Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2089727
Norman Sempijja, Ekeminiabasi Eyita-Okon
ABSTRACT The G5 Sahel (Mauritania, Niger, Burkina Faso, Mali and Chad) was formed to counter terrorist group insurgencies within its member states. European Union involvement in this effort has revolved around enhancing political dialogue and peacebuilding strategies, but challenges persist, especially the threat of separatist movements combining forces with Islamic terrorist groups. The study explores the effectiveness of EU strategies in combatting instability in the Sahel region. This mixed-methods study uses the security-development nexus perspective conceptually, drawing qualitative data from secondary sources and quantitative data from the Fragile States Index, considering indicators for group grievances; state legitimacy; human rights and the rule of law; and security apparatus. The study hypothesises that the security situation in the G5 Sahel region is primarily a consequence of bad governance and political discrepancies within these states. It concludes that EU efforts should be directed towards enhancing long term state resilience internally, to better withstand terrorism.
{"title":"Examining the effectiveness of the EU security-development strategy in tackling instability in the Sahel: The case for an alternative strategy?","authors":"Norman Sempijja, Ekeminiabasi Eyita-Okon","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2022.2089727","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2022.2089727","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The G5 Sahel (Mauritania, Niger, Burkina Faso, Mali and Chad) was formed to counter terrorist group insurgencies within its member states. European Union involvement in this effort has revolved around enhancing political dialogue and peacebuilding strategies, but challenges persist, especially the threat of separatist movements combining forces with Islamic terrorist groups. The study explores the effectiveness of EU strategies in combatting instability in the Sahel region. This mixed-methods study uses the security-development nexus perspective conceptually, drawing qualitative data from secondary sources and quantitative data from the Fragile States Index, considering indicators for group grievances; state legitimacy; human rights and the rule of law; and security apparatus. The study hypothesises that the security situation in the G5 Sahel region is primarily a consequence of bad governance and political discrepancies within these states. It concludes that EU efforts should be directed towards enhancing long term state resilience internally, to better withstand terrorism.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"29 1","pages":"139 - 160"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42318525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2096687
L. Koen
ABSTRACT In recent years there have been a growing number of attacks on foreign-owned shops in South Africa. Shop owners report a lack of police action in protecting their property from looting during these attacks. This article explores the extent to which investment law, both international and domestic, imposes an obligation on the state to protect foreign-owned property from such looting. The article specifically engages with criticism levelled at South Africa’s Protection of Investment Act and argues that some scholars have misinterpreted the extent of the physical security obligation in the act. The article also reflects on the trend whereby investment tribunals increasingly consider the state’s available resources and the context in which the attack occurred in determining a potential breach of investment law. It argues that the international community’s condemnation of xenophobia provides an important context for reviewing the state’s obligation to protect foreign-owned spaza shops from such attacks.
近年来，南非发生了越来越多针对外资商店的袭击事件。店主报告说，在这些袭击中，警察没有采取行动保护他们的财产不受抢劫。本文探讨了国际和国内投资法在多大程度上规定了国家保护外资财产免受此类掠夺的义务。这篇文章特别关注了对南非《投资保护法》(Protection of Investment Act)的批评，并认为一些学者误解了该法中人身安全义务的范围。本文还反映了一种趋势，即投资法庭在确定潜在的违反投资法行为时，越来越多地考虑国家的可用资源和攻击发生的背景。它认为，国际社会对仇外心理的谴责提供了一个重要的背景，以审查国家保护外国拥有的spaza商店免受此类攻击的义务。
{"title":"Investment law and South Africa’s duty to combat xenophobic attacks on migrant-owned spaza shops","authors":"L. Koen","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2022.2096687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2022.2096687","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In recent years there have been a growing number of attacks on foreign-owned shops in South Africa. Shop owners report a lack of police action in protecting their property from looting during these attacks. This article explores the extent to which investment law, both international and domestic, imposes an obligation on the state to protect foreign-owned property from such looting. The article specifically engages with criticism levelled at South Africa’s Protection of Investment Act and argues that some scholars have misinterpreted the extent of the physical security obligation in the act. The article also reflects on the trend whereby investment tribunals increasingly consider the state’s available resources and the context in which the attack occurred in determining a potential breach of investment law. It argues that the international community’s condemnation of xenophobia provides an important context for reviewing the state’s obligation to protect foreign-owned spaza shops from such attacks.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"29 1","pages":"207 - 226"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59920580","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2076732
Leezola Zongwe
tosanitary measures. These are generally viewed as the ultimate trade barrier for agricultureproducing countries in Africa, particularly as they try to access the EU market. There is a segment on the interface between trade and competition by Jonathan Klaaren and Sucker while Talkmore Chidede focuses on the general principles of international investment law to the extent that these are applicable to the region. The book fills a gap in the international economic law space from the perspective of the African continent. While the book is academic in nature, explaining the technicalities of the multilateral trading system, it is not lost on the authors that most of the challenges that African countries encounter at the WTO have their genesis in the political economy and history of state formation on the continent. On another point, considering that African countries trade more with China than with other economies, the book could have given impetus to the legal dynamics inherent to that relationship. That said, there is little doubt that future iterations of the book will cover areas that could not be covered in the current version.
