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Islam as therapy 伊斯兰教作为治疗
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2021.1873618
Khairudin Aljunied
ABSTRACT In the wake of decolonisation across the Islamic world in the 20th century, Muslim intellectuals experimented with various theories and approaches of psychology to arrive at a better understanding of and treatment for an array of psychoses and neuroses that affected their societies. This article explores the ideas of a prolific Indonesian psychologist and public intellectual, Zakiah Daradjat (1929–2013), and her endeavour at introducing what was termed as ilmu jiwa agama (religious-oriented psychology). I argue that religious-oriented psychology was an innovative field that called for the integration of the sacred sources of Islam, Muslim psycho-spiritual tradition as well as insights derived from European psychology. Although constrained by the policies of an authoritarian regime and her religious outlook, Zakiah Daradjat hoped that this new body of knowledge would guide 20th-century Muslims to delve deeply into the teachings of Islam as a therapy for their psycho-moral challenges.
随着20世纪伊斯兰世界的去殖民化,穆斯林知识分子尝试了各种心理学理论和方法,以更好地理解和治疗影响他们社会的一系列精神病和神经症。本文探讨了一位多产的印度尼西亚心理学家和公共知识分子Zakiah Daradjat(1929-2013)的思想,以及她为引入所谓的ilmu jiwa agama(宗教导向心理学)所做的努力。我认为,以宗教为导向的心理学是一个创新的领域,它要求整合伊斯兰教的神圣来源、穆斯林的心理-精神传统以及来自欧洲心理学的见解。尽管受到独裁政权政策和她的宗教观的限制,Zakiah Daradjat希望这种新的知识体系能够引导20世纪的穆斯林深入研究伊斯兰教的教义,作为他们心理道德挑战的治疗方法。
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引用次数: 1
The Kubrawī and early Javanese Islam
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2021.1875658
Alexander Wain
ABSTRACT Beyond somewhat vague allusions to Sufi influence, a qualitative sense of early Javanese Islamic praxis remains sadly lacking among scholars. This article attempts to rectify that deficiency by re-assessing the importance of a Kubrawī silsila (spiritual genealogy) found within the 17th- to early 18th-century Javanese chronicle, Sejarah Banten Ranté-Ranté. First identified by Martin van Bruinessen in 1994, this silsila preserves detailed information about two separate Sunni-orientated Kubrawī lineages attributable to the latter’s Central Asian sub-branch, the Hamadānī. Set within the context of other early Javanese Muslim texts containing previously overlooked evidence of Kubrawī praxis, in addition to hagiographical traditions identifying one Jumadil Kubra (a probable cypher for Kubrawī founder, Najm al-Dīn al-Kubrā) as the island’s earliest Muslim practitioner and a resident of Gresik, we argue that this silsila indicates considerable Kubrawī influence over Java’s initial Islamisation. Further consideration of the silsila’s specific Hamadānī characteristics set against wider 13th- to 15th-century Islamic history suggests either a north Indian or, more probably, Sino-Muslim origin for that influence. We therefore conclude by interpreting the Sejarah Banten silsila as a possible window onto the substantive nature of Sino-Muslim involvement in early Javanese Islam, adding further nuance to our understanding of that island’s Islamisation.
