Pub Date : 2023-09-26DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2262392
Özgür Kızılyurt
ABSTRACTThis study examines the formative years of Iran’s so-called ‘jihadi field diplomacy’ toward Azerbaijan during and after the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. To accomplish this, I adopt a novel version of neoclassical realism, which considers the socially constructed nature of variables. The application of constructivist neoclassical realism facilitates a deeper comprehension of the reasons and mechanisms behind Iran’s embrace of unconventional interventionist policies in Azerbaijan. I argue that Iran’s jihadi field diplomacy is characterized by two main features: the use of military tools to achieve foreign policy goals and a distinct leadership structure that operates independently of the government. Then I analyze three turning points that shaped Iran’s jihadi field diplomacy toward Azerbaijan. Firstly, after a failed diplomatic mediation between Yerevan and Baku in May 1992, Iran intensified its military and ideological efforts in Azerbaijan. Secondly, during the June 1993 coup, Iran supported pro-Russian coup leader Colonel Huseynov and sought to persuade him to collaborate with ex-Communist Aliyev against nationalist President Elchibey. Aliyev later perceived this initial cooperation as a serious ideological and military challenge. Lastly, the perceived threat and Iran’s Quds Force connections to the leaders of the subsequent military uprisings adversely affected bilateral relations between Iran and Azerbaijan.KEYWORDS: Karabakh Warcoupconstructivist neoclassical realismIranAzerbaijan Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See ‘Mosāhebe-ye Efshā-shode-ye Zarif’, Iran International, 29 April 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h3tiTAUJTxo&ab_channel=IranInternational%D8%A7%D9%8A%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%8A%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%B1%D9%86%D8%B4%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%84.2 ‘Zarif: Diplomāsi va Meydān dar Kenār-e Ham Qarār Dārand’, Irna, 1 May 2021, https://bit.ly/3wyUrOk.3 The conflict over Karabakh started in 1988 and turned into war in 1992.4 ‘Goftogu-ye Jeneral Haqiqatpur’, Mehran, 25 October 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5avxes7RWnI&ab_channel=mehran.review.5 For instance, see R.K. Ramazani, ‘Ideology and Pragmatism in Iran’s Foreign Policy’, The Middle East Journal, 58:4 (2004), pp. 1–7; S.E. Cornell, ‘Iran and the Caucasus: The Triumph of Pragmatism over Ideology’, Global Dialogue, 3:2/3 (2001), pp. 80–92; K. Barzegar, ‘Iran’s Foreign Policy Strategy after Saddam’, The Washington Quarterly, 33:1 (2010), pp. 173–189; R. Takeyh and N.K. Gvosdev, ‘Pragmatism in the Midst of Iranian Turmoil’, Washington Quarterly, 27:4 (2004), pp. 33–56; S. Hunter, ‘Iran’s Pragmatic Regional Policy’, Journal of International Affairs, 56:2 (2003), pp. 133–147.6 See A. Ehteshami, ‘The Foreign Policy of Iran’, in R.A. Hinnebusch and A. Ehteshami (eds) The Foreign Policies of Middle East States (Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002), pp. 287–303; B.A. Rieffer-Flanagan, ‘Islamic Realpolitik: Two-level Iranian