{"title":"Illicit Financial Flows from South Africa: Decolonial Perspectives on Political Economy and Corruption","authors":"Leezola Zongwe","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2022.2076732","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2022.2076732","url":null,"abstract":"tosanitary measures. These are generally viewed as the ultimate trade barrier for agricultureproducing countries in Africa, particularly as they try to access the EU market. There is a segment on the interface between trade and competition by Jonathan Klaaren and Sucker while Talkmore Chidede focuses on the general principles of international investment law to the extent that these are applicable to the region. The book fills a gap in the international economic law space from the perspective of the African continent. While the book is academic in nature, explaining the technicalities of the multilateral trading system, it is not lost on the authors that most of the challenges that African countries encounter at the WTO have their genesis in the political economy and history of state formation on the continent. On another point, considering that African countries trade more with China than with other economies, the book could have given impetus to the legal dynamics inherent to that relationship. That said, there is little doubt that future iterations of the book will cover areas that could not be covered in the current version.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"29 1","pages":"252 - 254"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46508817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2099457
Edwin Yingi, P. Hlungwani
ABSTRACT The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic presented unprecedented challenges to regional bodies across the world. It resulted in a synchronised disruption of the world economy and regional integration agendas, and the re-emergence of nationalism and protectionism. The response to this health emergency differed across regions as regional and local impact of the disease varied. There were coordinated responses to the health crisis by some regional bodies while others saw more local and nationalistic reactions. The argument of this article is that the unilateral closure of borders and the imposition of travel restrictions showed protectionist inclinations and an unwillingness to cede authority to regional bodies. Inspired by the projected implications of the COVID-19 pandemic on the future of regional integration, this article examined the response of both ECOWAS and SADC to the COVID-19 health emergency and considers the implications for the quest for regional integration.
{"title":"The COVID-19 pandemic and regional integration in Africa: Implications of the responses from ECOWAS and SADC","authors":"Edwin Yingi, P. Hlungwani","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2022.2099457","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2022.2099457","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic presented unprecedented challenges to regional bodies across the world. It resulted in a synchronised disruption of the world economy and regional integration agendas, and the re-emergence of nationalism and protectionism. The response to this health emergency differed across regions as regional and local impact of the disease varied. There were coordinated responses to the health crisis by some regional bodies while others saw more local and nationalistic reactions. The argument of this article is that the unilateral closure of borders and the imposition of travel restrictions showed protectionist inclinations and an unwillingness to cede authority to regional bodies. Inspired by the projected implications of the COVID-19 pandemic on the future of regional integration, this article examined the response of both ECOWAS and SADC to the COVID-19 health emergency and considers the implications for the quest for regional integration.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"29 1","pages":"227 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46290406","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2087731
Ingo Henneberg
ABSTRACT Regional organisations (ROs) are increasingly important actors in managing regional and intrastate threats to peace and security, especially in Africa. The article introduces the Regional Organisations Security Activity Dataset for Africa (ROSADA), which encompasses military and non-military peace and security activities by all 24 ROs in Africa (1997-2016). Bridging the literature on comparative regionalism and international conflict management, ROSADA offers new insights into a broad spectrum of conflict management tasks such as mediation, sanctions, capacity building and military operations. The analysis indicates a considerable variation over time between different regions and subregions, and these activities are interconnected. ROSADA’s broad conventionalisation of peace and security activities contributes to the analysis of complex regional engagement in peace and security affairs, especially concerning preventive measures and post-conflict peacebuilding. By using established coding standards and including detailed raw data, ROSADA is useful for a wide set of research agendas.
