Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2216138
B. M. (. van Schaik
ABSTRACT The freedom of religion or belief is internationally recognized. However, studies demonstrate that the implementation of the right to apostasy, an essential aspect of this freedom, encounters difficulties in state practices. Doctrinal and historical research is conducted regarding the UN legal documents and the drafting history in order to demonstrate that the phrasing of the freedom to change religion in the provisions has been gradually altered since the legal establishment in 1948. Within the UN, member states have succeeded in changing the provisions, resulting in conceptual ambiguity regarding the right to apostasy. It is a matter of concern that there is little recognition, within the UN and in academia, of the fact that the explicit right to apostasy has been disregarded, resulting in diminishing the normative force of the religious freedom provision.
{"title":"The right to apostasy recognised? Reaffirming the right to religious freedom","authors":"B. M. (. van Schaik","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2216138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2216138","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The freedom of religion or belief is internationally recognized. However, studies demonstrate that the implementation of the right to apostasy, an essential aspect of this freedom, encounters difficulties in state practices. Doctrinal and historical research is conducted regarding the UN legal documents and the drafting history in order to demonstrate that the phrasing of the freedom to change religion in the provisions has been gradually altered since the legal establishment in 1948. Within the UN, member states have succeeded in changing the provisions, resulting in conceptual ambiguity regarding the right to apostasy. It is a matter of concern that there is little recognition, within the UN and in academia, of the fact that the explicit right to apostasy has been disregarded, resulting in diminishing the normative force of the religious freedom provision.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"5 1","pages":"267 - 287"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85990998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2196123
Rashmi Shetty
whose early love for religion led her to study in the seminaries of Qom, Iran. Vasmaghi’s is a radical stance: she rejects the theoretical premise that equates religion with law-making and suggests that family law should all together be removed from the realm of fiqh. Neither her condition of near blindness in an eye, nor the Iranian government’s efforts to incarcerate and silence her have succeeded in curbing her firm belief that Islam is inherently just, and that it must be translated in ways that are ‘not in contradiction with evolving human rationality, knowledge and lived experiences’. (222) The book concludes with the authors reflections on the importance of ‘recovering and reclaiming the ethical and egalitarian ethos in Islam’s sacred texts, ad exposing the relationship between the production of religious knowledge and the practices of power’. (240) Overall, this book is an exceptionally strong contribution to the scholarship on feminism and Islam, as well as scholarship on intellectual movements for Islamic reform and justice. It undertakes an ambitious project of narrating hermeneutic and activist methodologies for breaking up patriarchal monopoly of the ulema and the state in diverse national contexts. Methodologically Mir-Hosseini’s approach reveals the elements of relationality in the exchange of ideas–a back and forthness–that mirrors the process through which all knowledge is produced and shifts over time. In this sense the method exquisitely mirrors the central claim of the book that knowledge is a process, constructed, mediated, exchanged, and transformed, and that claims to immutability and efforts to codify across time and space are precisely what make them irrelevant to human lives. This book is highly recommended for graduate and advanced undergraduate courses in Religious Studies, Middle East Studies, Gender Studies, Sociology Research Methods and Anthropology. Indeed, Journeys toward gender equality in Islam is an engaging, incisive, and delightful book. It is welcome contribution to the vibrant scholarship on Islamic feminism that was at its height in the 1990s, and that remains as necessary today as it was decades ago.