摘要除了对苏菲影响的模糊暗示外,令人遗憾的是,学者们仍然缺乏对早期爪哇伊斯兰实践的定性认识。本文试图通过重新评估在17世纪至18世纪初的爪哇编年史Sejarah Banten Ranté-Ranté中发现的Kubrawīsilsila(精神谱系学)的重要性来纠正这一缺陷。1994年,Martin van Bruinessen首次发现了这一silsila,它保存了两个独立的逊尼派Kubrawī谱系的详细信息,这两个谱系可归因于后者的中亚分支Hamadānī。在其他早期爪哇穆斯林文本的背景下,这些文本包含了以前被忽视的Kubrawīpraxis的证据,除了将一位Jumadil Kubra(可能是Kubrawā创始人Najm al-Dīn al-Kubrā的密码)认定为该岛最早的穆斯林修行者和Gresik居民之外,我们认为,这种silsila表明Kubrawī对爪哇最初的伊斯兰化有相当大的影响。在更广泛的13至15世纪伊斯兰历史背景下,进一步考虑silsila的特定Hamadānī特征,表明这种影响要么来自北印度,要么更可能来自中国穆斯林。因此,我们最后将Sejarah Banten silsila解释为了解中国穆斯林参与早期爪哇伊斯兰的实质性的可能窗口,为我们对该岛伊斯兰化的理解增添了更多的细微差别。
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引用次数: 1
Colonial informants and the Acehnese-Dutch war 殖民地线人与亚齐-荷兰战争
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2021.1855022
J. A. Rohmana
ABSTRACT This article discusses the contribution of colonial informants during the Acehnese-Dutch war (1873–c.1912) in responding to Teuku Umar’s collaboration with the Dutch authorities. The object of this study is a collection of letters from the Chief Penghulu of Kutaraja (1893–1895), Haji Hasan Mustapa, to his colonial friend, C. Snouck Hurgronje. These letters are held at the Leiden University Library (Cod. Or. 18.097). Hasan Mustapa’s name is rarely mentioned in studies of the Acehnese-Dutch war. He constantly provided information relating to the war to Snouck Hurgronje who was living in Batavia at the time. This study confirms that Hasan Mustapa’s position was significant in gaining information about Teuku Umar’s collaboration with the Dutch authorities. Hasan Mustapa acquired information from both Acehnese informants and Dutch officials, and believed that Teuku Umar could not be trusted. Hasan Mustapa’s information on Teuku Umar was important for Snouck Hurgronje’s advice to the Dutch authorities in the East Indies. This is therefore a study on the closeness of informants and their patrons during colonial times in the East Indies archipelago.
本文讨论了在亚齐-荷兰战争(1873-c.1912)期间,殖民地告密者在回应Teuku Umar与荷兰当局的合作方面的贡献。本研究的对象是库塔拉贾(Kutaraja)的首席Penghulu (1893-1895) Haji Hasan Mustapa给他的殖民地朋友C. Snouck Hurgronje的信件合集。这些信件保存在莱顿大学图书馆。或,18.097)。在关于亚齐-荷兰战争的研究中,Hasan Mustapa的名字很少被提及。他不断地向当时住在巴达维亚的斯努克·赫尔格隆杰提供有关战争的信息。这项研究证实,Hasan Mustapa的立场对于获得Teuku Umar与荷兰当局合作的信息具有重要意义。Hasan Mustapa从亚齐线人和荷兰官员那里获得了信息,他认为Teuku Umar不可信。Hasan Mustapa关于Teuku Umar的信息对于Snouck Hurgronje向东印度群岛的荷兰当局提出建议非常重要。因此,这是一项关于东印度群岛殖民时期举报人与其赞助人的密切关系的研究。
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引用次数: 1
Local Lineages in Kerinci, Sumatra 苏门答腊Kerinci的当地血统
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1801030
C. W. Watson
ABSTRACT The district (kabupaten) of Kerinci lies on the western border of Jambi, neighbouring West Sumatra, and is now part of the province of Jambi. Previously it was incorporated into the Dutch colonial government’s province of Sumatra’s West Coast. Not knowing quite where to place Kerinci reflects an uncertainty as to which of its neighbours Kerinci, geographically isolated as it is, has the closest cultural and historical affinities. Among other puzzles thrown up by such a consideration is how to assess the structure and significance of lineages in Kerinci. Each Kerinci village has its own specific set of lineages. In north Kerinci, the area bordering West Sumatra, the lineages are matrilineal in terms of recruitment and seem to resemble their West Sumatran counterparts. However, the situation is complex. In order to provide a full ethnographic picture of the situation this article gives a detailed description of the lineage structure of one village, Pondok Tinggi, in central Kerinci. This description discusses the function and recruitment of office-holders within each lineage and their continuing significance in the political structuring of the community.
