴关系”,以重新平衡捐助者和受援国之间的不对称关系。文章从非殖民化学术中开发了一个批判性话语分析框架,并将其应用于2014年至2018年间英国国际发展部与南非的发展伙伴关系,揭示了其他人和殖民主义的明确例子。因此,相互性的建议似乎只是一个表象,发展伙伴关系的话语相当强调差异,并为殖民等级制度辩护,这与其所谓的价值观相矛盾。建议包括加强对非历史化和非文本化发展叙事的审查,并明确说明双边伙伴关系中的国家和政治利益。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding party factionalism and fragmentation: The case of two Nkrumahist parties in Ghana 理解政党派系斗争和分裂:以加纳的两个恩克鲁玛派政党为例
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2127870
Baffour Agyeman Prempeh Boakye
ABSTRACT It is widely argued that intra-party struggles for leadership and the emergence of factions within any political party are inevitable. However, it becomes problematic when cooperative factionalism within political parties turns out to be degenerative. This article sets out to illuminate some possible triggers that have contributed to the inability for Ghana's Convention People's Party (CPP) and People's National Convention (PNC) to overcome their fragmentation. The argument here is that excessive personality cults, coupled with the exploitation of warring factions within the CPP and PNC, have undermined the electoral prospects of these two Nkrumahist-inspired parties. The article notes, among other dynamics, the need for these parties to build robust party structures, tone down on excessive personalisation of party leadership, and minimise political opportunism.
人们普遍认为,任何政党内部的领导权斗争和派系的出现都是不可避免的。但是,如果政党内部的合作派性变质,就会出现问题。本文旨在阐明导致加纳人民大会党(CPP)和人民国民大会党(PNC)无法克服分裂的一些可能诱因。这里的论点是,过度的个人崇拜,加上利用CPP和PNC内部的交战派系,破坏了这两个受恩克鲁玛主义者启发的政党的选举前景。文章指出,在其他动态中,这些政党需要建立健全的政党结构,淡化党的领导过度个人化,并最大限度地减少政治机会主义。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the multilateral negotiations on climate change ahead of COP27: Priorities for the African region 了解COP27前气候变化多边谈判:非洲地区的优先事项
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2134201
B. Mantlana, A. O. Jegede
ABSTRACT This article presents a rationale for understanding how the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) operates in advancing the global response to climate change. It does this by highlighting key characteristics of this framework convention, whose multilateral process has led to the establishment of treaties such as the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement. The article also points out the complexity of the process within the annual meetings of the UNFCCC’s Conference of the Parties (COP), the supreme decision-making body of the convention. Furthermore, the slow pace of progress of these multilateral negotiations and the reasons responsible for such slow progress are highlighted. The article notes that the next COP, under the leadership of Egypt, presents a significant opportunity to Africa to influence the process. As a whole, the article aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of this important multilateral process and the value of incremental change.
摘要本文介绍了理解《联合国气候变化框架公约》(UNFCCC)如何在推动全球应对气候变化方面发挥作用的基本原理。它通过强调这一框架公约的主要特点来做到这一点,该公约的多边进程促成了《京都议定书》和《巴黎协定》等条约的制定。文章还指出了《气候公约》缔约方大会(《公约》最高决策机构)年会过程的复杂性。此外,还强调了这些多边谈判进展缓慢以及造成进展缓慢的原因。文章指出,埃及领导下的下一届缔约方会议为非洲影响这一进程提供了一个重要机会。总的来说,这篇文章旨在有助于更深入地理解这一重要的多边进程和渐进变革的价值。
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引用次数: 0
Climate Refugees: Global, Local and Critical Approaches 气候难民:全球、地方和关键方法
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2122549
Rouven Diekjobst
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引用次数: 1
Expensive Poverty: Why Aid Fails and How it Can Work 昂贵的贫困:援助为何失败以及如何发挥作用
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2075912
D. Bridgman
toolkit for countries looking to regain the regulatory power they have handed over to international law and institutions in the past. That said, legitimate concerns remain regarding how to strike an appropriate balance between national security concerns and the extent to which FDI flows are promoted and investments protected. Cheng Bian’s work, through undertaking an in-depth comparative study and proposing an extensive – and nuanced – normative framework makes for excellent reading for scholars and practitioners that are interested in how to approach this, including in the South African context where the Competition Act has been amended relatively recently to enable FDI screening on national security grounds.
