Pub Date : 2019-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2019.1662061
V. Braginsky
ABSTRACT This article investigates Bustān al-sālikīn (Garden of wayfarers), a compendium of Malay Sufi-tantric treatises compiled in Aceh between the 16th and 19th century. The object of this study is Bustān al-sālikīn’s section on the ‘science of the imagination’, which deals with practices intended for the internal invisible world of subtle entities. In the first half of the article, the doctrine of the imagination, its background and mechanisms of its action are studied in both the Sufi and the tantric aspects, and an example of the internal visualisation of the inside of the gross body and the subtle body by means of the imagination is provided. The second half of the article examines how, through the imagination, the male and female practitioners in sexual congress contemplate their joint meditative ascent, symbolised by the upward movement of their generative fluids. Having entered together the system of channels (nāḍī) in the subtle body of the male practitioner (vajrolīmudrā), the pair of fluids ascends along his medial channel, integrating on the way to finally achieve union with the Truth Most High in ‘the palace of the tryst’ between the eyebrows.
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Pub Date : 2019-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2019.1654217
B. Arps
ABSTRACT The prominence of Hindu-Buddhist mythology, imagery, and religiosity in Islamic Java has puzzled observers. The shadow play with its Mahābhārata- and Rāmāyaṇa-derived subject matter is a prime example. Another is the late 18th-century ‘renaissance’ of Old Javanese literature in the Islamic kingdom of Surakarta, which produced classics still celebrated today. Beyond a misguided assumption that the Javanese were so strongly disposed to syncretism that blatant doctrinal clashes did not bother their intellectuals, the factors that animated this enterprise remain obscure, despite its critical consequence for the development of Javanese religiosities. I scrutinize several unstudied manuscripts and piece together information from hitherto unconnected scholarship to try to understand these factors, with reference to pressing circumstances, living theories, as well as people who think, feel, and hope. First I examine Javanese theoretical ideas about the relationship between the Hindu-Buddhist and Islamic traditions and the connection between epic narratives and the present and future of Java. Against this background I consider the initiative, in 1778, to reinterpret the ancient epic heritage, beginning with the Arjunawiwāha (composed c. 1030). Focal points of interest in the Islamic hermeneutics of this poem were a quest for inner potency and the resulting external power of violence, knowledge and revelation, and future kingship.
{"title":"The power of the heart that blazes in the world","authors":"B. Arps","doi":"10.1080/13639811.2019.1654217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2019.1654217","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The prominence of Hindu-Buddhist mythology, imagery, and religiosity in Islamic Java has puzzled observers. The shadow play with its Mahābhārata- and Rāmāyaṇa-derived subject matter is a prime example. Another is the late 18th-century ‘renaissance’ of Old Javanese literature in the Islamic kingdom of Surakarta, which produced classics still celebrated today. Beyond a misguided assumption that the Javanese were so strongly disposed to syncretism that blatant doctrinal clashes did not bother their intellectuals, the factors that animated this enterprise remain obscure, despite its critical consequence for the development of Javanese religiosities. I scrutinize several unstudied manuscripts and piece together information from hitherto unconnected scholarship to try to understand these factors, with reference to pressing circumstances, living theories, as well as people who think, feel, and hope. First I examine Javanese theoretical ideas about the relationship between the Hindu-Buddhist and Islamic traditions and the connection between epic narratives and the present and future of Java. Against this background I consider the initiative, in 1778, to reinterpret the ancient epic heritage, beginning with the Arjunawiwāha (composed c. 1030). Focal points of interest in the Islamic hermeneutics of this poem were a quest for inner potency and the resulting external power of violence, knowledge and revelation, and future kingship.","PeriodicalId":44721,"journal":{"name":"Indonesia and the Malay World","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13639811.2019.1654217","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46813808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2019.1652436
E. Wieringa
ABSTRACT The Suluk Gaṭoloco is a notoriously anti-Islamic satirical narrative poem, composed anonymously sometime in 19th-century Java. This article challenges Pigeaud’s hypothesis that it once belonged to the curriculum of Islamic religious schools in Panaraga. The contents of the so-called Sĕrat Suluk Panaraga, i.e. a two-volume compilation of texts on Islamic mysticism and theology, kept in the Berlin State Library (Ms. or. oct. 3999 and 4000), is discussed in some detail, showing that it contains variegated teachings. The version of the Suluk Gaṭoloco in the Berlin manuscript is close to Philippus van Akkeren’s 1951 edition, but exclusively concentrates on the theological disputes of Gaṭoloco with his scripturalist Islamic adversaries. The argument in Gaṭoloco’s narrative is built upon a discourse of ‘turning to the origins’. At a time when the traditional Javanese way of life was threatened by Dutch colonialism and ‘Arabised’ Islam, the Suluk Gaṭoloco constituted a nativist defence of indigenous customs which must have struck a chord among educated Javanese readers, but it is hardly conceivable that students of Islamic boarding schools were its primary readers. The Sĕrat Suluk Panaraga was originally compiled in 1894 and it was copied in 1901 in Blora on behalf of a Dutch colonial administrator called Paardekooper (1857–1905). This compilation is one among many more Javanese texts in Paardekooper’s overall copying programme which focused on the reading material of the Javanese bureaucratic elite.