{"title":"Local hero? Introducing the Regional Organisations Security Activity Dataset for Africa (ROSADA)","authors":"Ingo Henneberg","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2022.2087731","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2022.2087731","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Regional organisations (ROs) are increasingly important actors in managing regional and intrastate threats to peace and security, especially in Africa. The article introduces the Regional Organisations Security Activity Dataset for Africa (ROSADA), which encompasses military and non-military peace and security activities by all 24 ROs in Africa (1997-2016). Bridging the literature on comparative regionalism and international conflict management, ROSADA offers new insights into a broad spectrum of conflict management tasks such as mediation, sanctions, capacity building and military operations. The analysis indicates a considerable variation over time between different regions and subregions, and these activities are interconnected. ROSADA’s broad conventionalisation of peace and security activities contributes to the analysis of complex regional engagement in peace and security affairs, especially concerning preventive measures and post-conflict peacebuilding. By using established coding standards and including detailed raw data, ROSADA is useful for a wide set of research agendas.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"29 1","pages":"161 - 185"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46610443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2077829
J. Chimakonam, M. Enyimba
ABSTRACT This article argues that coloniality of power poses a challenge for globalisation as a component of modernity. The challenge necessitates a programme of decoloniality for globalisation. The inherent potential of globalisation to elevate one culture as dominant and to residualise the rest is sufficient to warrant its problematisation despite its positive features. A review of the literature shows that some decolonial thinkers present globalisation as one of the phenomena associated with the coloniality of power. Indeed, as a form of global cultural hegemony, globalisation elevates one culture as an absolute while marginalising others. At the same time, globalisation has an inherent capacity to bring cultures into a conversation; potentially creating a less lopsided and more accommodating world. This article will discuss how the coloniality of power constitutes a problem for this more positive role for globalisation, and how this might be remedied.
{"title":"Globalisation and the challenge of coloniality of power","authors":"J. Chimakonam, M. Enyimba","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2022.2077829","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2022.2077829","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article argues that coloniality of power poses a challenge for globalisation as a component of modernity. The challenge necessitates a programme of decoloniality for globalisation. The inherent potential of globalisation to elevate one culture as dominant and to residualise the rest is sufficient to warrant its problematisation despite its positive features. A review of the literature shows that some decolonial thinkers present globalisation as one of the phenomena associated with the coloniality of power. Indeed, as a form of global cultural hegemony, globalisation elevates one culture as an absolute while marginalising others. At the same time, globalisation has an inherent capacity to bring cultures into a conversation; potentially creating a less lopsided and more accommodating world. This article will discuss how the coloniality of power constitutes a problem for this more positive role for globalisation, and how this might be remedied.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"29 1","pages":"119 - 138"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48939491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-04DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2021.2019104
Buyisile Ntaka, László Csicsmann
The emergence of armed groups in countries such as Libya presents an opportunity for these actors to be engaged with other political actors in the country concerned with re-building the state. This article aims to illustrate the level of potential that key armed groups have to provide stability for state-building in post-Gaddafi Libya. A typological analysis considering the variables of legitimacy, resources and support was applied to show each group’s stabilising potential. Findings showed that the groups based in Tripoli, Misrata and Zintan have a high stabilising potential relative to other groups based on these variables; therefore, it is here argued, they are more likely to contribute positively to the post-civil war normalisation process. This potential can only be realised, however, if a majority of the actors involved in Libya choose, despite current constraints, to converge their interests and establish a legitimate government recognised by all and begin the process of inclusive statebuilding.