摘要本研究考察了伊朗在第一次纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫战争期间和之后对阿塞拜疆的所谓“圣战外交”的形成年代。为了做到这一点,我采用了一种新古典现实主义的新版本,它考虑了变量的社会建构本质。建构主义新古典现实主义的应用有助于更深入地理解伊朗在阿塞拜疆采取非常规干预主义政策背后的原因和机制。我认为,伊朗的圣战实地外交有两个主要特点:利用军事工具实现外交政策目标,以及独立于政府运作的独特领导结构。然后,我分析了影响伊朗对阿塞拜疆的圣战外交的三个转折点。首先,1992年5月埃里温和巴库之间的外交调解失败后,伊朗加强了在阿塞拜疆的军事和意识形态努力。其次,在1993年6月政变期间,伊朗支持亲俄政变领导人胡塞诺夫上校,并试图说服他与前共产党人阿利耶夫合作,反对民族主义总统埃尔奇别。阿利耶夫后来认为这种最初的合作是一种严重的意识形态和军事挑战。最后,察觉到的威胁以及伊朗圣城部队与后来军事起义领导人的联系对伊朗和阿塞拜疆之间的双边关系产生了不利影响。关键词:卡拉巴赫战争,构成主义,新古典现实主义,米兰阿塞拜疆披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1见《Mosāhebe-ye Efshā-shode-ye Zarif》,伊朗国际,2021年4月29日,https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h3tiTAUJTxo&ab_channel=IranInternational%D8%A7%D9%8A%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%8A%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%B1%D9%86%D8%B4%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%84.2 Zarif:Diplomāsi va Meydān dar Kenār-e Ham Qarār Dārand ', Irna, 2021年5月1日,https://bit.ly/3wyUrOk.3卡拉巴赫冲突始于1988年,并于1992年转变为战争2.4 ' goftoguye将军Haqiqatpur ', Mehran, 2021年10月25日,https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5avxes7RWnI&ab_channel=mehran.review.5例如,见R.K. Ramazani,“伊朗外交政策中的意识形态和实用主义”,中东杂志,58:4(2004),第1 - 7页;S.E. Cornell,“伊朗和高加索:实用主义对意识形态的胜利”,《全球对话》,3:2/3(2001),第80-92页;K. Barzegar,“萨达姆之后的伊朗外交政策战略”,《华盛顿季刊》,33:1(2010),第173-189页;R. Takeyh和N.K. Gvosdev,“伊朗动乱中的实用主义”,《华盛顿季刊》,27:4(2004),第33-56页;S. Hunter,“伊朗务实的地区政策”,《国际事务杂志》,56:2(2003),第133-147.6页。参见A. Ehteshami,“伊朗的外交政策”,载于R.A. Hinnebusch和A. Ehteshami(编)的《中东国家的外交政策》(Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002),第287-303页;B.A. Rieffer-Flanagan,“伊斯兰现实政治:两个层次的伊朗外交政策”,《国际世界和平杂志》,第26期,第7-8页;J.D. Green,“伊朗外交政策中的意识形态和实用主义”,《南亚和中东研究杂志》,第17卷第1期(1993),第57-75页;W. Posch,第三世界,全球伊斯兰和实用主义:伊朗外交政策的制定(柏林:SWP, 2013);B. Friedman,“伊朗革命后外交政策的原则和实践”,耶鲁大学反犹主义跨学科研究倡议,6(2010),第6 - 16页。以下作品对伊朗外交政策中实用主义和意识形态之间复杂的相互作用提供了有价值的见解:P. Osiewicz,伊朗伊斯兰共和国的外交政策:在意识形态和实用主义之间(Routledge, 2020);R. Takeyh,《革命的守护者:阿亚图拉时代的伊朗与世界》(牛津大学出版社,2009);D. Menashri,“伊朗的地区政策:在激进主义和实用主义之间”,《国际事务杂志》,2007年第60期,第153-167页;W. Posch,《中东意识形态与战略:伊朗案例》,《生存》,59:5(2017),第69-98.7页。例如,参见I. Salamey和Z. Othman,《伊朗外交政策制定中的什叶派复兴和法奇赫》,《政治、宗教与意识形态》,2011年12月2日,第197-202页;M. Mozaffari,“伊朗外交政策”,载于I. Takashi(主编)《亚洲外交政策圣人手册》(伦敦:圣人出版社,2020)例如,塔雷米认为,伊朗支持黎巴嫩真主党背后的主要驱动力是意识形态,而不是实用主义或地缘政治。M.B. Bishku,“南高加索共和国与以色列”,《中东研究》,45:2(2009),第303页;里弗-弗拉纳根,同城,第20-21页;W。 90 .据Ali Rezai上校说,Noaqdam于1994年在巴库被任命为伊朗的第一位军事顾问。参见' İranın Az æ rbaycana Baxışı ',同前91参见Shaffer,同前;Alizadeh, ' Unutulmamış savaki ';Alizadeh, ' Rol kuramyi '。92 ' A 'malliyāti ',同前93里弗-弗拉纳根,同前93,第21-25.94页。一些阿塞拜疆国防军将军声称,受过训练的阿塞拜疆士兵参加了南斯拉夫国防军,但他们的说法与三个事实不符:第一,录像上的计时器显示,记录的军事演习是在1994年10月举行的;也就是说,在停火后大约五个月。其次,正如Haqiqatpur在一次采访中所坚持的那样,这些视频显示他和阿利耶夫在QF组建的“第一单位”的军事演习中,这是在“刚刚完成训练”之后举行的。因此,第一支部队的训练是在停火几个月后完成的。第三,Ali Rezai上校坚持认为,空军部队的训练是在1994年6月29日停火后大约一个月阿利耶夫访问伊朗之后开始的。参见“Komakhā-ye Nezāmi-ye伊朗是多拉特-巴库”,Aparat, 2021, https://bit.ly/3xsK9RN;“Goftogu-ye general Haqiqatpur”,op. city;“İranın Az / rbaycana Baxışı Köprü”,古纳兹电视台,2022年10月7日,https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RHKHTxv0_Fg.95 Haqiqatpur提到由阿富汗国防军训练的6500名士兵,但H. Kabiri将军提到8000名士兵。参见“伊朗Tanhā Hāmi-ye Azarbayjan dar Sakhtarin Sherāyet Bude-ast”,Irna, 2020年12月6日,https://bit.ly/3wavloH.96弗兰克和韦伯,同上,第675.97页。塔赫里,同上,98巴吉罗夫,同上,第18