Kerinci地区(kabupaten)位于占碑省的西部边界,毗邻西苏门答腊,现在是占碑省的一部分。之前,它被荷兰殖民政府纳入苏门答腊岛西海岸省。不知道将Kerinci安置在哪里反映了一种不确定性,即地理上孤立的Kerinci在其邻国中哪个拥有最接近的文化和历史亲和力。这种考虑带来的其他难题之一是如何评估克里奇血统的结构和意义。每个Kerinci村庄都有自己独特的血统。在北Kerinci,与西苏门答腊接壤的地区,就招募而言,血统是母系的,似乎与西苏门答腊的同类相似。然而,情况是复杂的。为了提供一个完整的民族志图片,本文详细描述了一个村庄的血统结构,Pondok Tinggi,在克里奇中部。这一描述讨论了每个血统中公职人员的功能和招聘,以及他们在社区政治结构中的持续意义。
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引用次数: 0
The Complexity of Simplicity 简单中的复杂
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1828778
H. Aveling
The major Indonesian poet and scholar, Sapardi Djoko Damono, passed away on the morning of Sunday 19 July 2020 at the age of 80. Sapardi had a rich and complex life (see biographies by Bakdi Soeman...
2020年7月19日上午,印度尼西亚著名诗人、学者萨帕迪·乔科·达莫诺逝世,享年80岁。萨帕迪有着丰富而复杂的一生(参见巴克迪·索曼的传记……
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引用次数: 0
Revelation and Misunderstanding 启示与误解
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1820777
Geger Riyanto
ABSTRACT This article considers the millenarian disposition among the Buton of North Seram sub-district, Maluku. Particular focus is paid to how the Buton interpret their inclusion in indigenous cosmologies, given their current precarious and humiliating existence. In Maluku, the Buton have long been regarded as lower-class people, outsiders who are excluded from local cultural schematics and are both socially and legally vulnerable. Instead of simply seeing their aspiration for a new and perfect social order as something springing from their desire to end their predicament, and rather than viewing their belief as something invented for this end, I suggest that the incongruent communication of cosmological tropes is important in the formation of their millenarian framework. The Buton understand the presence of their mythical representations in the indigenous cosmologies as evidence of the original order, which inspires them to believe that the Seram people are concealing the truth and that its revelation will upturn the current oppressive order. For the often referred Seram communities, however, the inclusion of Buton mythical representations is a way of assimilating a powerful, dangerous stranger and perpetuating the wholeness of their cosmology. The emphasis on the productivity of the misunderstanding rather than the creative act of expanding symbolic frameworks helps explain the peculiar relationality which grounds Buton millenarianism.
摘要本文考察了马鲁古北瑟兰街道布顿人的千年性格。鉴于布顿人目前的不稳定和耻辱的存在,他们特别关注布顿人如何解释他们在本土宇宙学中的地位。在马鲁古,布顿人长期以来一直被视为下层阶级,被排除在当地文化版图之外,在社会和法律上都很脆弱。与其简单地将他们对新的、完美的社会秩序的渴望视为他们结束困境的愿望所产生的东西,而不是将他们的信仰视为为此目的而发明的东西,我认为宇宙学比喻的不协调交流在他们千年框架的形成中很重要。布顿人将他们在本土宇宙中的神话形象理解为原始秩序的证据,这激励他们相信瑟兰人在隐瞒真相,它的揭示将颠覆当前的压迫秩序。然而,对于经常被提及的瑟兰社区来说,加入布顿神话的代表是一种同化强大、危险的陌生人的方式,并使他们宇宙学的完整性永久化。强调误解的生产力,而不是扩大象征框架的创造性行为,有助于解释布顿千年主义的特殊关系。
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引用次数: 1
Revisiting Nu-Muhammadiyah in Indonesia 印尼努穆罕默迪耶再访
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1823150
M. A. Sila
ABSTRACT Previous empirical studies on Indonesia have supported the claim that the reformist movement of Muhammadiyah led to a decline in local culture. The popular call of the the reformist movements is that Muslims should return to a pristine Islam. However, little has been studied about how reformist Muslims accommodated local culture. In my field research employing ethnographic methodology, I found that the reformists of Muhammadiyah in Bima support local rituals seen as complying with local wisdom (kearifan lokal). For example, the reformist Muslims actively participated in the celebration of Mawlid, the Prophet’s birthday, a ritual commonly associated with the traditionalists of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Historical records show that the two differing religious orientations have been anchored within the Bima sultanate. Bima’s dyadic leadership, comprising the Sultan and the Raja Bicara (sultan’s spokesperson), allowed for branches of both NU and Muhammadiyah to be established in Bima. This in turn places political stability as an impetus for religious harmony in the region. As the findings show, it is important for both traditionalist and reformist strands to accommodate each other. Accordingly, the Mawlid ritual has not disappeared as it is considered fundamental to the identity marker of Bima Muslims, for both NU and Muhammadiyah followers.
