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European Union health policy after the pandemic: an opportunity to tackle health inequalities? 大流行后的欧盟卫生政策:解决卫生不平等问题的机会?
IF 1.3 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.30950/jcer.v18i1.1267
E. Brooks
COVID-19 has exposed and exacerbated the health inequalities across and between European Union member states. It has also raised the profile of EU health policy and the highlighted the value of European cooperation in health. Early failures to respond adequately, coupled with this increased salience, have given rise to a series of initiatives designed to strengthen and expand the EU’s role in health. This presents an opportunity to address the imbalances in the EU’s institutional and legal structure which prevent it from addressing health inequalities more effectively. Drawing on changes underway in the public health, internal market and fiscal governance elements of EU health policy, this paper explores the potential for the post-pandemic EU health policy framework to better support the reduction of health inequalities.
2019冠状病毒病暴露并加剧了欧盟成员国之间和成员国之间的卫生不平等。它还提高了欧盟卫生政策的形象,并突出了欧洲在卫生领域合作的价值。早期未能作出充分反应,再加上这种日益突出的情况,产生了一系列旨在加强和扩大欧盟在卫生方面作用的倡议。这为解决欧盟体制和法律结构中的不平衡提供了机会,这些不平衡使欧盟无法更有效地解决保健不平等问题。借鉴欧盟卫生政策的公共卫生、内部市场和财政治理要素正在发生的变化,本文探讨了大流行后欧盟卫生政策框架更好地支持减少卫生不平等的潜力。
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引用次数: 3
Crafting Emotions: The valence of time in narratives about the future of Europe in the Council of Europe (1949) 制造情感:欧洲委员会关于欧洲未来的叙事中的时间价值(1949)
IF 1.3 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.30950/jcer.v17i4.1170
M. Kool, T. Palm
How are emotional narratives used to mobilise support for or opposition against policy ideas about the institutional set-up of European integration? This article systematically examines the first General Debate of the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe in 1949, which featured as a laboratory for the rise and demise of various blueprints for European integration. This article makes a threefold contribution. First, it introduces a narrative approach that combines the valence of emotions with their temporal dimension. Second, it demonstrates how these emotionally charged narratives of hope, redemption, fear and sacrifice provide the affective glue of an emerging (transnational) emotional community that cuts through nationality and political colour. Third, taking a historical approach this article points at the need to historicise the role of emotions in European integration.
情绪化的叙述是如何被用来动员支持或反对有关欧洲一体化制度设置的政策理念的?本文系统地考察了1949年欧洲委员会协商大会的第一次一般性辩论,它是欧洲一体化各种蓝图兴起和消亡的实验室。这篇文章有三方面的贡献。首先,它引入了一种叙事方法,将情感的效价与时间维度结合起来。其次,它展示了这些充满情感的关于希望、救赎、恐惧和牺牲的叙述是如何为一个新兴的(跨国)情感社区提供情感粘合剂的,它跨越了国籍和政治色彩。第三,本文从历史角度出发,指出有必要将情绪在欧洲一体化中的作用历史化。
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引用次数: 0
‘We thought we were friends!’: Franco-British bilateral diplomacy and the shock of Brexit “我们以为我们是朋友!”:法英双边外交和英国脱欧的冲击
IF 1.3 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.30950/jcer.v17i4.1241
Helen Drake, Pauline Schnapper
The British vote to leave the European Union in 2016 shook the Franco-British bilateral relationship (FBBR) to its core and led to unexpected tensions, considering the depth of cooperation between the two countries in many fields, and their geography. In this article we analyse the impact of Brexit on the FBBR to date, including the likely aftershocks. We focus on the 2017-2020 Brexit negotiations themselves, and on the matters that escaped those negotiations but which are core to the FBBR namely: security and defence; borders and migration. We draw on a number of high-level interviews with French and British officials and on literatures of contemporary diplomacy to ask how the new environment for the FBBR challenges traditional ways of conducting bilateral diplomacy outside of the multilateral framework provided by the European Union.
2016年英国脱欧公投动摇了法英双边关系(FBBR)的核心,并导致了意想不到的紧张局势,考虑到两国在许多领域的深度合作以及两国的地理位置。在本文中,我们分析了迄今为止英国脱欧对FBBR的影响,包括可能的余震。我们将重点关注2017-2020年英国脱欧谈判本身,以及那些没有经过谈判但对FBBR至关重要的问题,即:安全和防务;边界和移民。我们通过对法国和英国官员的一些高层采访以及当代外交文献,来探讨FBBR的新环境如何挑战在欧盟提供的多边框架之外开展双边外交的传统方式。
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引用次数: 1
Fostering the Political Participation of EU Non-national Citizens: The Case of Brussels 促进欧盟非本国公民的政治参与:以布鲁塞尔为例
IF 1.3 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.30950/jcer.v17i4.1158
L. Russo, T. Huddleston
Political participation is considered an essential feature of democracy. The European Union (EU) aimed to foster political participation with the introduction of European citizenship, which gives the right to vote and stand as a candidate in municipal and European Parliament elections in whichever EU country the citizen resides. However, from the few figures available, registration and turnout rates among mobile EU citizens seem very low. In this article, we investigate the effectiveness of a proactive campaign in order to promote the participation of European non-national residents in municipal elections by focusing on a specific initiative: the VoteBrussels Campaign. Focusing on Brussels, and in the general on the Belgian case, offers us the opportunity to carry out a quasi-experimental design. Our findings suggest that a mobilisation campaign has a positive regionwide effect on the participation of mobile EU citizens.
