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Anatomy of a break-up in the Democratic Republic of Congo: The collapse of the FCC-CACH majority and why it matters 刚果民主共和国分裂剖析:FCC-CACH多数党的崩溃及其重要原因
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2048688
S. Wolters
ABSTRACT This article looks at the first three years of DRC President Felix Tshisekedi’s presidential mandate, and specifically at the period between January 2019 and August 2021. It examines the evolution of the ruling coalition between Tshisekedi’s Coalition pour le Changement (CACH) and former President Joseph Kabila’s Front Commun pour le Congo (FCC), which emerged from the contested 2018 presidential election in the DRC. In doing so it traces the gradual breakdown of relations between the ruling alliance partners and takes a step-by-step look at how Tshisekedi managed ultimately to break up the FCC’s parliamentary majority, paving the way for the formation of a new majority which supports him. In doing so the article will examine the legal aspects of the different steps taken towards the break-up of the ruling coalition and the parliamentary majority and examine the implications of the process for the DRC’s political future.
摘要本文着眼于刚果民主共和国总统费利克斯·齐塞克迪总统任期的前三年,特别是2019年1月至2021年8月。它考察了齐塞凯迪的变革联盟(CACH)和前总统约瑟夫·卡比拉的刚果阵线(FCC)之间的执政联盟的演变,后者是在2018年刚果民主共和国有争议的总统选举中产生的。在这样做的过程中,它追溯了执政联盟伙伴之间关系的逐渐破裂,并逐步审视了齐塞凯迪是如何最终打破联邦通信委员会的议会多数席位的,为组建支持他的新多数席位铺平了道路。在这样做的过程中,本文将研究为分裂执政联盟和议会多数党而采取的不同步骤的法律方面,并研究这一过程对刚果民主共和国政治未来的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Emerging Powers and the World Trading System: The Past and Future of International Economic Law 新兴大国与世界贸易体系:国际经济法的过去与未来
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2042375
Alexander Beyleveld
Attention to policies, laws, regulations, and practices of emerging powers, such as Brazil, China, and India, abounds as their influence over global governance is increasingly felt. So do discussions over the puzzling disenchantment of the United States with the very international economic order (characterized by the World Trade Organization) it built. But Gregory Shaffer, a world-renowned legal realist, stands out by offering an exceptionally in-depth, comprehensive, and pragmatic diagnosis of the rise of the emerging powers and the impacts they bring about in his new book Emerging Powers and the World Trading System. Shaffer convincingly addresses the key question – ‘[h]ow has the international trade and broader economic legal order changed since the WTO’s creation because of Brazil’s, India’s, and China’s rise and their development of trade law capacity?’ (p. 9) and resolves the paradox of why the United States ‘now calls into question the trade law system it created, while emerging economies that long criticized that system for its bias in favor of US interests defend it’ (p. viii). The book has nine chapters, organized into three parts. Part I lays down the foundation by first introducing the book’s purpose, context, and organization (Chapter 1). Chapter 2 describes the analytical framework that focuses on changes in five dimensions – law, institutions, professions, networks, and practices – within countries and at the international level simultaneously, and key concepts such as the theory of trade law capacity. Chapter 3 then identifies four challenges – technical capacity, financial resources, political and economic repercussions from powerful states, and internal governance obstacles – that countries face in developing trade law capacity. Part II – the core of the book – systematically applies the analytical framework of transnational legal ordering and trade law capacity theory and examines Brazil (Chapter 4), India (Chapter 5), and China (Chapters 6 and 7). It documents how the three emerging powers have transformed themselves – in response to the WTO – through changes in profession, institutions, professionals, networks, and practices, and how they now seek to impact the WTO and the global trading system. The chapter on Brazil (Chapter 4) surveys how it became the first emerging economy to build the legal capacity to seriously challenge the US and EU at the WTO and created models that India and China later borrowed. Shaffer and his co-author Michelle Ratton Sanchez Badin detail
