Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2146275
S. Allouche
I recently discussed Ghassan Moussawi’s work with a dear colleague. We both nodded in agreement when she remarked: ‘If I were to author a book, I would follow Moussawi’s model of writing.’ Indeed. The real tour de force in Ghassan Moussawi’s work is, scholarly contributions aside, his ability to relate in simple terms dense theoretical knots without losing sight of any of their complexities. This makes his book a must-read for academics and students who are interested in issues related to gender and sexuality in the Lebanese context, and a friendly one for the lay reader too. Moussawi, by his own admittance, uses a mix of ethnographic observations, life-history interviews, and textual analysis for the purpose of his work. I would like to add visualization as an additional method in his formulation of ‘fractal orientalism’, the building block of his work. Put simply, fractal orientalism is orientalism within orientalism, and both chapters 1 and 2 are dedicated to explaining the replication of orientalist fractals in the Lebanese context. These fractal discursions can be broken down into almost infinite (othered) spaces within already (othered) spaces: The West/Arab World, Lebanon/Arab world, Beirut/Lebanon, Christians/Muslims. Each constructs itself as more modern, and thus more LGBT friendly that the next. What’s more, within each of these fractals, further microcosms of power are created and maintained through gendered, racialized, and classed dynamics that are unlikely to find an anchoring point in linear definitions or quantitative surveys, as Moussawi rightly argues. The result is a pluralistic understanding of queerness at the theoretical and empirical levels. For example, class (read access to certain commercial spaces), and visual clues, such as the Islamic veil for women, or one’s proficiency in English all contribute to marking certain bodies as more LGBT than others, depending on the geography they inhabit. What’s more, fractal orientalism as a tool equips us with the language and architectural framework to move beyond essentialist East/West binaries, and to explore the space between and beyond them. Messiness, by now well-theorized in queer and transnational studies, is at the heart of Moussawi’s work. His interlocutors’ multiple subjectivities are laid bare in chapters 3-5 as they navigate myriad spaces (the household, the street, activism, migration) and negotiate identarian and communitarian paradigms that sit uneasily with liberalists’ universalist presumptions of what ‘LGBT’ entails. As a result, Moussawi calls for a political economy framework, rather than culturalist (generalist) accounts, when addressing queerness. For Moussawi’s queer interlocutors, visibility is concomitant with readability, and gender performance, rather than sexual orientation, is an important marker that distinguishes suspected LGBT bodies from the rest. Moussawi resists the quick fix of terming the spaces he researches as an ‘LGBT community’; if anything,
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2152801
A. Tarchi
ABSTRACT This article analyzes how civil and religious authorities regulated ‘mixed’ marriages between Italian settlers and Libyans during the Italian colonization of Libya (1911-1942). As an institution situated at the core of discursive and regulatory frameworks regarding property, heritage, and religion, marriage had been a contentious jurisdictional issue between Italian governments and the Vatican since the birth of the nation-state in 1861. This article traces the conflicts and convergences that characterized the institution's history in colonial Libya, detailing how it intersected with political projects regarding the racial and religious characterization of the Italian national identity. The study of the institutional clashes between the Italian state and the Vatican, Italian nationalism and Catholicism, frame this article's qualitative analysis of ‘mixed’ couples’ experiences regarding marriage in the colony. Through this multi-layered analysis, this article shows the crucial importance of the regulation of mixture in the Italian empire, where even small numbers of ‘mixed’ marriages could impact the development of racial categories and national and religious belonging.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2106976
Colin Bossen
ABSTRACT Populism is a political ontology, in which political being is centered on the question of collective identity. It is also a political theology embedded within constitutional democracy. In the United States, three major varieties have attempted to resolve a question implicitly posed by the Constitution: who are ‘We the People’? These traditions are pluralistic, white supremacist, and Pan-African populism. For white supremacist populists, White people become the people. Pluralistic populism seeks to create a multi-ethnic and multi-racial collective identity around economic questions. Pan-African populism decenters Whiteness to build Black cultural, economic, and political power. Populist movements often emerge during times of crisis when collective identities are disrupted. I look back to three World War I era movements to gain insight into contemporary populisms. A study of the Ku Klux Klan, the Industrial Workers of the World, and Garveyism, suggests conflicts between the varieties of populism in the United States existed long before Donald Trump entered the national stage.