{"title":"The Greater India Experiment: Hindutva and the Northeast","authors":"Rashmi Shetty","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2196123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2196123","url":null,"abstract":"whose early love for religion led her to study in the seminaries of Qom, Iran. Vasmaghi’s is a radical stance: she rejects the theoretical premise that equates religion with law-making and suggests that family law should all together be removed from the realm of fiqh. Neither her condition of near blindness in an eye, nor the Iranian government’s efforts to incarcerate and silence her have succeeded in curbing her firm belief that Islam is inherently just, and that it must be translated in ways that are ‘not in contradiction with evolving human rationality, knowledge and lived experiences’. (222) The book concludes with the authors reflections on the importance of ‘recovering and reclaiming the ethical and egalitarian ethos in Islam’s sacred texts, ad exposing the relationship between the production of religious knowledge and the practices of power’. (240) Overall, this book is an exceptionally strong contribution to the scholarship on feminism and Islam, as well as scholarship on intellectual movements for Islamic reform and justice. It undertakes an ambitious project of narrating hermeneutic and activist methodologies for breaking up patriarchal monopoly of the ulema and the state in diverse national contexts. Methodologically Mir-Hosseini’s approach reveals the elements of relationality in the exchange of ideas–a back and forthness–that mirrors the process through which all knowledge is produced and shifts over time. In this sense the method exquisitely mirrors the central claim of the book that knowledge is a process, constructed, mediated, exchanged, and transformed, and that claims to immutability and efforts to codify across time and space are precisely what make them irrelevant to human lives. This book is highly recommended for graduate and advanced undergraduate courses in Religious Studies, Middle East Studies, Gender Studies, Sociology Research Methods and Anthropology. Indeed, Journeys toward gender equality in Islam is an engaging, incisive, and delightful book. It is welcome contribution to the vibrant scholarship on Islamic feminism that was at its height in the 1990s, and that remains as necessary today as it was decades ago.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"41 1","pages":"298 - 301"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82825008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2216137
Cory Sukala
ABSTRACT With their integration into the global political world, the historically Buddhist countries of Southeast Asia have begun to augment, sometimes to the point of replacement, their traditional political structures with Westernized political institutions. Despite these formal changes, far less development has been made as a matter of underlying political theory. Though the language of contemporary Buddhist political thought and action is colored with talk of rights, it remains unclear how firmly this new orientation is founded. The consequences of this mixture of Western democratic political forms built upon an underlying foundation of Buddhist political theory can be seen in the developing human rights crisis in Myanmar. On the subject of the Muslim Rohingya, advocates of Burmese democracy, such as Aung San Suu Kyi, have seemingly found common cause with the military junta, with the country’s newly-minted democratic institutions proving themselves to be inadequate as a means of sustaining rights protections for the religious minority group. This paper examines the standing of rights-language in Buddhist political thought and how these concepts have thus far proven insufficient as a surrogate to similar conceptions in the liberal tradition as a foundation for political protections.
随着融入全球政治世界，历史上信奉佛教的东南亚国家开始用西方化的政治制度来扩充，有时甚至达到取代传统政治结构的程度。尽管有这些形式上的变化，但作为潜在政治理论的问题，发展却少得多。尽管当代佛教政治思想和行动的语言带有权利的色彩，但尚不清楚这种新方向的建立有多牢固。这种建立在佛教政治理论基础之上的西方民主政治形式的混合，其后果可以从缅甸不断发展的人权危机中看到。在穆斯林罗辛亚人的问题上，昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)等缅甸民主倡导者似乎找到了与军政府的共同目标，该国新成立的民主机构证明，它们不足以维持对这个宗教少数群体的权利保护。本文考察了权利语言在佛教政治思想中的地位，以及这些概念迄今为止如何被证明不足以替代自由主义传统中的类似概念，作为政治保护的基础。
{"title":"Rights talk in a genocide: Myanmar as a lens for the problem of rights in Buddhist political thought","authors":"Cory Sukala","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2216137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2216137","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT With their integration into the global political world, the historically Buddhist countries of Southeast Asia have begun to augment, sometimes to the point of replacement, their traditional political structures with Westernized political institutions. Despite these formal changes, far less development has been made as a matter of underlying political theory. Though the language of contemporary Buddhist political thought and action is colored with talk of rights, it remains unclear how firmly this new orientation is founded. The consequences of this mixture of Western democratic political forms built upon an underlying foundation of Buddhist political theory can be seen in the developing human rights crisis in Myanmar. On the subject of the Muslim Rohingya, advocates of Burmese democracy, such as Aung San Suu Kyi, have seemingly found common cause with the military junta, with the country’s newly-minted democratic institutions proving themselves to be inadequate as a means of sustaining rights protections for the religious minority group. This paper examines the standing of rights-language in Buddhist political thought and how these concepts have thus far proven insufficient as a surrogate to similar conceptions in the liberal tradition as a foundation for political protections.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"15 1","pages":"153 - 175"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73919577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2196120
Carina Roth