政治参与被认为是民主的一个基本特征。欧洲联盟(欧盟)旨在通过引入欧洲公民身份来促进政治参与,欧洲公民身份赋予公民在任何欧盟国家的市政和欧洲议会选举中的投票权和候选人资格。然而,从为数不多的数据来看,流动欧盟公民的登记率和投票率似乎非常低。在这篇文章中,我们调查了一项积极主动的运动的有效性,该运动旨在通过关注一项具体的倡议来促进欧洲非国民居民参与市政选举:布鲁塞尔投票运动。关注布鲁塞尔,以及比利时的总体情况,为我们提供了进行准实验设计的机会。我们的研究结果表明,动员运动对流动欧盟公民的参与具有积极的区域性影响。
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引用次数: 0
Framing TTIP in the European Public Spheres: Towards an Empowering Dissensus for EU Integration 在欧洲公共领域构建TTIP:朝着欧盟一体化的授权分歧迈进
IF 1.3 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.30950/jcer.v17i4.1232
Niels Gheyle
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引用次数: 4
Parties in the ‘twilight zone’: Beyond first and second-order elections for the 2019 European Parliament elections in Spain 处于“模糊地带”的政党:超越2019年西班牙欧洲议会选举的一级和二级选举
IF 1.3 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-10 DOI: 10.30950/JCER.V17I3.1224
R. Rubio, Á. Oleart, K. Raube
While most research has analysed election-orderness by looking at electoral behaviour, this article looks instead at political parties and political programs in the case of the Spanish 2019 European elections. With the collapse of its two-party system and challenger parties on the rise, this paper analyses how Spanish parties addressed topics in their political programs, using content and political discourse analysis. The article argues that the traditional classification of first and second-order elections is no longer well-equipped to depict the increasingly politicised and Europeanised political parties. This finding indicates a new way of addressing topics in Spain, a ‘twilight-zone’.
虽然大多数研究都通过观察选举行为来分析选举秩序,但本文以西班牙2019年欧洲选举为例,考察了政党和政治计划。随着西班牙两党制的崩溃和挑战者政党的崛起,本文运用内容分析和政治话语分析的方法,分析了西班牙政党如何在其政治纲领中处理话题。文章认为,传统的一级和二级选举分类已不足以描述日益政治化和欧洲化的政党。这一发现表明,在西班牙,一个“黄昏地带”,有一种新的解决话题的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Security Communities in Crisis: Crisis Constitution, Struggles and Temporality 危机中的安全社区:危机构成、斗争和暂时性
IF 1.3 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-10 DOI: 10.30950/jcer.v17i3.1050
Øyvind Svendsen
How do we approach a security community in crisis? This article theorises crisis dynamics in and on security communities. How do security communities evolve during crises, and how can we best approach such crises analytically? Responding to a lack of focus and knowledge of crisis dynamics in the literature on security communities, this article develops a methodological model to study security communities in crisis. I argue that the study of security communities in crisis could evolve around four analytical categories: processes of constituting crisis and power struggles and the temporal aspects of social action concerning situatedness and imaginaries. This move allows IR theory to rethink the dynamics of security communities in crisis beyond the endurance/decay binary and provide for more process-oriented and context-sensitive empirical work. By way of illustrating the empirical saliency of the article, I use examples from the Brexit process.
我们如何应对危机中的安全共同体?这篇文章将安全社区的危机动态理论化。在危机期间,安全社区是如何演变的?我们如何才能最好地分析处理此类危机?针对安全社区文献中缺乏对危机动态的关注和知识,本文开发了一种方法模型来研究危机中的安全社区。我认为,对危机中的安全社区的研究可以围绕四个分析类别发展:构成危机和权力斗争的过程,以及有关情境性和想象的社会行动的时间方面。这一举措使IR理论能够重新思考危机中安全社区的动态,超越持久/衰减二元对立,并提供更多面向过程和上下文敏感的经验工作。为了说明这篇文章的实证重要性,我用了英国退欧过程中的例子。
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引用次数: 0
African Europeans: An Untold History by Olivette Otele 《非裔欧洲人:不为人知的历史》
IF 1.3 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-10 DOI: 10.30950/jcer.v17i3.1216
S. Adeyinka
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引用次数: 0
Steps towards a European Fiscal Union: Has the revised Stability and Growth Pact delivered so far? 建立欧洲财政联盟的步骤:到目前为止,修订后的《稳定与增长公约》实现了吗?
