Pub Date : 2023-03-28DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2196128
Uwe Backes
thing also happens in research on State policies that are considered to legitimize Islamic law as a legal system in Indonesia. Therefore, this book is recommended for researchers to initiate similar research with different perspectives and objects. In addition, the results of the case studies in this book are included in contemporary fiqh studies that are widely studied in Islamic universities, therefore, this book is recommended for readers or students in the field of Islamic and corporate education who need views on corporate Zakat. On the other hand, this book is thick with sociopolitical views of the State and the implementation of sharīʿa in Indonesia, how the government often considers the opinions of Ulama in the discussion of State law. Departing from the author’s dissertation research, this book has gone through field case studies and testing from professors. Therefore, although the case studies in this book were conducted in Indonesia, the results and concepts can be applied or retested at the international level.
{"title":"Multiculturalism and the Nation in Germany. A Study in Moral Conflict","authors":"Uwe Backes","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2196128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2196128","url":null,"abstract":"thing also happens in research on State policies that are considered to legitimize Islamic law as a legal system in Indonesia. Therefore, this book is recommended for researchers to initiate similar research with different perspectives and objects. In addition, the results of the case studies in this book are included in contemporary fiqh studies that are widely studied in Islamic universities, therefore, this book is recommended for readers or students in the field of Islamic and corporate education who need views on corporate Zakat. On the other hand, this book is thick with sociopolitical views of the State and the implementation of sharīʿa in Indonesia, how the government often considers the opinions of Ulama in the discussion of State law. Departing from the author’s dissertation research, this book has gone through field case studies and testing from professors. Therefore, although the case studies in this book were conducted in Indonesia, the results and concepts can be applied or retested at the international level.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"63 1","pages":"303 - 305"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74480342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-28DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2193445
S. Chavoshian
{"title":"Pinelandia: an anthropology and field poetics of war and empire","authors":"S. Chavoshian","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2193445","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2193445","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"84 1","pages":"288 - 290"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79158691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2164550
Randa A. Kayyali
{"title":"Muslims of the Heartland: how Syrian immigrants made a Home in the American Midwest","authors":"Randa A. Kayyali","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2164550","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2164550","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"300 1","pages":"141 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73588572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2190894
Netanel Fisher
ABSTRACT The idea that the Nazis dictated (retrospectively) who should be considered a Jew in the State of Israel is widespread. Apparent similarities between Nuremberg and Israel’s Law of Return have reinforced the claim that anti-Semitism is the basis for defining Israel’s Jewishness. This study’s primary goal is to refute this prevailing false understanding by demonstrating how Israel’s Jewishness was not based on the reversal of Nazi laws but on positive organic Jewish outlooks. The second goal is to present the original narratives and show how the fallacious Nuremberg myth has evolved. During the 1950s, Israel’s founding fathers addressed the ‘Who is Jew’ question in terms of positive secular Jewish nationalism. The next generation (1970) adopted more religious definitions while being attentive to the evolving inter-marriage reality. In both cases, policy makers saw neither anti-Semitic persecution nor the Holocaust as the basis for defining Jewish affiliation. Only from the 1990s on, due to the need to legitimize the massive immigration of non-Jews, did the ‘Nuremberg myth’ begin to take root. In addition, the emergence of the Holocaust as a global moral imperative icon and a major source of Jewish and Israeli identification, contributed to the acceptance of the myth.