is the role of religion in these tumultuous historical contexts? The question becomes more palpable when we see, for instance, how Boer, in his chapter on Chinese peasant rebellions, insists that traditional concepts such as tianming (‘mandate of heaven’) and mingyun (‘destiny-and-fortune’) are essentially ‘secular’ in meaning (40–41). If this is true, what does it then mean to investigate the role of ‘religion’ in the context of Chinese peasant rebellions? Such awkward juxtapositions raise issues around terminology, and the transparency or lack thereof. For their part, the editors commit to an implicit understanding of religion, which, in contrast to other key concepts they elucidate in their introduction, remains undertheorized. The volume would thus have benefited, I believe, from paying greater attention to one of its central categories of analysis. Another point that should be raised is the occasional aversion towards causal models of explanation encountered throughout the chapters. Rahimi, in his otherwise insightful contribution on the significance of structured affects in the Iranian Revolution, denies causal explanatory approaches the ability to appreciate ‘contingencies’ and ‘spontaneity’ with respect to collective action (135–36), and places his trust in personal emotions and individual agency in their capacity to provide a more adequate account of the success of the Revolution. Prosic, though less vocal in this regard, similarly eschews the demonstration of a ‘“billiardball” causality’ (118) between Eastern Orthodoxy and the Russian revolution, and prefers the notion of ‘elective affinities’ for approximating her subject matter. It is not, however, obvious why causal explanations should on principle deny individual agency or intentionality, and one may suspect the production of a false dichotomy here. I would go further and argue that disavowing causal models of explanation as such does a disservice to generating meaningful insights, and is ultimately a self-defeating endeavour if one seeks to explain or understand a given socio-political phenomenon as opposed to merely describe it. In sum, Religion in Rebellions, Revolutions, and Social Movements presents fascinating historical material and demonstrates the importance of probing into the many uses of religion in transformational social contexts, as it has demonstrably played – and will likely continue to play – a significant role in socio-political developments and events of historical import. The volume is thus a welcome contribution to the study of the interactions between religion and politics, and is recommended to students and scholars of radical social change who harbor an interest in the role of ideology production for political mobilization, as well as in the affordances of religion as an organizational factor in sustaining political action.
{"title":"Pilgrims until we die: Unending pilgrimage in Shikoku","authors":"Carina Roth","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2196120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2196120","url":null,"abstract":"is the role of religion in these tumultuous historical contexts? The question becomes more palpable when we see, for instance, how Boer, in his chapter on Chinese peasant rebellions, insists that traditional concepts such as tianming (‘mandate of heaven’) and mingyun (‘destiny-and-fortune’) are essentially ‘secular’ in meaning (40–41). If this is true, what does it then mean to investigate the role of ‘religion’ in the context of Chinese peasant rebellions? Such awkward juxtapositions raise issues around terminology, and the transparency or lack thereof. For their part, the editors commit to an implicit understanding of religion, which, in contrast to other key concepts they elucidate in their introduction, remains undertheorized. The volume would thus have benefited, I believe, from paying greater attention to one of its central categories of analysis. Another point that should be raised is the occasional aversion towards causal models of explanation encountered throughout the chapters. Rahimi, in his otherwise insightful contribution on the significance of structured affects in the Iranian Revolution, denies causal explanatory approaches the ability to appreciate ‘contingencies’ and ‘spontaneity’ with respect to collective action (135–36), and places his trust in personal emotions and individual agency in their capacity to provide a more adequate account of the success of the Revolution. Prosic, though less vocal in this regard, similarly eschews the demonstration of a ‘“billiardball” causality’ (118) between Eastern Orthodoxy and the Russian revolution, and prefers the notion of ‘elective affinities’ for approximating her subject matter. It is not, however, obvious why causal explanations should on principle deny individual agency or intentionality, and one may suspect the production of a false dichotomy here. I would go further and argue that disavowing causal models of explanation as such does a disservice to generating meaningful insights, and is ultimately a self-defeating endeavour if one seeks to explain or understand a given socio-political phenomenon as opposed to merely describe it. In sum, Religion in Rebellions, Revolutions, and Social Movements presents fascinating historical material and demonstrates the importance of probing into the many uses of religion in transformational social contexts, as it has demonstrably played – and will likely continue to play – a significant role in socio-political developments and events of historical import. The volume is thus a welcome contribution to the study of the interactions between religion and politics, and is recommended to students and scholars of radical social change who harbor an interest in the role of ideology production for political mobilization, as well as in the affordances of religion as an organizational factor in sustaining political action.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"29 2","pages":"292 - 295"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72617211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2219229
U. Shavit
ABSTRACT On June 13, 2021, the United Arab List, representing the Southern Branch of the Islamic Movement in Israel (SIM), became the first independent Arab party to join a Zionist governmental coalition. The article analyzes why the move hardly stirred opposition within the leadership and the popular base of a movement rooted in the Muslim Brothers. It demonstrates that the SIM’s coalition-oriented agenda responded to the firm and consistent demand for greater political impact voiced by a majority of the Arab public in Israel, and was commensurate with the religio-legal arguments introduced by the movement over two and a half decades of defending its decision to run for the Knesset. These arguments include stressing the importance of pragmatism in Islam and drawing analogies to religious narratives about cooperation with and service in infidel governments, such as the conduct of Muslims in Abyssinia and the conduct of Prophet Joseph in Egypt. Ironically, rather than limit its options, the Islamic premise upon which the United Arab List has operated turned out to allow it flexibility other Arab parties in Israel could not afford.