IF 1.3 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-10 DOI: 10.30950/jcer.v17i3.1123
Marin Mileusnic
Since 2008-09, the European Union (EU) experienced two major economic crises revealing all the flaws of the existing model of economic governance. By leaving the majority of the countries with high levels of deficit and public debt, the two crises have shown that the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) is indeed an unfinished project where the monetary union alone is not sufficient to safeguard the entire EU economy. To strengthen the EMU and to mitigate future risks that could possibly lead to the collapse of the euro-area, many called for a deeper fiscal integration by creating a central fiscal capacity for the EMU or, in other words, a fiscal union. Due to the present political unfeasibility of such an endeavour, however, concrete steps towards a European Fiscal Union (EFU) have been modest and the revised Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) remains its core building block. As the Pact defines supranational and shapes the creation of national fiscal rules, maintaining its credibility continues to be vital. This article analyses the effects of the fiscal rules on the public finances of the member states. It is assumed that by adhering to the supranational and adopting quality domestic fiscal rules, the member states are better equipped in remaining fiscally prudent, thus also affirming the revamped SGP as a solid base for the furthering of the EFU. The two-track evaluation approach defines dynamic panels for the EFU as a whole and for the selected country groups. It finds certain benevolent effects on budgetary performance at the EFU level, as well as for the countries with higher quality of the fiscal rules.
自2008-09年以来,欧盟经历了两次重大经济危机,暴露了现有经济治理模式的所有缺陷。这两次危机使大多数国家的赤字和公共债务居高不下,这表明经济和货币联盟(EMU)确实是一个未完成的项目,仅靠货币联盟不足以保障整个欧盟经济。为了加强欧洲货币联盟并减轻未来可能导致欧元区崩溃的风险,许多人呼吁通过为欧洲货币联盟或换言之,建立一个财政联盟来深化财政一体化。然而,由于目前这种努力在政治上不可行,建立欧洲财政联盟的具体步骤并不多,修订后的《稳定与增长公约》仍然是其核心组成部分。由于《公约》定义了超国家,并塑造了国家财政规则的制定,因此保持其可信度仍然至关重要。本文分析了财政规则对成员国公共财政的影响。人们认为,通过遵守超国家财政规则和采用高质量的国内财政规则,成员国更有能力保持财政审慎,从而也肯定了修改后的SGP是进一步推进EFU的坚实基础。双轨评估方法为整个EFU和选定的国家集团确定了动态小组。它发现,EFU层面的预算绩效以及财政规则质量较高的国家都会受到某些仁慈的影响。
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引用次数: 2
Assessing the impact of party identification in transnational election campaigns: Evidence from the 2019 European Parliament election 评估跨国竞选活动中政党认同的影响:来自2019年欧洲议会选举的证据
IF 1.3 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-10 DOI: 10.30950/jcer.v17i3.1129
Thomas Waldvogel, Uwe Wagschal, Thomas Metz, Bernd Becker, Linus Feiten, Samuel Weishaupt
Since the introduction of “Spitzenkandidaten” for the presidency of the European Commission, elections to the European Parliament have been characterised by the dynamic between an increasingly transnational election campaign and a national electoral process. However, the implementation of a European election campaign focusing on transnational top candidates remains controversial because it is still unclear to what extent nationally formed political predispositions such as party identification can serve as heuristics for assessing a transnational election campaign. Though TV duels as miniature campaigns directly open up this antagonism, research at the European level remains limited. Drawing on data from a field study consisting of virtualised real-time-response measurement and survey data of 157 participants, we show that expressive party identification as a heuristic is considerably constrained in transnational debates’ reception, while being complemented by instrumental aspects such as candidate orientations and ideological attitudes.
自从引入欧洲委员会主席“spitzencandidate”以来,欧洲议会选举的特点是日益跨国的竞选活动和国家选举进程之间的动态变化。然而,以跨国顶尖候选人为重点的欧洲竞选活动的实施仍然存在争议,因为目前尚不清楚国家形成的政治倾向(如政党认同)在多大程度上可以作为评估跨国竞选活动的启发式方法。尽管电视决斗作为微型战役直接打开了这种对抗,但在欧洲层面的研究仍然有限。根据一项由虚拟实时响应测量和157名参与者的调查数据组成的实地研究的数据,我们表明,在跨国辩论的接受中,表达性政党认同作为一种启发式受到相当大的限制,同时还受到候选人取向和意识形态态度等工具方面的补充。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Contemporary European Research
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