摘要苏鲁克Gaṭ《oloco》是一首臭名昭著的反伊斯兰讽刺叙事诗，创作于19世纪的爪哇岛。这篇文章挑战了皮格的假设，即它曾经属于帕纳拉加伊斯兰宗教学校的课程。对柏林国家图书馆保存的所谓《Sĕrat Suluk Panaraga》的内容进行了详细讨论，该书是一本关于伊斯兰神秘主义和神学的两卷本汇编（Ms.or.oct.3999和4000），表明它包含了丰富多彩的教义。苏鲁克Ga的版本ṭ柏林手稿中的oloco与Philippus van Akkeren 1951年的版本接近，但完全集中在Ga的神学争议上ṭ奥洛科与他的圣经主义伊斯兰对手。Ga中的论点ṭ奥洛科的叙述建立在“转向起源”的话语之上。当传统的爪哇人生活方式受到荷兰殖民主义和“阿拉伯化”伊斯兰教的威胁时ṭ《oloco》构成了对土著习俗的本土主义辩护，这一定引起了受过教育的爪哇读者的共鸣，但很难想象伊斯兰寄宿学校的学生是它的主要读者。Sĕrat Suluk Panaraga最初编纂于1894年，1901年代表一位名叫Paardekooper（1857-1905）的荷兰殖民管理者在布洛拉复制。该汇编是Paardekooper的整体复制计划中众多爪哇文本之一，该计划侧重于爪哇官僚精英的阅读材料。
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Pub Date : 2019-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2019.1654216
V. Meyer
ABSTRACT This article examines the 16th-17th century Malay poet Hamzah Fansuri as a figure at the threshold between not only two religious traditions, but also two linguistic worlds. Hamzah Fansuri is well known for introducing the Sufi poetic tradition to Malay-speaking audiences, translating the Arabic thought of Ibn al-ʿArabī into Malay verse. Writing in Jawi, he frequently employed Arabic words and bilingual puns. This article explores how, through his puns, Hamzah made use of the incommensurabilities of the Arabic and Malay languages to draw attention to the infinite and incomprehensible difference between God and humans, while showing how everything that exists does so by virtue of its participation in the reality of wujūd, Ibn al-ʿArabī’s term for God’s being, which is identical to God’s being found. Hamzah’s practice of translation and his puns is then used to bridge a divide in western theories of translation represented by Walter Benjamin and Paul Ricoeur’s work. Whereas Benjamin emphasises an ontological reality that opens up through the process of translation and Ricoeur emphasises an epistemological process, Hamzah collapses the distinction through wujūd, being and finding. Hamzah’s puns can be understood as a translation that allow the incomprehensible real to be gestured at through language, as in Benjamin, even as it involves the reader in an unending hermeneutical process, like Ricoeur.
