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Raja Bersiong or the Fanged King 拉贾·贝尔松,也就是尖牙王
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-08-05 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1794584
Tan Zi Hao
ABSTRACT Raja Bersiong, the Fanged King, is a cannibal monarch in the Kedah epic literature Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa (HMM). By looking closely into the character of Raja Bersiong, this article examines the underlying ambition of the Kedah Sultanate in commissioning the HMM as a rhetorical statement of power, presumably around the early 19th century. By the late 18th century, Siamese predation had greatly destabilised Kedah. Lacking military capacity to deny Siamese suzerainty, Kedah plunged into double-dealing: through writing, the HMM downplays Siamese power by masking Kedah’s subordinate status to Siam as a relation of kin, and by considering Siam as an offshoot of Kedah’s royal legacy. Adopting an approach informed by Hendrik Maier, this article interprets the HMM as an ambiguous text that alludes to the diplomatic desperation of a small state. Such critical lens enables a more complex understanding of court writing as a historical source. In the face of geopolitical insecurity, Raja Bersiong figures as the abject, the symbolic surrogate for Siam to be expelled from Kedah, embodying a dialectics between Kedah and Siam, self and other, civility and savagery.
摘要:在吉打史诗文学《玛龙王》(HikayatMerongMahawangsa,HMM)中,方格王RajaBersiong是一位食人族君主。通过仔细观察Raja Bersiong的性格,本文考察了吉打苏丹国委托HMM作为权力的修辞声明的潜在野心,大概是在19世纪初。到18世纪末,暹罗人的掠夺已经极大地破坏了吉打的稳定。由于缺乏否认暹罗宗主权的军事能力,吉打陷入了双重交易:通过写作,HMM淡化了暹罗的权力,将吉打作为亲属关系的附属地位掩盖在暹罗之下,并将暹罗视为吉打王室遗产的一个分支。本文采用Hendrik Maier的方法,将HMM解释为一个模糊的文本,暗指一个小国的外交绝望。这种批判性的视角使人们能够更复杂地理解作为历史来源的法庭写作。面对地缘政治的不安全,Raja Bersiong将暹罗描绘成卑鄙的人,象征着暹罗被驱逐出吉打,体现了吉打与暹罗、自我与他人、文明与野蛮之间的辩证法。
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引用次数: 0
A Place I Could Call My Own 一个我可以称之为我自己的地方
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1751948
Collin Jerome
ABSTRACT This article explores the meanings of ‘home’ for queer Malays in Malaysia through an analysis of the central gay Malay male character in Azwan Ismail’s story, Tiada sesalan (No regrets). Drawing upon studies of home by feminist and queer geographers, the article examines the character’s notions of ‘home’ and how these notions are constructed across time and space. The findings show that ‘home’ has been conceived of in many ways: as (1) a material-imaginative space; (2) a site of identity and power; and (3) a multi-scalar construct. The character has, for the most part of his life, been engaged in the process of queering home through which he developed a queer sense of ‘home’ and identity. This, however, has not been an easy task because the home is a powerful site that can both facilitate and complicate the process.
摘要本文通过分析伊斯梅尔小说《无怨无悔》中的中心马来男同性恋角色,探讨马来西亚酷儿“家”的意义。本文借鉴了女权主义者和酷儿地理学家对家的研究,考察了角色对“家”的概念,以及这些概念是如何跨越时间和空间构建的。研究结果表明,“家”的概念有很多:(1)物质想象空间;(2) 身份和权力的场所;以及(3)多标量构造。这个角色在一生的大部分时间里都在探索家的过程中,通过这个过程,他产生了一种奇怪的“家”感和身份认同感。然而,这并不是一项容易的任务,因为家是一个强大的网站,既可以促进过程,也可以使过程复杂化。
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引用次数: 3
Correction 修正
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1745442
Article title: Qur’anic readings and Malay translations in 18th-century Banten Qur’ans A.51 and W.277 Authors: Nurtawab, E. Journal: Indonesia and the Malay World DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2020.1724469 The title of this article was originally ‘Qur’anic readings and Malay translation in 18thcentury Banten Qur’ans A.51 and W.277’. The title of this article has been corrected to ‘Qur’anic readings and Malay translations in 18th-century Banten Qur’ans A.51 and W.277’.