{"title":"The formative years of Iran’s ‘jihadi field diplomacy’ in Azerbaijan","authors":"Özgür Kızılyurt","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2262392","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2262392","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis study examines the formative years of Iran’s so-called ‘jihadi field diplomacy’ toward Azerbaijan during and after the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. To accomplish this, I adopt a novel version of neoclassical realism, which considers the socially constructed nature of variables. The application of constructivist neoclassical realism facilitates a deeper comprehension of the reasons and mechanisms behind Iran’s embrace of unconventional interventionist policies in Azerbaijan. I argue that Iran’s jihadi field diplomacy is characterized by two main features: the use of military tools to achieve foreign policy goals and a distinct leadership structure that operates independently of the government. Then I analyze three turning points that shaped Iran’s jihadi field diplomacy toward Azerbaijan. Firstly, after a failed diplomatic mediation between Yerevan and Baku in May 1992, Iran intensified its military and ideological efforts in Azerbaijan. Secondly, during the June 1993 coup, Iran supported pro-Russian coup leader Colonel Huseynov and sought to persuade him to collaborate with ex-Communist Aliyev against nationalist President Elchibey. Aliyev later perceived this initial cooperation as a serious ideological and military challenge. Lastly, the perceived threat and Iran’s Quds Force connections to the leaders of the subsequent military uprisings adversely affected bilateral relations between Iran and Azerbaijan.KEYWORDS: Karabakh Warcoupconstructivist neoclassical realismIranAzerbaijan Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See ‘Mosāhebe-ye Efshā-shode-ye Zarif’, Iran International, 29 April 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h3tiTAUJTxo&ab_channel=IranInternational%D8%A7%D9%8A%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%8A%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%B1%D9%86%D8%B4%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%84.2 ‘Zarif: Diplomāsi va Meydān dar Kenār-e Ham Qarār Dārand’, Irna, 1 May 2021, https://bit.ly/3wyUrOk.3 The conflict over Karabakh started in 1988 and turned into war in 1992.4 ‘Goftogu-ye Jeneral Haqiqatpur’, Mehran, 25 October 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5avxes7RWnI&ab_channel=mehran.review.5 For instance, see R.K. Ramazani, ‘Ideology and Pragmatism in Iran’s Foreign Policy’, The Middle East Journal, 58:4 (2004), pp. 1–7; S.E. Cornell, ‘Iran and the Caucasus: The Triumph of Pragmatism over Ideology’, Global Dialogue, 3:2/3 (2001), pp. 80–92; K. Barzegar, ‘Iran’s Foreign Policy Strategy after Saddam’, The Washington Quarterly, 33:1 (2010), pp. 173–189; R. Takeyh and N.K. Gvosdev, ‘Pragmatism in the Midst of Iranian Turmoil’, Washington Quarterly, 27:4 (2004), pp. 33–56; S. Hunter, ‘Iran’s Pragmatic Regional Policy’, Journal of International Affairs, 56:2 (2003), pp. 133–147.6 See A. Ehteshami, ‘The Foreign Policy of Iran’, in R.A. Hinnebusch and A. Ehteshami (eds) The Foreign Policies of Middle East States (Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002), pp. 287–303; B.A. Rieffer-Flanagan, ‘Islamic Realpolitik: Two-level Iranian ","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134958269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-01DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2242682
Ashwin Afrikanus Thyssen
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 lgbti+ is preferred as reference to gender and sexual minorities, following Adriaan van Klinken (2019:x) I prefer to use the term in lowercase to denote its fluid and deconstructionist symbolism.