{"title":"Translating divinity","authors":"V. Meyer","doi":"10.1080/13639811.2019.1654216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2019.1654216","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the 16th-17th century Malay poet Hamzah Fansuri as a figure at the threshold between not only two religious traditions, but also two linguistic worlds. Hamzah Fansuri is well known for introducing the Sufi poetic tradition to Malay-speaking audiences, translating the Arabic thought of Ibn al-ʿArabī into Malay verse. Writing in Jawi, he frequently employed Arabic words and bilingual puns. This article explores how, through his puns, Hamzah made use of the incommensurabilities of the Arabic and Malay languages to draw attention to the infinite and incomprehensible difference between God and humans, while showing how everything that exists does so by virtue of its participation in the reality of wujūd, Ibn al-ʿArabī’s term for God’s being, which is identical to God’s being found. Hamzah’s practice of translation and his puns is then used to bridge a divide in western theories of translation represented by Walter Benjamin and Paul Ricoeur’s work. Whereas Benjamin emphasises an ontological reality that opens up through the process of translation and Ricoeur emphasises an epistemological process, Hamzah collapses the distinction through wujūd, being and finding. Hamzah’s puns can be understood as a translation that allow the incomprehensible real to be gestured at through language, as in Benjamin, even as it involves the reader in an unending hermeneutical process, like Ricoeur.","PeriodicalId":44721,"journal":{"name":"Indonesia and the Malay World","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13639811.2019.1654216","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44730651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2019.1583884
Hans Hägerdal
Introduction to a thematic journal issue about societies in Southern Maluku and their historical relations with the outside world
关于南马鲁古社会及其与外部世界的历史关系的专题期刊介绍
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Pub Date : 2019-04-18DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2019.1582887
Hans Hägerdal
ABSTRACT The article studies a complex of little known historical processes in Southwestern Maluku and East Timor in the late 17th century. These occurred in the intersection between early colonial attempts at political and economic control, and local strategies to either accommodate or avoid such control. The article argues that the aspirations of European or Eurasian groups – the Dutch VOC and the ethnically mixed Portuguese Topasses – allowed certain local leaders to use early colonial rivalries to build up positions that transgressed their customary prerogatives. Moreover, the processes must be seen as an interplay between global, regional and local spatial levels. The article focuses in particular on two protagonists. Bakker, a chief in the island of Kisar, was briefly expelled through a Topass invasion in 1668 but reinstated by a Dutch expeditionary force, henceforth cooperating closely with the Dutch post in Banda. Sili Saba (Raja Salomon), was the ruler of Ade (Vemasse) in East Timor. An attempt to ally with the VOC in 1668 misfired as the Topasses invaded East Timor in the same year, and Sili Saba was installed as interlocutor for the VOC in Wetar. The article shows how the Wetar Straits, which had a binding function for culturally similar populations, was turned into a sea border which still persists. It also demonstrates how local groups obstructed the imposed order through resistance and migrations.
{"title":"Wetar and Kisar in Indonesia, and East Timor","authors":"Hans Hägerdal","doi":"10.1080/13639811.2019.1582887","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2019.1582887","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article studies a complex of little known historical processes in Southwestern Maluku and East Timor in the late 17th century. These occurred in the intersection between early colonial attempts at political and economic control, and local strategies to either accommodate or avoid such control. The article argues that the aspirations of European or Eurasian groups – the Dutch VOC and the ethnically mixed Portuguese Topasses – allowed certain local leaders to use early colonial rivalries to build up positions that transgressed their customary prerogatives. Moreover, the processes must be seen as an interplay between global, regional and local spatial levels. The article focuses in particular on two protagonists. Bakker, a chief in the island of Kisar, was briefly expelled through a Topass invasion in 1668 but reinstated by a Dutch expeditionary force, henceforth cooperating closely with the Dutch post in Banda. Sili Saba (Raja Salomon), was the ruler of Ade (Vemasse) in East Timor. An attempt to ally with the VOC in 1668 misfired as the Topasses invaded East Timor in the same year, and Sili Saba was installed as interlocutor for the VOC in Wetar. The article shows how the Wetar Straits, which had a binding function for culturally similar populations, was turned into a sea border which still persists. It also demonstrates how local groups obstructed the imposed order through resistance and migrations.","PeriodicalId":44721,"journal":{"name":"Indonesia and the Malay World","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13639811.2019.1582887","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47187840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-17DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2019.1582895