在以色列国谁应该被认为是犹太人，这一观点广为流传。纽伦堡审判与以色列的《回归法》(Law of Return)之间明显的相似之处，强化了反犹主义是界定以色列犹太性的基础的说法。本研究的主要目标是通过证明以色列的犹太性不是基于对纳粹法律的逆转，而是基于积极的有机犹太人观，来驳斥这种普遍存在的错误理解。第二个目标是呈现最初的叙述，并展示谬误的纽伦堡神话是如何演变的。在20世纪50年代，以色列的开国元勋们从积极的世俗犹太民族主义的角度解决了“谁是犹太人”的问题。下一代(1970年)在关注不断发展的异族通婚现实的同时，采用了更多的宗教定义。在这两种情况下，决策者都不认为反犹太迫害和大屠杀是界定犹太人归属的依据。只是从20世纪90年代开始，由于需要使大量非犹太人移民合法化，“纽伦堡神话”才开始生根发芽。此外，大屠杀作为一种全球道德责任标志和犹太人和以色列身份的主要来源的出现，促进了人们接受这一神话。
{"title":"Did the Nazis determine who is a Jew? Jewish identity, Holocaust remembrance and the true story behind Israel’s law of return","authors":"Netanel Fisher","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2190894","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2190894","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The idea that the Nazis dictated (retrospectively) who should be considered a Jew in the State of Israel is widespread. Apparent similarities between Nuremberg and Israel’s Law of Return have reinforced the claim that anti-Semitism is the basis for defining Israel’s Jewishness. This study’s primary goal is to refute this prevailing false understanding by demonstrating how Israel’s Jewishness was not based on the reversal of Nazi laws but on positive organic Jewish outlooks. The second goal is to present the original narratives and show how the fallacious Nuremberg myth has evolved. During the 1950s, Israel’s founding fathers addressed the ‘Who is Jew’ question in terms of positive secular Jewish nationalism. The next generation (1970) adopted more religious definitions while being attentive to the evolving inter-marriage reality. In both cases, policy makers saw neither anti-Semitic persecution nor the Holocaust as the basis for defining Jewish affiliation. Only from the 1990s on, due to the need to legitimize the massive immigration of non-Jews, did the ‘Nuremberg myth’ begin to take root. In addition, the emergence of the Holocaust as a global moral imperative icon and a major source of Jewish and Israeli identification, contributed to the acceptance of the myth.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"29 1","pages":"1 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86511530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2164548
Brian Gebhart
polyphonic, and collective biography-as-ethnography, to further explore how the juxtaposition of precarious narratives and their concomitant survival strategies simultaneously reflects and transcends subjective individual experience. Overall though, Moussawi’s creative-critical process of engaging the cultural ills of queer people’s surroundings, through Orientalist fractals cohering with the practice and theory of al wad’, showcases a compelling and overdue response (and riposte) to the Orientalist discourses and quotidian disruptions the Lebanese continuously contend with. Because the counter-narrative possibilities of Moussawi’s surveyed queer tactics carry survival quality that cannot be ignored, and, as this book suggests, will no longer be silenced the more audible dissident voices become, these strategies ‘also gesture toward an expansive understanding of queerness – one that does not necessarily link to LGBT identities but to practices of negotiating everyday life’ (6). Gender aside,Disruptive Situations develops, through both al wad’ and Orientalist fractals, a discussion on iniquity and survival that is relevant to everyone – kulluna (all of us) – who may dwell in struggling, deeply fragmented contexts, scholars and non-academics alike. In combining fresh, candid fieldwork with careful, nuanced theorizing, Moussawi’s penmanship is impressively accessible, despite the rigor of his research. The book is recommended to a broad baseline of readers interested in interdisciplinary gender research, queer methodology and theory, Middle Eastern studies, and Arab and Islamic ethnography, as well as transnational, urban and area studies in sexuality or sociology.