民粹主义是一种政治本体论，其政治存在以集体认同问题为中心。它也是一种嵌入宪政民主的政治神学。在美国，有三个主要流派试图解决宪法隐含提出的问题:“我们人民”是谁?这些传统是多元主义、白人至上主义和泛非民粹主义。对于白人至上的民粹主义者来说，白人变成了人民。多元民粹主义试图围绕经济问题创造一种多民族、多种族的集体认同。泛非洲民粹主义以白人为中心，建立黑人的文化、经济和政治权力。民粹主义运动往往出现在集体认同遭到破坏的危机时期。我回顾了第一次世界大战时期的三次运动，以深入了解当代民粹主义。对三k党(Ku Klux Klan)、世界产业工人(Industrial Workers of the World)和加维主义(Garveyism)的一项研究表明，早在唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)进入国家舞台之前，美国各种民粹主义之间的冲突就存在了。
{"title":"Populism as Political Ontology: The Varieties of Populism in the United States","authors":"Colin Bossen","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2022.2106976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2022.2106976","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Populism is a political ontology, in which political being is centered on the question of collective identity. It is also a political theology embedded within constitutional democracy. In the United States, three major varieties have attempted to resolve a question implicitly posed by the Constitution: who are ‘We the People’? These traditions are pluralistic, white supremacist, and Pan-African populism. For white supremacist populists, White people become the people. Pluralistic populism seeks to create a multi-ethnic and multi-racial collective identity around economic questions. Pan-African populism decenters Whiteness to build Black cultural, economic, and political power. Populist movements often emerge during times of crisis when collective identities are disrupted. I look back to three World War I era movements to gain insight into contemporary populisms. A study of the Ku Klux Klan, the Industrial Workers of the World, and Garveyism, suggests conflicts between the varieties of populism in the United States existed long before Donald Trump entered the national stage.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"44 1","pages":"287 - 305"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79695288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2119651
M. Inbari
crime. This generated deep resentment among the people of Mosul. (p. 67). Furthermore, the IS’s uncompromising policy of gender segregation and clothing requirements complicated even the basic provision of health service not only to the great detriment of the people of Mosul, but also its own fighters. As Aarseth writes, ‘ISIS’s destructive mix of ideologically motivated micromanagement, lack of overall planning, and exploitative behavior at the expense of civilians accelerated the breakdown of the health system and reinforced the public discontent with ISIS more generally (p. 98).’ It is also not clear to me how ISIS ‘fatwa’ justifying sex slavery of Yezidi girls and the justification of burning a Jordanian pilot (p. 124) are examples of ‘adjusting ideology to practical concerns’ (p. 124). These extremely violent practices that were explicitly and emphatically justified on religious grounds by IS magnified widespread abhorrence against the IS and facilitated the formation of a broad coalition bringing its downfall. Consequently, if we put rebel organizations on a spectrum from ideological pragmatism to dogmatism, it is clear that IS is located at the extreme right of this spectrum. Overall, Mosul under ISIS generates valuable empirical insights about civilian experience during the IS occupation of one of the most important urban centers in Iraq. Importantly, it brings the voices of these civilians to the forefront. It is pertinent not only to scholars of Salafi-jihadism and insurgencies but also to the general public who would like to learn more about the bitter legacy of IS.