{"title":"Islamists in a Zionist coalition: the political and religious origins","authors":"U. Shavit","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2219229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2219229","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT On June 13, 2021, the United Arab List, representing the Southern Branch of the Islamic Movement in Israel (SIM), became the first independent Arab party to join a Zionist governmental coalition. The article analyzes why the move hardly stirred opposition within the leadership and the popular base of a movement rooted in the Muslim Brothers. It demonstrates that the SIM’s coalition-oriented agenda responded to the firm and consistent demand for greater political impact voiced by a majority of the Arab public in Israel, and was commensurate with the religio-legal arguments introduced by the movement over two and a half decades of defending its decision to run for the Knesset. These arguments include stressing the importance of pragmatism in Islam and drawing analogies to religious narratives about cooperation with and service in infidel governments, such as the conduct of Muslims in Abyssinia and the conduct of Prophet Joseph in Egypt. Ironically, rather than limit its options, the Islamic premise upon which the United Arab List has operated turned out to allow it flexibility other Arab parties in Israel could not afford.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"5 1","pages":"176 - 199"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74245963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2229081
Dalal Daoud
ABSTRACT In the past four decades, Islamists have emerged as important actors in the politics of the Middle East and North Africa, seizing power in some cases. In response, scholars of MENA have been investigating Islamists’ behavior and policies relating to a wide range of issues. And yet, despite its real-world and academic salience, empirical research on the relationship between contemporary Islamist rulers and minorities has been sparse. The paper investigates ruling Islamists’ minority treatment in Sudan and Turkey. Observing a variation in treatment, the paper demonstrates that religious affiliation and religious-ideological motivations have little explanatory power in the cases. The paper argues that in effort to secure their power, Islamists will engage in alliance building with or against minority groups. Alliance building itself is affected by the strategic interactions between Islamists, minority groups and other key political actors as well as the regional and international environments.
{"title":"Islamists and ethnic minorities: evidence from Sudan and Turkey","authors":"Dalal Daoud","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2229081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2229081","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the past four decades, Islamists have emerged as important actors in the politics of the Middle East and North Africa, seizing power in some cases. In response, scholars of MENA have been investigating Islamists’ behavior and policies relating to a wide range of issues. And yet, despite its real-world and academic salience, empirical research on the relationship between contemporary Islamist rulers and minorities has been sparse. The paper investigates ruling Islamists’ minority treatment in Sudan and Turkey. Observing a variation in treatment, the paper demonstrates that religious affiliation and religious-ideological motivations have little explanatory power in the cases. The paper argues that in effort to secure their power, Islamists will engage in alliance building with or against minority groups. Alliance building itself is affected by the strategic interactions between Islamists, minority groups and other key political actors as well as the regional and international environments.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"27 1","pages":"200 - 223"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86112584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2209725
Igor Vukadinović
ABSTRACT This paper attempts to answer some questions about the Yugoslav communist regime's identity policy in Kosovo: did the authorities encourage Turkification of Albanians or Albanisation of Turks, and how was the issue of Turkish emigration from Yugoslavia to Turkey handled in the 1950s? Answers to these questions may also prove useful in discussing the question of the determinants of the nationality policy of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia under the leadership of Josip Broz Tito. The study is based on the analysis of state documents kept in different archives in Belgrade, Pristina, and Tirana, and the relevant literature in Serbian, Albanian, Turkish, and English. It is my contention that the Turkish minority in Kosovo was in the first post-war years denied the recognition of its national identity and minority rights, and that its status largely depended on the Yugoslav communist leadership's strategy of subordinating Yugoslavia's national interests to the particular interests of the six federal and two autonomous units into which it was divided. I argue that the Yugoslav government implemented different policies regarding emigration to Turkey in Kosovo and Macedonia and that it sought to halt the emigration of Kosovo Albanians, as evidenced by available data.