摘要先前对印度尼西亚的实证研究支持了穆罕默迪亚改革运动导致当地文化衰落的说法。改革派运动的普遍呼声是穆斯林应该回归原始的伊斯兰教。然而,关于改革派穆斯林如何适应当地文化的研究却很少。在我采用民族志方法进行的实地研究中,我发现比马穆罕默德的改良派支持被视为符合当地智慧的当地仪式(kearifan lokal)。例如,改革派穆斯林积极参加先知诞辰Mawlid的庆祝活动,这是一种通常与Nahdlatul Ulama(NU)传统主义者有关的仪式。历史记录显示,这两种不同的宗教取向在比马苏丹国内根深蒂固。由苏丹和Raja Bicara(苏丹发言人)组成的Bima二元领导层允许在Bima建立NU和Muhammadiyah的分支机构。这反过来又将政治稳定作为促进该地区宗教和谐的动力。正如研究结果所表明的那样,传统派和改革派相互适应是很重要的。因此,Mawlid仪式并没有消失,因为它被认为是比马穆斯林身份标志的基础,对NU和Muhammadiyah的追随者来说都是如此。
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引用次数: 3
Lumbung Nation 邦邦民族
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1830535
G. Macrae, T. Reuter
ABSTRACT Indonesian food security policy suffers from a fundamental internal contradiction – between neoliberal pressures towards more integration into the global market-based food system geared towards profit and an intractable residual belief in national self-sufficiency in staple foods. While this contradiction presents itself in technical and economic terms, it is fundamentally a matter of culture and ideology. The article addresses this contradiction by way of a study of key metaphors of food security, among which the most central is lumbung – the traditional rice barn. Lumbung of various kinds have been a central pillar of food security across the archipelago since ancient times and still serve in many contexts as a metaphor for food security at various levels. While this ‘lumbung culture’ may have ‘hindered’ attempts to integrate Indonesia more fully into wider circuits of market exchange, it has to some extent protected the Indonesian food system from the growing vulnerabilities of climate, resource/environmental stresses, and pandemics.
摘要:印度尼西亚的粮食安全政策存在根本的内部矛盾——新自由主义者要求更多地融入以盈利为目的的全球市场粮食体系的压力,以及对国家主食自给自足的顽固残余信念。虽然这种矛盾表现在技术和经济方面,但从根本上讲,这是一个文化和意识形态问题。本文通过对粮食安全的关键隐喻的研究来解决这一矛盾,其中最核心的是传统的粮仓“隆”。自古以来,各种木材一直是整个群岛粮食安全的中心支柱,在许多情况下仍然是各级粮食安全的象征。虽然这种“腰痛文化”可能“阻碍”了将印尼更充分地融入更广泛的市场交流回路的尝试,但它在一定程度上保护了印尼的粮食系统免受气候、资源/环境压力和流行病日益严重的脆弱性的影响。
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引用次数: 3
Collecting Honey from Sialang trees 从Sialang树上采集蜂蜜
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-08-20 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1799542
Sarwit Sarwono
ABSTRACT This article discusses two manuscripts from the Serawai region of Bengkulu province in southern Sumatra, written in Middle Malay in ulu script, concerning the collecting of honey from sialang trees. The nyialang ritual is the process of taking honey from bee hives built in sialang trees (Caesalpiniaceae) in the forest, led by an imam sialang or pawang sialang and assisted by four or five apprentices or anak sialang. The nyialang ritual is performed at certain times and in a specific way, based on the myth of the origin of honey. The two manuscripts, held at the State Museum of Bengkulu, are MNB 07.91 (containing text A) and MNB 07.135 (containing text B). A is entitled Caro ngambiak madu siyalang and B is entitled Caro nyialang, both meaning ‘How to harvest sialang honey’. Each text consists of ‘statement’ elements, describing actions in the nyialang ritual or the revelant part of the myth of the origin of honey, and dunday elements, namely mantras that are uttered when the relevant action is carried out. Both texts were evidently written as a guide or aide-memoire for both the writer and the reader on how to carry out the nyialang ritual. Each was certainly written by a knowledgable person who had mastered all the details of the ritual, namely the imam sialang, with the intention of explaining how the nyialang ritual relates to the myth of the origin of honey in oral tradition.