{"title":"Religious Zionism and the settlement project","authors":"M. Inbari","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2022.2119651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2022.2119651","url":null,"abstract":"crime. This generated deep resentment among the people of Mosul. (p. 67). Furthermore, the IS’s uncompromising policy of gender segregation and clothing requirements complicated even the basic provision of health service not only to the great detriment of the people of Mosul, but also its own fighters. As Aarseth writes, ‘ISIS’s destructive mix of ideologically motivated micromanagement, lack of overall planning, and exploitative behavior at the expense of civilians accelerated the breakdown of the health system and reinforced the public discontent with ISIS more generally (p. 98).’ It is also not clear to me how ISIS ‘fatwa’ justifying sex slavery of Yezidi girls and the justification of burning a Jordanian pilot (p. 124) are examples of ‘adjusting ideology to practical concerns’ (p. 124). These extremely violent practices that were explicitly and emphatically justified on religious grounds by IS magnified widespread abhorrence against the IS and facilitated the formation of a broad coalition bringing its downfall. Consequently, if we put rebel organizations on a spectrum from ideological pragmatism to dogmatism, it is clear that IS is located at the extreme right of this spectrum. Overall, Mosul under ISIS generates valuable empirical insights about civilian experience during the IS occupation of one of the most important urban centers in Iraq. Importantly, it brings the voices of these civilians to the forefront. It is pertinent not only to scholars of Salafi-jihadism and insurgencies but also to the general public who would like to learn more about the bitter legacy of IS.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"23 1","pages":"382 - 385"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75521099","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2119649
G. M. Tezcür
stories of those who chose to remain in Morocco, although critical of the state apparatus, ultimately have had their life stories coopted into a national narrative of religious tolerance and exchange that elides the more somber historical reality. In doing so Heckman makes a powerful argument for a re-periodization of Moroccan Jewish in which independence is not seen as the end of Jewish history within Morocco. As Heckman recognizes in her work, relatively few Moroccan Jews espoused communism, the majority of Moroccan Jews were at most nominally involved politically, mostly in the fight against racism and anti-Semitism. However, by elevating the voices of those who rejected both Zionism and colonialism we gain a new appreciation for the agency and intellectual diversity within Moroccan Jewry throughout the twentieth century. Thus, the history of these men is an important reminder that Jews were invested in Moroccan politics both before and after Moroccan independence and that these contributions continue to play a role in the national political conscientiousness. This analysis is an essential aspect in understanding the important position of the small but active Jewish community in Morocco today. At a time when Jewish heritage tourism in Morocco is a booming business and Israel and Morocco have normalized diplomatic relations, Heckman’s longue durée analysis also helps to explain some of the factors which led to the current Moroccan Muslim-Jewish convivencia narrative. As such, The Sultan’s Communist’s enriches our understanding of Moroccan Jewish history, and contemporary collective memory in Morocco as a whole.
{"title":"Mosul under ISIS: Eyewitness accounts of life in the Caliphate","authors":"G. M. Tezcür","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2022.2119649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2022.2119649","url":null,"abstract":"stories of those who chose to remain in Morocco, although critical of the state apparatus, ultimately have had their life stories coopted into a national narrative of religious tolerance and exchange that elides the more somber historical reality. In doing so Heckman makes a powerful argument for a re-periodization of Moroccan Jewish in which independence is not seen as the end of Jewish history within Morocco. As Heckman recognizes in her work, relatively few Moroccan Jews espoused communism, the majority of Moroccan Jews were at most nominally involved politically, mostly in the fight against racism and anti-Semitism. However, by elevating the voices of those who rejected both Zionism and colonialism we gain a new appreciation for the agency and intellectual diversity within Moroccan Jewry throughout the twentieth century. Thus, the history of these men is an important reminder that Jews were invested in Moroccan politics both before and after Moroccan independence and that these contributions continue to play a role in the national political conscientiousness. This analysis is an essential aspect in understanding the important position of the small but active Jewish community in Morocco today. At a time when Jewish heritage tourism in Morocco is a booming business and Israel and Morocco have normalized diplomatic relations, Heckman’s longue durée analysis also helps to explain some of the factors which led to the current Moroccan Muslim-Jewish convivencia narrative. As such, The Sultan’s Communist’s enriches our understanding of Moroccan Jewish history, and contemporary collective memory in Morocco as a whole.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"46 1","pages":"380 - 382"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89617923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2123802
Thomas Furse
ABSTRACT Christian nationalists attempt to save the United States from eternal damnation by forcefully confronting threats at home and abroad. This paper investigates how a selection of Christian nationalists in the US foreign policy-making ecosystem use the apocalypse to achieve their political aims. The ‘strategic social construction’ model demonstrates how and why the apocalyptic narrative is helpful to rally political action to halt the decline of the United States in the world order. It shows how it has justified their staunch criticism of domestic liberalism and can link them to extreme conspiratorial views while maintaining broad ties to mainstream politics. Through this overarching apocalyptic narrative, the working foreign policy objectives of Christian nationalism fit with the hegemonic orbit of liberal internationalism, which is flexible enough to encompass it. Thus, among elite US foreign policy-makers, the apocalypse has been a shared implicit and explicit frame of reference to interpret the US position in the world order in the twenty-first century.