{"title":"The question of national identity and the immigration of Kosovo Muslims to Turkey during the Yugoslav communist regime","authors":"Igor Vukadinović","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2209725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2209725","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper attempts to answer some questions about the Yugoslav communist regime's identity policy in Kosovo: did the authorities encourage Turkification of Albanians or Albanisation of Turks, and how was the issue of Turkish emigration from Yugoslavia to Turkey handled in the 1950s? Answers to these questions may also prove useful in discussing the question of the determinants of the nationality policy of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia under the leadership of Josip Broz Tito. The study is based on the analysis of state documents kept in different archives in Belgrade, Pristina, and Tirana, and the relevant literature in Serbian, Albanian, Turkish, and English. It is my contention that the Turkish minority in Kosovo was in the first post-war years denied the recognition of its national identity and minority rights, and that its status largely depended on the Yugoslav communist leadership's strategy of subordinating Yugoslavia's national interests to the particular interests of the six federal and two autonomous units into which it was divided. I argue that the Yugoslav government implemented different policies regarding emigration to Turkey in Kosovo and Macedonia and that it sought to halt the emigration of Kosovo Albanians, as evidenced by available data.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"1 1","pages":"224 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89647451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-30DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2196118
M. Kakabadze
of ‘just’ orthodoxies? However, in contrast to all fears and challenges of ‘negative’ anthropology, ‘Pinelandia’ remains positive, Stone constructs her being in the field as a Baudlairian aesthetic enterprise, the beauty and reason of being in poetry in a shattering word. Here, her well-developed mode of anthropological field poetry needs to be mentioned not as a form of escapism, but rather of deepening and digging the big things of anthropological encounter.
{"title":"Religion in Rebellions, Revolutions, and Social Movements","authors":"M. Kakabadze","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2023.2196118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2023.2196118","url":null,"abstract":"of ‘just’ orthodoxies? However, in contrast to all fears and challenges of ‘negative’ anthropology, ‘Pinelandia’ remains positive, Stone constructs her being in the field as a Baudlairian aesthetic enterprise, the beauty and reason of being in poetry in a shattering word. Here, her well-developed mode of anthropological field poetry needs to be mentioned not as a form of escapism, but rather of deepening and digging the big things of anthropological encounter.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"93 1","pages":"290 - 292"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72902443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-30DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2023.2196122
Khanum Shaikh
Journeys toward gender equality in Islam by Ziba Mir-Hosseini takes the reader on a rigorous journey through the constructedness of knowledge projects, and the individual and collective modes of inquiry that go into de-centering consolidated sources of religious authority. This remarkable collection of conversations reveals the author’s sophisticated grasp on both the conceptual intricacies and the practical difficulties of pursuing gender equality from within an Islamic legal framework. Some questions threaded through the chapters include: Why and how is the justice-oriented spirit of Islam eroded when codified into law? Who has the authority to interpret the word of God? How do linguistic and social structures constrain the expansive possibilities within sacred texts? Which religious rulings are bound by time and context, and which are timeless and immutable? Is it productive to distinguish between Shari’a (God’s will as revealed to the Prophet Muhammad) and fiqh (understanding) to reveal the human elements of interpretation that mask as God’s word? And is it futile or necessary to engage traditional centers of religious learning that are exceptionally resistant to change in order to enact concrete reforms from within? Each chapter fleshes out the specific strategies that reformist and feminist Muslim thinkers have pursued to loosen the monopoly of the ulema and the state over Shari’as proper applications. Mir-Hosseini’s inquiry is grounded in her belief that justice is an intrinsic value in Islam and that treating women as second-class citizens is antithetical to Islam’s spirit. Indeed, these questions remain crucial today when we consider the patriarchal thrust of Sharia laws in most Muslim countries around the world. The book is comprised of seven chapters framed by an introduction and a conclusion. The introduction illuminates the stakes of the larger project, anchoring the political in the personal story of Mir-Hosseini’s struggle to secure a divorce from her ex-husband who was unwilling to grant it. Unfolding in the early 1980s in post-revolution Iran (a revolution that she had supported), Mir-Hosseini’s jarring encounters with patriarchal brokers of Islamic laws made it clear to her that ‘ ... .by the time a marital dispute reached court, whatever was sacred and ethical in the law had evaporated’. And that ‘What was left of the Shari’a
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