本文讨论了来自苏门答腊岛南部明古鲁省西拉威地区的两份手稿,这两份手稿用中马来语用乌鲁文字写成,讲述了从锡兰树上采集蜂蜜的情况。nyialang仪式是从森林中sialang树(Caesalpiniaceae)上的蜂箱中提取蜂蜜的过程,由伊玛目sialang或pawang sialang领导,并由四到五个学徒或anak sialang协助。nyialang仪式是在特定的时间以特定的方式进行的,基于蜂蜜起源的神话。这两份手稿保存在Bengkulu国家博物馆,编号为MNB 07.91(包含文本A)和MNB 07.135(包含文本B)。A名为Caro ngambiak madu siyalang, B名为Caro nyialang,都是“如何收获sialang蜂蜜”的意思。每个文本都由“陈述”元素组成,描述了nyialang仪式中的行为或蜂蜜起源神话的相关部分,以及dunday元素,即在进行相关行动时发出的咒语。这两个文本显然都是作为作者和读者如何进行nyialang仪式的指南或辅助备忘录而写的。每一个都是由一个知识渊博的人写的,他掌握了仪式的所有细节,即伊玛目sialang,目的是解释nyialang仪式与口头传说中蜂蜜起源的神话之间的关系。
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引用次数: 1
Colonial Legality in Sumatra 苏门答腊的殖民合法性
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-08-14 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1796291
M. Koenig
ABSTRACT The literature on the law of the colonial archipelago and the Malay-speaking world more broadly, has recently shown that colonial law was a highly fragile system, that was co-constructed by colonisers and colonised elites, and litigants. It has been convincingly argued that a variety of actors inside and outside colonial courts as well as multiple political discourses, contributed to the making of colonial legality in Java and the Straits Settlements. I propose that a turn to ontology which has recently been espoused by a number of anthropological contributions could help further explore this notion of fragility in the archipelagic world. Such an ‘ontological turn’ would allow us to closely examine the carriers of knowledge themselves, namely colonial archival documentation, and how these contributed to, but hid, the fragile nature of law. Specifically, I analyse written exchanges between Dutch colonial administrators and academics about an adat-based Muslim divorce case from Tapanuli in Sumatra, that documented how law in the Dutch East Indies was constructed through the written form and the creation of epistemic absences in the colonial archive. With ontological intervention, I argue, we can engage more deeply with such power-laden archival documentation, and recognise more thoroughly the multiple factors involved in the construction of colonial law. Moreover, a turn to ontology has the potential to disrupt our own analytical repertoire used to apprehend forms of law and sociality, undermine truth claims of the colonial archive, and produce new concepts to consider.
最近,关于殖民地群岛和更广泛的马来语世界的法律文献表明,殖民地法律是一个高度脆弱的系统,它是由殖民者、被殖民精英和诉讼当事人共同构建的。令人信服的论点是,殖民法院内外的各种行动者以及多种政治话语对爪哇和海峡殖民地的殖民合法性作出了贡献。我建议转向最近被许多人类学贡献所支持的本体论可以帮助进一步探索群岛世界的脆弱性这一概念。这种“本体论转向”将使我们能够仔细研究知识的载体本身,即殖民档案文件,以及它们如何促进但隐藏了法律的脆弱本质。具体来说,我分析了荷兰殖民管理者和学者之间关于苏门答腊岛Tapanuli穆斯林离婚案的书面交流,该案件记录了荷属东印度群岛的法律是如何通过书面形式和殖民档案中认识缺失的创造来构建的。我认为,通过本体论的干预,我们可以更深入地研究这些充满权力的档案文件,并更彻底地认识到殖民法建设中涉及的多重因素。此外,转向本体论有可能破坏我们自己用来理解法律和社会形式的分析技能,破坏殖民档案的真理主张,并产生新的概念来考虑。
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引用次数: 1
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Indonesia and the Malay World
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