对新兴大国(如巴西、中国和印度)的政策、法律、法规和实践的关注越来越多,因为它们对全球治理的影响越来越大。关于美国对其所建立的国际经济秩序(以世界贸易组织为特征)令人费解的觉醒的讨论也同样如此。但是,世界知名的法律现实主义者格雷戈里·谢弗在他的新书《新兴大国与世界贸易体系》中,对新兴大国的崛起及其带来的影响进行了异常深入、全面和务实的分析,从而脱颖而出。谢弗令人信服地提出了一个关键问题——“自从世贸组织成立以来,由于巴西、印度和中国的崛起及其贸易法能力的发展,国际贸易和更广泛的经济法律秩序发生了什么变化?”(第9页),并解决了一个悖论,即为什么美国“现在质疑自己创建的贸易法律体系,而长期批评该体系偏袒美国利益的新兴经济体却为之辩护”(第viii页)。本书共有九章,分为三个部分。第一部分通过首先介绍本书的目的、背景和组织(第1章)奠定了基础。第2章描述了分析框架,重点关注国内和国际层面五个维度的变化——法律、制度、专业、网络和实践,以及关键概念,如贸易法能力理论。然后,第3章确定了各国在发展贸易法能力时面临的四项挑战——技术能力、财政资源、强国的政治和经济影响以及内部治理障碍。第二部分——本书的核心——系统地应用了跨国法律秩序和贸易法能力理论的分析框架,并考察了巴西(第4章)、印度(第5章)和中国(第6章和第7章)。它记录了这三个新兴大国如何通过职业、机构、专业人员、网络和实践的变化来改变自己——以应对世贸组织,以及它们现在如何寻求影响世贸组织和全球贸易体系。关于巴西的那一章(第4章)调查了巴西如何成为第一个建立起在WTO严肃挑战美国和欧盟的法律能力的新兴经济体,并创造了后来被印度和中国借鉴的模式。谢弗和他的合著者米歇尔·拉顿·桑切斯·巴登详细介绍了
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引用次数: 6
Beyond ‘Indo-Pacific’ as a buzzword: Learning from China’s BRI experience 除了“印太”这个热词,我们还要学习中国的“一带一路”经验
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2042373
Yu-Shan Wu
ABSTRACT This exploratory article is interested in how transnational foreign policy ideas are shaped and institutionalised. One such idea that has re-emerged more prominently since the early 2000s is that of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ that covers the geoeconomic landscape of the Indian and Pacific Oceans. The question is whether such a concept can exist beyond white papers and the current environment of US–China competition. In order to understand how transnational concepts become embedded and promoted, the example of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – not only as the perceived anti-thesis to the Indo-Pacific but also as a relatively successful concept in Africa–China ties – will be examined. While there is no strict formula for the success of foreign policy ideas that go on to become institutionalised, it is of interest to understand the elements and contexts that bring about concept durability beyond their initial formation.
这篇探索性文章关注的是跨国外交政策理念是如何形成和制度化的。自21世纪初以来,重新出现的一个这样的概念是“印度-太平洋”,它涵盖了印度洋和太平洋的地缘经济格局。问题是,这样的概念能否在白皮书和当前的中美竞争环境之外存在。为了理解跨国概念是如何被嵌入和推广的,我们将研究中国的“一带一路”倡议(BRI)的例子——它不仅被认为是印太地区的对立面,而且在中非关系中也是一个相对成功的概念。虽然对于那些逐渐制度化的外交政策思想的成功并没有严格的公式,但了解使概念在最初形成之后得以持久的要素和背景是很有意义的。
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引用次数: 0
Agenda-setting as a tool of soft power in multilateral parliamentary diplomacy: Experiences of the South African Parliament 议程制定作为多边议会外交中的软实力工具:南非议会的经验
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2046149
Natalie Leibrandt-Loxton
ABSTRACT The Parliament of the Republic of South Africa has since 1994 actively participated in multilateral parliamentary diplomacy through inter-parliamentary institutions (IPIs). This article considers parliamentary diplomacy as an instrument of soft power and interrogates the soft power impact of agenda-setting in the context of IPIs. The qualitative analysis of various parliamentary records and other document sources reveals agenda-setting actions by Parliament that can be understood as instruments of soft power that hold positive implications for the state. Challenges to potential soft power gains were also identified. The research was enriched with primary perspectives from interviewed parliamentary members and officials who have consistently served as South African delegates to IPIs. The study provides insights for members of parliament and other policymakers on the merits and modalities of employing agenda-setting within multilateral parliamentary diplomacy as a soft power tool of the state.