{"title":"Understanding Nazi ideology: the Genesis and impact of a political faith","authors":"Brian Gebhart","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2164548","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2164548","url":null,"abstract":"polyphonic, and collective biography-as-ethnography, to further explore how the juxtaposition of precarious narratives and their concomitant survival strategies simultaneously reflects and transcends subjective individual experience. Overall though, Moussawi’s creative-critical process of engaging the cultural ills of queer people’s surroundings, through Orientalist fractals cohering with the practice and theory of al wad’, showcases a compelling and overdue response (and riposte) to the Orientalist discourses and quotidian disruptions the Lebanese continuously contend with. Because the counter-narrative possibilities of Moussawi’s surveyed queer tactics carry survival quality that cannot be ignored, and, as this book suggests, will no longer be silenced the more audible dissident voices become, these strategies ‘also gesture toward an expansive understanding of queerness – one that does not necessarily link to LGBT identities but to practices of negotiating everyday life’ (6). Gender aside,Disruptive Situations develops, through both al wad’ and Orientalist fractals, a discussion on iniquity and survival that is relevant to everyone – kulluna (all of us) – who may dwell in struggling, deeply fragmented contexts, scholars and non-academics alike. In combining fresh, candid fieldwork with careful, nuanced theorizing, Moussawi’s penmanship is impressively accessible, despite the rigor of his research. The book is recommended to a broad baseline of readers interested in interdisciplinary gender research, queer methodology and theory, Middle Eastern studies, and Arab and Islamic ethnography, as well as transnational, urban and area studies in sexuality or sociology.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"96 1","pages":"136 - 138"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81142641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2164549
Joseph J. Kaminski
In Islam, Justice, and Democracy, Sabri Ciftci aims to ‘trace the lineages of political and social justice trajectories and their implications for Muslim support of democracy’. He does so however by not merely regurgitating the same stale, culturally biased approaches to understanding to public opinion by crunching a few numbers with the aim of making them fit within a static and essentialist understanding of Muslims and their politics. Rather Ciftci aims to understand Muslims and their respective approaches to democracy and justice on their own terms. Ciftci is highly critical of the earlier essentialist approaches to democracy in the Muslim world—approaches that severely limit alternative conceptions of it:
{"title":"Islam, justice, and democracy","authors":"Joseph J. Kaminski","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2164549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2164549","url":null,"abstract":"In Islam, Justice, and Democracy, Sabri Ciftci aims to ‘trace the lineages of political and social justice trajectories and their implications for Muslim support of democracy’. He does so however by not merely regurgitating the same stale, culturally biased approaches to understanding to public opinion by crunching a few numbers with the aim of making them fit within a static and essentialist understanding of Muslims and their politics. Rather Ciftci aims to understand Muslims and their respective approaches to democracy and justice on their own terms. Ciftci is highly critical of the earlier essentialist approaches to democracy in the Muslim world—approaches that severely limit alternative conceptions of it:","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"65 1","pages":"139 - 141"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78588751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2190891
Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid, Che Hamdan Che Mohd Razali, Wan Rohila Ganti bt Wan Abdul Ghapar
ABSTRACT This study seeks to uncover how Malaysia’s Islamists responded to the August 2021 re-assumption of the reins of government in Afghanistan by the Taliban. Utilizing semi-structured interviews held with Malaysian stakeholders of the country’s Afghanistan-related policies, this article finds that, despite forebodings swirling around the policy-making community regarding a possible hike of violent extremism following the rapid collapse of Afghanistan’s American-supported government, the impact of Taliban’s ascendancy on the growth of Islamist extremism in Malaysia has so far been negligible. However, taking into account past close linkages between jihadist networks of Malaysia and Afghanistan during the latter’s occupation by the Soviet Union, this research urges all stakeholders to not under-estimate the plausibility of violent offshoots emerging from non-violent manifestations of Islamist extremism in Malaysia. While conceding that non-violent extremism is the more prevalent form of Islamist radicalism to be threatening peace in Malaysia, evidence of the recent willingness of young Malay-Muslim zealots to fight alongside Muslim terrorists in Iraq, Syria and the Philippines should be enough to ring alarm bells to the Malaysian authorities. This study’s novelty lies in having derived input from Malaysian informants who have had first-hand experience in dealing with Taliban and other interested parties in Afghanistan.
{"title":"Islamist Responses to the August 2021 Taliban Takeover of Afghanistan: The Case of Malaysia","authors":"Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid, Che Hamdan Che Mohd Razali, Wan Rohila Ganti bt Wan Abdul Ghapar","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2190891","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2190891","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study seeks to uncover how Malaysia’s Islamists responded to the August 2021 re-assumption of the reins of government in Afghanistan by the Taliban. Utilizing semi-structured interviews held with Malaysian stakeholders of the country’s Afghanistan-related policies, this article finds that, despite forebodings swirling around the policy-making community regarding a possible hike of violent extremism following the rapid collapse of Afghanistan’s American-supported government, the impact of Taliban’s ascendancy on the growth of Islamist extremism in Malaysia has so far been negligible. However, taking into account past close linkages between jihadist networks of Malaysia and Afghanistan during the latter’s occupation by the Soviet Union, this research urges all stakeholders to not under-estimate the plausibility of violent offshoots emerging from non-violent manifestations of Islamist extremism in Malaysia. While conceding that non-violent extremism is the more prevalent form of Islamist radicalism to be threatening peace in Malaysia, evidence of the recent willingness of young Malay-Muslim zealots to fight alongside Muslim terrorists in Iraq, Syria and the Philippines should be enough to ring alarm bells to the Malaysian authorities. This study’s novelty lies in having derived input from Malaysian informants who have had first-hand experience in dealing with Taliban and other interested parties in Afghanistan.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"18 1","pages":"97 - 119"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76434739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2190892
J. Guerrero
ABSTRACT Large masses adhered to coup-affiliated generals in Spain and revolutionary leaders in Iran as a result of a combination of ideology and religion that skillfully used religious rituals and imagery to cement and unify an entire social bloc and articulate its grievances against the ruling government. The celebrations of Semana Santa and Ashura became not just a vehicle to unify different competing factions in Civil War Spain and Revolutionary Iran; they were also reinterpreted through the lenses of nationalism and socialism and weaponized against their enemies. The appropriation and reinterpretation of Christ’s Passion and Hussein’s martyrdom at Karbala helped indoctrinate the population with the idea of a new National Catholicism and Islamic Socialism, and thus achieve the Gramscian objective of constructing a new moral order and a new type of society.