文章标题:古兰经阅读和马来语翻译在18世纪万丹古兰经A.51和W.277作者:努尔塔瓦布,e期刊:印度尼西亚和马来世界DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2020.1724469这篇文章的标题原来是“古兰经阅读和马来语翻译在18世纪万丹古兰经A.51和W.277”。这篇文章的标题已被更正为“古兰经阅读和马来语翻译在18世纪万丹古兰经A.51和W.277”。
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引用次数: 0
Young Scholar Prize 2022 2022年青年学者奖
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1766794
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引用次数: 0
Qur’anic Readings and Malay Translations in 18th-Century Banten Qur’ans A.51 and W.277 古兰经阅读和马来语翻译在18世纪万丹古兰经A.51和W.277
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-12 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1724469
Ervan Nurtawab
ABSTRACT This article examines two copies of the Qur’an from 18th-century Banten held in the National Library of the Republic of Indonesia, A.51 and W.277, that contain interlinear Malay translations, focusing on two aspects, i.e. Qur’anic readings and Malay translations, to reveal Qur’anic pedagogical practices in the region. This article suggests that differences in the way a Qur’anic reading is used for the writing of the Qur’an guide us to understand the users and their levels of acquired skills and knowledge. In this regard, the Qur’an A.51 was possibly used for those who gained high level skills in Qur’anic recitation, while the Qur’an W.277 was possibly made for students at basic levels or ordinary Muslims. Meanwhile, the examination of their Malay translations reveals that both present a different style in rendering, compared to those in two 17th-century Malay commentaries (i.e. the Cambridge manuscript Or. Ii.6.45 and the Tarjumān) and the Jalālayn, a well known work on Qur’anic exegesis in the Muslim world. In a broader context, this article affirms the existence of Malay translations in the Qur’ans A.51 and W.277 as a proof for the continuation of Malay exegetical activities in 18th century after the composition of the Tarjumān in the late 17th century.
本文考察了印度尼西亚共和国国家图书馆收藏的两本18世纪万丹古兰经,A.51和W.277,其中包含行间马来语翻译,重点研究了古兰经阅读和马来语翻译两个方面,以揭示该地区的古兰经教学实践。这篇文章表明,古兰经读本在古兰经写作中使用的不同方式,可以指导我们了解使用者及其获得的技能和知识水平。在这方面,古兰经A.51可能是为那些在古兰经背诵中获得高水平技能的人使用的,而古兰经W.277可能是为基础水平的学生或普通穆斯林编写的。与此同时,对他们马来语译本的研究显示,与两本17世纪马来语注释(即剑桥手稿Or)相比,两者呈现出不同的翻译风格。Ii.6.45和Tarjumān)和Jalālayn,这是穆斯林世界中著名的古兰经注释著作。在更广泛的背景下,这篇文章肯定了古兰经a .51和W.277的马来语译本的存在,作为17世纪后期Tarjumān组成后马来语训诂活动在18世纪继续的证据。
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引用次数: 4
Rappers, Rajas, and Borderless Spaces 说唱歌手、拉贾斯和无国界空间
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-09 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1729536
M. Mora
ABSTRACT This article examines the complex cultural identities of the newly formed Indonesian province of Kepri through an examination of a rap rendition of the revered poetry of the region’s most esteemed son, Raja Ali Haji (1808–1873). This rendition, ‘Gurindam dua belas’, by the Jogja Hip Hop Foundation was designed to inculcate an awareness of Malayness amongst the youth of Kepri and the Malay world more generally. The article examines how local popular music is created in a situation where entangled allegiances to global, national and local cultural identities are characteristic of the ‘borderless’ space that has resulted from the formation of the ‘Growth Triangle’.
摘要本文通过对该地区最受尊敬的儿子拉贾·阿里·哈吉(1808-1873)的诗歌的说唱表演,探讨了新成立的印尼凯普里省复杂的文化身份。Jogja嘻哈基金会的这首名为“Gurindam dua belas”的歌曲旨在向Kepri和整个马来世界的年轻人灌输马来人的意识。这篇文章探讨了在“增长三角”形成的“无边界”空间中,对全球、国家和地方文化身份的纠缠忠诚是如何创造出当地流行音乐的。
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引用次数: 0
Milk for Everyone? 人人都喝牛奶?
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-02 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1735155
Geoffrey K. Pakiam
ABSTRACT The significance of food in colonial Malayan society went far beyond sustenance. Food reconfigured Malaya’s physical landscape, mediated social difference, accentuated hierarchies, and shaped the textures of everyday thought. These contentions are grounded in a case study of bovine milk, focusing on how different versions were created, processed, traded, consumed, and perceived in Malaya. By analysing bovine milk’s multi-faceted history alongside other important edibles such as breast milk, sugar, rice, and coconut oil, this study investigates the extent to which patterns of agriculture, household consumption, child-rearing, and state intervention changed during Malaya’s colonial period. The social histories surrounding these foodstuffs also indicate that the fundamental drivers of Malayan consumption – namely those related to life and death – were differentiated primarily by wealth, rather than ethnicity.