摘要南非共和国议会自1994年以来通过议会间机构积极参与多边议会外交。本文将议会外交视为软实力的工具,并在IPI的背景下质疑议程设置对软实力的影响。对各种议会记录和其他文件来源的定性分析揭示了议会制定议程的行动,这些行动可以被理解为对国家具有积极影响的软实力工具。还指出了潜在软实力收益面临的挑战。这项研究丰富了接受采访的议会成员和官员的主要观点,他们一直担任IPI的南非代表。该研究为议员和其他政策制定者提供了关于将多边议会外交中的议程制定作为国家软实力工具的优点和方式的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Leap 4.0: African Perspectives on the Fourth Industrial Revolution 飞跃4.0:非洲对第四次工业革命的看法
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2043776
G. Razzano
1. The Land Claims Court (LCC) appointed Professor Richard Levin as the Special Master of Labour Tenants for a period of five years from 2 January 2020. As per the Constitutional Court’s ruling, the Special Master was an agent of the LCC and served a supervisory and monitoring role to ensure that the Department addressed the backlog. On 30 September 2020, the LCC approved a Revised Implementation Plan specifying how the Special Master would oversee the processing of all remaining claims by the Department.
1.土地申索法庭(LCC)任命Richard Levin教授为劳工租户特别主管,任期五年,自2020年1月2日起。根据宪法法院的裁决,特别主管是LCC的代理人,并发挥监督和监督作用,以确保该部门解决积压问题。2020年9月30日,LCC批准了一项修订后的实施计划,规定特别主管将如何监督该部处理所有剩余索赔。
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引用次数: 0
Land in South Africa: Contested Meanings and Nation Building 南非土地:有争议的意义与国家建设
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2043775
Zintle Koza
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引用次数: 0
China in Africa: Between Imperialism and Partnership in Humanitarian Development 中国在非洲:在帝国主义与人道主义发展的伙伴关系之间
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2022.2042374
Sören Scholvin
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引用次数: 0
The role of international law in promoting transboundary freshwater governance: The UN Watercourses Convention and the Revised SADC Water Protocol 国际法在促进跨界淡水治理中的作用:联合国水道公约和经修订的南部非洲发展共同体水议定书
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2021.2018035
Wanjiku Kaniaru
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引用次数: 0
The African Union’s Free Movement of Persons Protocol: Why has it faltered and how can its objectives be achieved? 非洲联盟的人员自由流动议定书:为什么它步履蹒跚,它的目标如何才能实现?
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-12-10 DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2021.2007788
Alan Hirsch
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引用次数: 5
AJIA, Volume 13, n° 1 & 2, 2010 - Full Issue 中国农业工程学报,2010年第13卷第1、2期
IF 1.1 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-12-09 DOI: 10.57054/ajia.v13i1-2.1274
Journal system
Contents  The Niger Delta Crisis: A Focus on Post-Amnesty Militancy and National Security Otojieh Chukwuemeka Ojione ........................................... .......... 1 The Complex Roots of the Second Eritrea-Ethiopia War: Re-Examining the Causes Redie Bereketeab....................................................................... 15 Nigeria-China Economic Relations Under the South-South Cooperation Samuel O. Udeala ....................................................................... 61 Avoiding the Oil Curse in Ghana: Is Transparency Sufficient? Franklin Obeng-Odoom..............................................................89 United States Foreign Policy and the Second Liberian Civil War George Klaty Kieh, Jr.................................................................121
内容尼日尔三角洲危机:关注Post-Amnesty战斗性和国家安全Otojieh Chukwuemeka Ojione ........................................... ..........1第二次Eritrea-Ethiopia大战的复杂根源:重新审视原因Redie Bereketeab .......................................................................15 Nigeria-China经济关系下的南南合作塞缪尔·o·Udeala .......................................................................避免加纳的石油诅咒:透明度足够吗?富兰克林Obeng-Odoom .............................................................. 89年美国外交政策和第二个利比里亚内战乔治Klaty Kieh, Jr . ................................................................. 121年
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South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA
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