{"title":"‘Let us go out to the Field’: Apocalyptic Thinking in Christian Nationalism","authors":"Thomas Furse","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2022.2123802","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2022.2123802","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Christian nationalists attempt to save the United States from eternal damnation by forcefully confronting threats at home and abroad. This paper investigates how a selection of Christian nationalists in the US foreign policy-making ecosystem use the apocalypse to achieve their political aims. The ‘strategic social construction’ model demonstrates how and why the apocalyptic narrative is helpful to rally political action to halt the decline of the United States in the world order. It shows how it has justified their staunch criticism of domestic liberalism and can link them to extreme conspiratorial views while maintaining broad ties to mainstream politics. Through this overarching apocalyptic narrative, the working foreign policy objectives of Christian nationalism fit with the hegemonic orbit of liberal internationalism, which is flexible enough to encompass it. Thus, among elite US foreign policy-makers, the apocalypse has been a shared implicit and explicit frame of reference to interpret the US position in the world order in the twenty-first century.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"15 1","pages":"306 - 326"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73822766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2115484
A. Alhazmi
ABSTRACT Sex segregation is a socio-cultural norm associated with symbolic, rhetorical, and institutional power in Saudi Arabia. It was established by the extremist discourses prevalent in the Kingdom from the 1970s to 2010s. This study argues that the public pedagogy of patriarchal sex-segregated society transforms into a biased form of identity, referred to as ‘sexagogy’ in this study. While individuals in a sex-segregated society are born, raised, and publicly ‘pedagogized’ to fear the opposite sex, some individuals have been exposed to educational and technological opportunities, whereby they can interact freely with each other and cross boundaries intended to segregate the sexes. This study investigates how members of Saudi academia relate to gender segregation and how the Sahwa—an extreme religious discourse preventing Saudi women from any natural interaction and socialization—has faded amidst the recent changes in the Saudi Kingdom’s vision. The researcher used qualitative methodology and snowball sampling, interviewing 72 Saudi academics who have lived through the Sahwa period and witnessed the recent changes in the Kingdom. The interviews revealed that the power of the Sahwa discourse has been fading and that the younger generations’ thinking aligns with the recent reforms in Saudi Arabia.
{"title":"Sahwa Has Fallen: How Saudi Academics See the Ramifications of Sex Segregation","authors":"A. Alhazmi","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2022.2115484","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2022.2115484","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Sex segregation is a socio-cultural norm associated with symbolic, rhetorical, and institutional power in Saudi Arabia. It was established by the extremist discourses prevalent in the Kingdom from the 1970s to 2010s. This study argues that the public pedagogy of patriarchal sex-segregated society transforms into a biased form of identity, referred to as ‘sexagogy’ in this study. While individuals in a sex-segregated society are born, raised, and publicly ‘pedagogized’ to fear the opposite sex, some individuals have been exposed to educational and technological opportunities, whereby they can interact freely with each other and cross boundaries intended to segregate the sexes. This study investigates how members of Saudi academia relate to gender segregation and how the Sahwa—an extreme religious discourse preventing Saudi women from any natural interaction and socialization—has faded amidst the recent changes in the Saudi Kingdom’s vision. The researcher used qualitative methodology and snowball sampling, interviewing 72 Saudi academics who have lived through the Sahwa period and witnessed the recent changes in the Kingdom. The interviews revealed that the power of the Sahwa discourse has been fading and that the younger generations’ thinking aligns with the recent reforms in Saudi Arabia.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"9 1","pages":"349 - 363"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82268461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2112703
Lisa Ausic
{"title":"Pluriversal Politics: the Real and the Possible","authors":"Lisa Ausic","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2022.2112703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2022.2112703","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"2 1","pages":"364 - 366"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75311661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2113069
Meral Ugur‐Cinar, Gökhan Şensönmez
ABSTRACT This article traces the autobiographical narratives of the far-right Ülkücü militants in Turkey, based on memoirs written in the aftermath of the 1980 coup. The Ülkücüs, who had fought on the streets against the leftist during the 1970s in the name of the state and nation, experienced a great rupture in their lives following their torturous treatment at the hands of the junta. This article examines the ways in which narratives functioned in their attempts to make sense of their situation and in their attempt to regain coherence and meaning in terms of identity. We find that while their autobiographical narratives formulated in religious terms helped to instigate a sense of meaning, worth, and coherence in the lives of the Ülkücüs, these same narratives also ensured that they could escape any conscientious attempt to come to terms with the past. With this work, we hope to open new avenues of research, particularly focusing on the role of autobiographical narratives both in terms of the construction and negotiation of political identities and in relation to the prospects of coming to terms with the past.
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