为那些希望重新获得过去移交给国际法和机构的监管权的国家提供的工具包。也就是说,对于如何在国家安全关切与促进外国直接投资流动和保护投资的程度之间取得适当平衡,仍然存在合理的关切。程边的工作通过进行深入的比较研究并提出一个广泛而细致的规范框架,为对如何处理这一问题感兴趣的学者和从业者提供了极好的阅读,包括在南非的背景下,《竞争法》最近进行了修订,以实现基于国家安全的外国直接投资筛选。
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引用次数: 3
National Security Review of Foreign Investment: A Comparative Legal Analysis of China, the United States and the European Union 外商投资国家安全审查:中美欧盟法律比较分析
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2075913
Anqi Wang
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引用次数: 0
Border Wars: The Conflicts that Will Define Our Future 边境战争:将决定我们未来的冲突
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2075911
Bhaso Ndzendze
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引用次数: 2
The (in)formality of mobility in the ECOWAS region: The paradoxes of free movement 西非经共体区域流动的形式:自由流动的悖论
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2084452
Kwaku Arhin-Sam, A. Bisong, Leonie Jegen, Harouna Mounkaila, F. Zanker
ABSTRACT The free movement protocols of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have never been fully implemented, yet within the region people have continued to move relatively freely. At the same time, the original aim to improve mobility appears to be changing to one of control over mobility. Drawing on fieldwork data as well as a collaborative, deliberative process of uncovering what free movement means in conversations with a group of West African scholars and activists, this article seeks to better understand free movement in the region, despite all its paradoxes. It shows how formal free movement is undermined by several regional and national impediments, including weak ECOWAS institutions, divergent national interests among individual member states and infrastructural challenges like accessing ID cards, as well as external influence from the EU. These however work in convergence with a practice of everyday mobility within socio-political spaces that cross borders.
摘要西非国家经济共同体(西非经共体)的自由流动议定书从未得到充分执行,但该地区的人民仍然相对自由地流动。与此同时,提高流动性的最初目标似乎正在转变为控制流动性。本文利用实地调查数据,以及在与一群西非学者和活动家的对话中揭示自由流动意味着什么的合作、深思熟虑的过程,试图更好地理解该地区的自由流动,尽管存在种种悖论。它表明,正式的自由流动是如何受到几个地区和国家障碍的破坏的,包括西非经共体机构薄弱、个别成员国之间的国家利益分歧、获取身份证等基础设施挑战,以及来自欧盟的外部影响。然而,这些措施与跨境社会政治空间内的日常流动实践相结合。
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引用次数: 2
International Economic Law: (Southern) African Perspectives and Priorities 国际经济法:(南部)非洲的观点和优先事项
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2076731
A. Langalanga
impact on development through aid, they must be willing to support responsive governments, rather than rewarding those that fail to be responsive. A different question, rather than why has aid failed, would be what can drive development in Africa? As the responsibility for developing the countries of Africa can lie only with Africans, and in particular with those in leadership positions driving the development agenda, this is an important distinction. Aid can only support the implementation of well-judged and sensible policies, and can neither buy them, nor be a substitute for them. To use a current analogy, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine cannot be stopped by NATO or the US donating arms to Ukraine, it can only be stopped by the bravery of Ukrainians, their determination to hold their attacker at bay, and the strategic skill of Ukrainian political and military leaders in addressing the invasion. Where these are present, the donations of arms from NATO and the US can support the mission – where they are absent, no amount of arms donations could be effective in slowing or blocking the invasion.
通过援助对发展产生影响,他们必须愿意支持反应灵敏的政府,而不是奖励那些没有反应灵敏的国家。另一个问题,而不是援助为什么失败,是什么能推动非洲的发展?由于发展非洲国家的责任只能由非洲人承担,特别是由那些在推动发展议程方面处于领导地位的人承担,这是一个重要区别。援助只能支持执行判断良好和明智的政策,既不能购买这些政策,也不能取代这些政策。用目前的比喻来说,北约或美国向乌克兰捐赠武器无法阻止俄罗斯对乌克兰的入侵,只有乌克兰人的勇敢、他们遏制袭击者的决心以及乌克兰政治和军事领导人应对入侵的战略技巧才能阻止。在有这些武器的地方,北约和美国的武器捐赠可以支持这项任务——在没有这些武器的情况下,再多的武器捐赠也无法有效减缓或阻止入侵。
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