注1在阿德里安·范·克林肯(Adriaan van Klinken, 2019:x)之后,lgbti+更倾向于指代性别和性少数群体,我更喜欢用小写字母来表示这个词的流畅性和解构主义象征意义。
{"title":"The sexual politics of black churches","authors":"Ashwin Afrikanus Thyssen","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2242682","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2242682","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 lgbti+ is preferred as reference to gender and sexual minorities, following Adriaan van Klinken (2019:x) I prefer to use the term in lowercase to denote its fluid and deconstructionist symbolism.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135971674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2219141
Yesim Kakalic
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 The term was initially used by left-wing politicians to highlight ‘the privilege of those without etiquettes’ (Germans without a migration background). It was then picked up by the right-wing party AfD to link it with the German Leitkultur.
{"title":"Turkish German Muslims and comedy entertainment: settling into mainstream culture in the 21st century","authors":"Yesim Kakalic","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2219141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2219141","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 The term was initially used by left-wing politicians to highlight ‘the privilege of those without etiquettes’ (Germans without a migration background). It was then picked up by the right-wing party AfD to link it with the German Leitkultur.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"173 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135642911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2219129
Joseph O. Baker
{"title":"The Everyday Crusade: Christian Nationalism in American Politics","authors":"Joseph O. Baker","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2219129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2219129","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135642780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2219139
Sleiman El Hajj
"The Cedar Never Dies: Scenes from Lebanese Life,." Politics, Religion & Ideology, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
《雪松不死:黎巴嫩生活场景》《政治、宗教与意识形态》,第1-2页
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Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2219143
Carimo Mohomed
{"title":"Jihadism in Europe: European youth and the new caliphate","authors":"Carimo Mohomed","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2219143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2219143","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"221 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135643421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2219144
Ewa K. Strzelecka
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationFundingThis publication has been produced as part of the Peace Women project funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement n° 101024992.
{"title":"South Yemen’s independence struggle: generations of resistance","authors":"Ewa K. Strzelecka","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2219144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2219144","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationFundingThis publication has been produced as part of the Peace Women project funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement n° 101024992.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135642764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2222073
Murat Akan
ABSTRACT One mark of the rising research field of secularism and religion is that the field itself moved from area studies towards mainstream social science. This move can be traced through the increasing significance of Turkey. Turkey’s AKP was presented as a liberal and moderate challenge to radical Kemalist secularism in Turkish Studies, then analytical pillars of research in comparative politics and political theory relied on this presentation. After AKP’s authoritarian turn, how can we reflect on its past narration as liberal and moderate? As opposed to the thesis of rupture between the early and the late AKP, this article develops the thesis of confiscation. First, I resituate Kemalist secularism vis-à-vis French secularism with comparative history. I argue that institutionally it’s a limited, not a radical, secularism. Then, I examine gradual institutional changes during the AKP with statistics, court decisions, legislation and parliamentary discussions, and demonstrate that limited Kemalist secular institutions ease the way for AKP’s will to religionize society and the state. My analysis tackles a central thesis in the literature: secular institutions can make reasonable accommodations of religion without losing their own core. I show that in Turkey, accommodations of religion turn into confiscation of secular institutions.
{"title":"A confiscated trajectory of secularism: revisiting the critical case of Turkey","authors":"Murat Akan","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2222073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2222073","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT One mark of the rising research field of secularism and religion is that the field itself moved from area studies towards mainstream social science. This move can be traced through the increasing significance of Turkey. Turkey’s AKP was presented as a liberal and moderate challenge to radical Kemalist secularism in Turkish Studies, then analytical pillars of research in comparative politics and political theory relied on this presentation. After AKP’s authoritarian turn, how can we reflect on its past narration as liberal and moderate? As opposed to the thesis of rupture between the early and the late AKP, this article develops the thesis of confiscation. First, I resituate Kemalist secularism vis-à-vis French secularism with comparative history. I argue that institutionally it’s a limited, not a radical, secularism. Then, I examine gradual institutional changes during the AKP with statistics, court decisions, legislation and parliamentary discussions, and demonstrate that limited Kemalist secular institutions ease the way for AKP’s will to religionize society and the state. My analysis tackles a central thesis in the literature: secular institutions can make reasonable accommodations of religion without losing their own core. I show that in Turkey, accommodations of religion turn into confiscation of secular institutions.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"17 1","pages":"242 - 266"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80236703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2196126
Ridwan M. Soleh
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