{"title":"Rituals of Faith and Politics: Mobilizations during the Iranian Revolution and the Spanish Civil War through the Commemorations of Muharram and Semana Santa","authors":"J. Guerrero","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2190892","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2190892","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Large masses adhered to coup-affiliated generals in Spain and revolutionary leaders in Iran as a result of a combination of ideology and religion that skillfully used religious rituals and imagery to cement and unify an entire social bloc and articulate its grievances against the ruling government. The celebrations of Semana Santa and Ashura became not just a vehicle to unify different competing factions in Civil War Spain and Revolutionary Iran; they were also reinterpreted through the lenses of nationalism and socialism and weaponized against their enemies. The appropriation and reinterpretation of Christ’s Passion and Hussein’s martyrdom at Karbala helped indoctrinate the population with the idea of a new National Catholicism and Islamic Socialism, and thus achieve the Gramscian objective of constructing a new moral order and a new type of society.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"7 1","pages":"30 - 49"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89948291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2190893
Ken Miichi
ABSTRACT Islamist groups, based on their philosophical and associational genealogy, are considered to be Salafist in outlook and hostile to or, at best, ignorant of traditionalist Muslim teachings and customs. In contrast to this common understanding of Islamists, support for the Prosperous Justice Party in Indonesia’s traditionalist Muslim constituencies has grown. This article investigates the conditions that favour the broad alignment between Islamist and traditionalist Muslims, focusing on the Islamist party’s approaches toward traditionalist Muslim constituencies based on an examination of the party’s internal documents and interviews with key individuals. Particularly in regions where traditionalist Muslim associations predominate yet have weak ties to political parties, the newly emerging Islamist party has a bigger chance to rise. Moreover, in successful cases, Islamist activists have individually built grassroots networks and expanded the voices of traditionalist Muslims. By showing the changes in the social anchoring of Islamists in Indonesia, this article reverses the dichotomy between Islamists and traditionalists and asserts the Islamists’ indigenization.
{"title":"Indigenizing Islamism in Indonesia: Prosperous Justice Party’s Approaches Towards Traditionalist Muslims","authors":"Ken Miichi","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2190893","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2190893","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Islamist groups, based on their philosophical and associational genealogy, are considered to be Salafist in outlook and hostile to or, at best, ignorant of traditionalist Muslim teachings and customs. In contrast to this common understanding of Islamists, support for the Prosperous Justice Party in Indonesia’s traditionalist Muslim constituencies has grown. This article investigates the conditions that favour the broad alignment between Islamist and traditionalist Muslims, focusing on the Islamist party’s approaches toward traditionalist Muslim constituencies based on an examination of the party’s internal documents and interviews with key individuals. Particularly in regions where traditionalist Muslim associations predominate yet have weak ties to political parties, the newly emerging Islamist party has a bigger chance to rise. Moreover, in successful cases, Islamist activists have individually built grassroots networks and expanded the voices of traditionalist Muslims. By showing the changes in the social anchoring of Islamists in Indonesia, this article reverses the dichotomy between Islamists and traditionalists and asserts the Islamists’ indigenization.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"77 1","pages":"120 - 133"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73169346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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