食物在殖民地马来亚社会的意义远远超出了食物的范畴。食物重新配置了马来亚的自然景观,调解了社会差异,强调了等级制度,并塑造了日常思想的结构。这些争论以一个关于牛奶的案例研究为基础,重点关注不同版本的牛奶是如何在马来亚被创造、加工、交易、消费和感知的。通过分析牛奶与母乳、糖、大米和椰子油等其他重要食品的多方面历史,本研究调查了马来亚殖民时期农业、家庭消费、育儿和国家干预模式的变化程度。围绕这些食品的社会历史也表明,马来人消费的基本驱动因素——即与生和死有关的驱动因素——主要是根据财富而非种族来区分的。
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引用次数: 0
Following Arab Saints 追随阿拉伯圣徒
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-02 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1729540
S. Rijal
ABSTRACT Most studies on Muslim youth in post-New Order Indonesia have concentrated on those who are affiliated with global Islamist movements. Such studies overlook another spectrum of Muslim youth, those who engage with traditionalist Muslim groups. This article analyses the growing popularity of Hadhrami Arab preachers among urban Muslim youth in contemporary Indonesia. The preachers who claim descent from the Prophet are popularly called habib (sing.) or habaib (pl.). Inheriting holy blood from the Prophet, habaib have enjoyed a special status and respect among Indonesian Muslims, especially traditionalist ones. This study focuses on the late Habib Munzir al-Musawa and his sermon group (majelis taklim), the Majelis Rasulullah (The Prophet’s Assembly), as well as his young followers in Jakarta. The Majelis Rasulullah is arguably the most popular sermon group in Indonesia and has attracted tens of thousands of people to its public preaching events. Seeking to explain its popularity, this study considers the views and experiences of Habib Munzir’s young followers concerning their participation and activism within the group. It explores both structural and cultural factors that drive urban Muslim youths to participate in the sermon group. Borrowing Bayat’s perspective on Muslim youth and leisure, the paper argues that Indonesian Muslims participate in the habaib sermon groups not only for spiritual shelter but also because they see them as sites where they can express both their piety and their ‘youthfulness’ in the midst of uncertainty, discontent, and limited spaces for expressing themselves in Jakarta.
大多数关于后新秩序印尼穆斯林青年的研究都集中在那些与全球伊斯兰运动有关联的人身上。这样的研究忽视了穆斯林青年的另一个群体,即那些参与传统穆斯林团体的人。本文分析了哈达拉米阿拉伯传教士在当代印度尼西亚城市穆斯林青年中的日益流行。那些声称自己是先知后裔的传教士通常被称为habib(歌唱)或habaib (pl.)。哈巴布继承了先知的圣血,在印尼穆斯林中享有特殊的地位和尊重,尤其是传统主义者。本研究的重点是已故的Habib Munzir al-Musawa和他的布道团体(majelis taklim), majelis Rasulullah(先知大会),以及他在雅加达的年轻追随者。Majelis Rasulullah可以说是印度尼西亚最受欢迎的布道团体,吸引了成千上万的人参加其公开布道活动。为了解释它的受欢迎程度,本研究考虑了Habib Munzir的年轻追随者对他们在组织中的参与和行动主义的看法和经历。它探讨了驱动城市穆斯林青年参加布道小组的结构和文化因素。借用Bayat对穆斯林青年和休闲的观点,文章认为印尼穆斯林参加habaib布道团体不仅是为了寻求精神庇护,也是因为他们将其视为在雅加达不确定、不满和表达自我空间有限的情况下表达虔诚和“年轻”的场所。
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引用次数: 2
The Alien Communal Patron Deity 外星公共守护神
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-02 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1732094
Wang Zhaoyuan, Danny Wong Tze Ken, Welyne Jeffrey Jehom
ABSTRACT When many Chinese immigrants settled in the Malay peninsula in the late 19th century, they not only brought the patron gods of their homeland, but also created a new local patron deity – the alien Datuk Gong. Datuk Gong worship is a combination of Malay keramat and Chinese Bo Gong worship. Although usually regarded as a personal guardian spirit, Datuk Gong is also seen as a communal patron deity of some Chinese communities in Malaysia. Different communities shape their own images of the patron deity based on the social reality, especially that of ethnic groups in these communities. This article selects two Chinese communities in Malaysia, Broga in Negeri Sembilan and Machap Baru in Melaka, as examples of distinct types of Datuk Gong worship: Chinese spirit worship versus trans-ethnic saint worship. A comparative analysis of similar legends of Datuk Gong, and disparate rituals and development of the worship in the two communities indicates that Datuk Gong worship reflects the Chinese community’s understanding of the social reality they have experienced, and their response to changes in the social environment.
摘要19世纪末,许多中国移民在马来半岛定居时,不仅带来了祖国的守护神,还创造了一位新的本土守护神——外来的拿督公。拿督公崇拜是一种结合了马来传统和中国Bo公崇拜。虽然拿督公通常被视为个人守护神,但它也被视为马来西亚一些华人社区的共同守护神。不同的社区根据社会现实,特别是这些社区中的少数民族的社会现实,塑造自己的守护神形象。本文选取马来西亚的两个华人社区,森美兰的Broga和马六甲的Machap Baru,作为拿督公崇拜的不同类型的例子:中国精神崇拜与跨民族圣人崇拜。比较分析拿督公的相似传说,以及两个社区不同的仪式和崇拜发展,表明拿督公崇拜反映了华人社区对他们所经历的社会现实的理解,以及他们对社会环境变化的反应。
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引用次数: 2
Russell Jones (1926–2019) 拉塞尔·琼斯(1926–2019)
IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2020.1725328
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引用次数: 1
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Indonesia and the Malay World
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