Emilie Wellfelt, Sonny A. Djonler
ABSTRACT The coming of Islam in eastern Indonesia is generally assigned to the activities of Muslim traders from the late 15th century onwards. This assumption is an over-simplification, especially in areas outside the main trade centres. In the Aru islands, Islam was introduced by the mid 17th century. We argue that Islamisation in Aru was initially a matter of internal considerations, rather than trade. We present oral traditions about the expansion of Islam as seen from two locations: Ujir, the historical Muslim centre in Aru on the west coast, and Benjuring, a former stronghold of local ancestral beliefs in the east. The oral sources are juxtaposed with European accounts of the 17th century when Muslim and Protestant centres first developed in Aru. The coming of Islam forced people to either convert or leave for non-Muslim areas. By late colonial times (early 20th century), both Islam and the Protestant church had reached remote villages. The most recent wave of conversions in Aru to state-approved world religions took place in the 1970s. In the last 30 years, the population in Aru has grown, especially in the regency capital Dobo. While Muslims used to be a small minority in Aru with their main centre on Ujir island, the point of gravity has shifted to Dobo, a fast-growing town with a large influx of mostly Muslims from other parts of Indonesia. Islamisation is still ongoing in Aru and the character of Islam is changing.
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Pub Date : 2019-04-15DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2019.1582937
Toos van Dijk
ABSTRACT The small island Marsela, one of the Babar islands of Maluku province in eastern Indonesia, has long been of little interest to central authorities given its location at the edge of their spheres of influence and its presumed economic insignificance. Even after lasting contact with western civilisation was established in the first decades of the 20th century, it remained a rather forgotten island. This article aims to show that, despite its remoteness, Marsela’s relationship with the outer world is considered vital by its population. An insightful way to look at this relationship is to examine trade. Hence it discusses the bartering systems in which the Marsela have been engaged for centuries to obtain (luxury) consumer goods from neighbouring islands, and from Banda, India, and the Netherlands. Its message is that a focus on the outside is embedded in Marsela culture. It is given concrete expression in rituals and myths and sets society in motion. Recent plans to exploit an enormous gas-field off the coast of Marsela add an unforeseen factor to this picture.
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Pub Date : 2019-04-11DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2019.1583428
T. Kaartinen
ABSTRACT The article explores Islam as an element of the social and symbolic formations created in the context of long-distance trade relations in the Aru and the Kei islands of southeast Maluku. The Muslim migrants and traders who settled in the area in the early colonial period created places that served as entry points to the local, autochthonous society. Even as these sites allowed Muslims to control access to local cultural domains, they allured local people with possible access to trade wealth and mobility. By creating conceptual and tangible boundaries around the indigenous domain, early Islam anticipated the contrast between universally valid religious convictions and materially embedded cultural forms. This contrast became significant after the large-scale conversions to Christianity and Islam in the late colonial period. Islam was also transformed by its interaction with various cosmopolitan discourses, but it has remained more accommodating than Christianity towards socially embedded ritual practices and material symbols. This raises the question whether ‘cultural Islam’ should be defined by its neutral, apolitical attitude towards the secular state which is complicated by the fact that the culturally embedded Islam in Maluku took form in the absence of centralised state power.
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Pub Date : 2019-04-08DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2019.1554778
A. Schapper
ABSTRACT The physical remains and extensive historical documentation of fortified settlements across a large swathe of southern Maluku has gone unnoticed by scholars. On the basis of historical accounts and images, I have constructed a detailed picture of the ‘southern Maluku village fortification pattern’ which was once typical of settlements in the region. Using evidence from language, I show that stone building was an indigenous tradition in the southeastern corner of Indonesia which subsequently was extended to stone fortifications around villages, which spread across southern Maluku. I suggest that the fortification of settlements was triggered here in the first half of 17th century by a climate of fear arising from the 1621 Banda massacre perpetuated by the Dutch.
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