{"title":"Non-state armed groups and state-building in the Arab region: The case of post-Gaddafi Libya","authors":"Buyisile Ntaka, László Csicsmann","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2021.2019104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2021.2019104","url":null,"abstract":"The emergence of armed groups in countries such as Libya presents an opportunity for these actors to be engaged with other political actors in the country concerned with re-building the state. This article aims to illustrate the level of potential that key armed groups have to provide stability for state-building in post-Gaddafi Libya. A typological analysis considering the variables of legitimacy, resources and support was applied to show each group’s stabilising potential. Findings showed that the groups based in Tripoli, Misrata and Zintan have a high stabilising potential relative to other groups based on these variables; therefore, it is here argued, they are more likely to contribute positively to the post-civil war normalisation process. This potential can only be realised, however, if a majority of the actors involved in Libya choose, despite current constraints, to converge their interests and establish a legitimate government recognised by all and begin the process of inclusive statebuilding.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42875515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2042376
Robin E. Möser
{"title":"Networked Nonproliferation: Making the NPT Permanent","authors":"Robin E. Möser","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2022.2042376","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2022.2042376","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"29 1","pages":"111 - 113"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42711833","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2043181
A. Shipilov
ABSTRACT This article seeks to provide an update on the scholarship that has emerged concerning the civil war in Cote d’Ivoire (2002-2011) in the post-conflict decade, and to assess it vis-a-vis subsequent developments in national Ivorian politics. The literature is analysed and categorised, including both traditional and modern approaches, with the principal objective of determining key views on the conflict that have been re-examined in the last 10 years, revealing how our knowledge of that conflict has been clarified in light of post-conflict political developments. The author reviews and explores conflict emergence explanations centred on ethnicity, institutional viability, economic dependency and foreign interference – the latter challenged by the latest analysis of trans-border regional supply lines and domestic civil–military patronage networks. Overall the article attempts to enhance existing assessments of the Ivorian civil war in terms of causes, its course and its aftermath.
{"title":"Ten years after the Ivorian Civil War (2002–2011): Reassessment of the conflict","authors":"A. Shipilov","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2022.2043181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2022.2043181","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article seeks to provide an update on the scholarship that has emerged concerning the civil war in Cote d’Ivoire (2002-2011) in the post-conflict decade, and to assess it vis-a-vis subsequent developments in national Ivorian politics. The literature is analysed and categorised, including both traditional and modern approaches, with the principal objective of determining key views on the conflict that have been re-examined in the last 10 years, revealing how our knowledge of that conflict has been clarified in light of post-conflict political developments. The author reviews and explores conflict emergence explanations centred on ethnicity, institutional viability, economic dependency and foreign interference – the latter challenged by the latest analysis of trans-border regional supply lines and domestic civil–military patronage networks. Overall the article attempts to enhance existing assessments of the Ivorian civil war in terms of causes, its course and its aftermath.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"29 1","pages":"45 - 68"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42167960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2035251
Tobias Berger, K. Eickhoff
ABSTRACT While much scholarly attention has focused on the growing influence of China in Africa, India remains a comparatively neglected actor on the continent, especially among policy makers in the Global North. In this article, the authors argue that this comparative neglect is not only an empirical gap. Instead, it points towards a deeper conceptual challenge of accounting for shifting global power dynamics. To address this challenge, the article develops a relational account of power that takes into consideration questions of status and memory. Based on interviews conducted in Kenya and Ethiopia in early 2020, the analysis shows that India’s influence in the region is perceived differently by different audiences. While diplomats from the Global North focussed primarily on material capabilities, respondents from East Africa also highlighted the importance of normative status, shared historical memories, and the Indo-African diaspora as central factors of India’s influence in the region.
{"title":"Power, status and memory in Indo-East African relations","authors":"Tobias Berger, K. Eickhoff","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2022.2035251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2022.2035251","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While much scholarly attention has focused on the growing influence of China in Africa, India remains a comparatively neglected actor on the continent, especially among policy makers in the Global North. In this article, the authors argue that this comparative neglect is not only an empirical gap. Instead, it points towards a deeper conceptual challenge of accounting for shifting global power dynamics. To address this challenge, the article develops a relational account of power that takes into consideration questions of status and memory. Based on interviews conducted in Kenya and Ethiopia in early 2020, the analysis shows that India’s influence in the region is perceived differently by different audiences. While diplomats from the Global North focussed primarily on material capabilities, respondents from East Africa also highlighted the importance of normative status, shared historical memories, and the Indo-African diaspora as central factors of India’s influence in the region.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"29 1","pages":"23 - 44"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42947692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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