Pub Date : 2024-03-22DOI: 10.1515/probus-2024-2008
Telmo Móia
This paper discusses the contemporary use of the Portuguese simple and two compound pluperfect forms (with the auxiliary verbs ter, and haver) of the indicative mood in written texts. Four topics are addressed. First, the claim that the simple pluperfect is currently a defective paradigm lacking the third person plural; this claim is confirmed and substantiated by looking at specific distinguishing contexts in corpora. Secondly, the competition between the three pluperfect forms, in written contemporary European and Brazilian Portuguese; it is shown that – contrary to some frequent comments in the literature – all three forms still have widespread usage, and occur in a relatively balanced way, in the type of registers considered (newspaper writing, modern literary texts, modern literary translations), in both varieties of the language. Thirdly, as regards semantic polyvalence, the possible existence of a deictic rather than anaphoric (temporal) pluperfect; it is argued that this type of pluperfect does indeed exist, and deserves separate grammatical recognition. Fourthly, the well-known cases of ambiguity in structures with pluperfect and temporal locating adjuncts, where the latter can act either as markers of the past perspective point required by the pluperfect, or as markers of the location time of the described eventualities; facts in English and Portuguese are compared, with some differences highlighted.
本文讨论了葡萄牙语指示语气的单复数形式和两个复数形式（带助动词 ter 和 haver）在书面文本中的现代用法。本文涉及四个主题。首先，简单复数形式是目前缺乏第三人称复数的缺陷范式的说法；通过研究语料库中的具体区别语境，证实并证实了这一说法。其次，三种复数形式在当代欧洲和巴西葡萄牙语书面语中的竞争；研究表明，与文献中经常出现的一些评论相反，这三种形式仍然广泛使用，并且在两种语言的语域类型（报纸写作、现代文学文本、现代文学翻译）中以相对平衡的方式出现。第三，在语义多义性方面，可能存在一种deictic而不是anaphoric（时间性）的pluperfect；有人认为这种pluperfect确实存在，而且值得在语法上单独承认。第四，众所周知的带有复数和时间定位助词的结构中的歧义情况，其中时间定位助词既可以作为复数所要求的过去透视点的标记，也可以作为所描述的事件发生的地点时间的标记；对英语和葡萄牙语中的事实进行了比较，并强调了一些差异。
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Pub Date : 2024-03-19DOI: 10.1515/probus-2024-2003
Ian Roberts
Here it is proposed that Form Copy (Chomsky, Noam, T. Daniel Seely, Robert C. Berwick, Sandiway Fong, M. A. C. Huybregts, Hisatsugu Kitahara, Andrew McInnerney, Yushi Sugimoto. 2023. Merge and the strong minimalist thesis. In Cambridge elements. Cambridge University Press), applied to features, can derive a very simple form of Agree without the need for the distinction between interpretable and uninterpretable features or the Activity Condition. Furthermore, since Roberts (Roberts, Ian. 2010. Agreement and head movement: Clitics and defective goals. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press) derives head-movement from Agree, Form Copy can be similarly extended in such a way as to derive the effects of head-movement. This conclusion holds independently of whether head-movement is a purely morphophonological operation or whether there are narrow-syntactic cases. It is also shown how an account of cliticisation, both proclisis and enclisis, can be derived, updating the proposals in Roberts (Roberts, Ian. 2010. Agreement and head movement: Clitics and defective goals. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press) in terms of Form Copy.
这里提出了形式复制（Chomsky, Noam, T. Daniel Seely, Robert C. Berwick, Sandiway Fong, M. A. C. Huybregts, Hisatsugu Kitahara, Andrew McInnerney, Yushi Sugimoto.2023.合并与强极少论。In Cambridge elements.剑桥大学出版社），将其应用于特征，可以推导出一种非常简单的 Agree 形式，而无需区分可解释特征和不可解释特征或活动条件。此外，由于罗伯茨（Roberts, Ian.2010.Agree and head movement：Clitics and defective goals.Cambridge, MA：麻省理工学院出版社）从 "同意 "中推导出 "头动"，那么 "形式复制 "也可以以类似的方式扩展，从而推导出 "头动 "的效果。这一结论的成立与头部移动是否纯粹是形态学操作或是否存在狭义句法情况无关。本文还展示了如何通过更新罗伯茨（Roberts, Ian.2010.Agreement and head movement：Clitics and defective goals.马萨诸塞州剑桥市：麻省理工学院出版社）中从形式复制的角度提出的建议。
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Pub Date : 2024-03-11DOI: 10.1515/probus-2023-0006
Nicola Swinburne
This paper provides a case study of the grammaticalization of ‘do’ as a support verb in the northern Italian dialect of Camuno. It demonstrates the relative compatibility of fa ‘do’ with different semantic types of supported verbs through the results of an elicitation experiment. A comparison of results from adjacent dialects reveals a series of progressively more grammaticalized forms with three stages: ‘pragmatic’ ‘do’-support, largely restricted to agentive-subject, activity verbs, where question type depends mainly on the pragmatics; ‘agentive’ ‘do’-support, where use with that core group of verbs is largely categorial, and there is more use with theme-subject, change-of-state verbs and a few experiencer-subject, stative verbs; and ‘generalized’ ‘do’-support where optionality remains only with the most resistant stative verbs. Along with loss of lexical content in ‘do’, comes a reduction in salience of the special question meaning. Furthermore, a question with lexical fa ‘do’ (in an optional FS dialect) implies physical evidence exists to determine the truth of a proposition. In a question with bleached fa ‘do’ (in an obligatory FS dialect) the connection to reality has been lost leaving only the implication, and fa ‘do’ has then become an epistemic modal.
{"title":"The grammaticalization and grammatical meaning of a ‘do’ support verb in the northern Italian Camuno dialect","authors":"Nicola Swinburne","doi":"10.1515/probus-2023-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2023-0006","url":null,"abstract":"This paper provides a case study of the grammaticalization of ‘do’ as a support verb in the northern Italian dialect of Camuno. It demonstrates the relative compatibility of <jats:italic>fa</jats:italic> ‘do’ with different semantic types of supported verbs through the results of an elicitation experiment. A comparison of results from adjacent dialects reveals a series of progressively more grammaticalized forms with three stages: ‘pragmatic’ ‘do’-support, largely restricted to agentive-subject, activity verbs, where question type depends mainly on the pragmatics; ‘agentive’ ‘do’-support, where use with that core group of verbs is largely categorial, and there is more use with theme-subject, change-of-state verbs and a few experiencer-subject, stative verbs; and ‘generalized’ ‘do’-support where optionality remains only with the most resistant stative verbs. Along with loss of lexical content in ‘do’, comes a reduction in salience of the special question meaning. Furthermore, a question with lexical <jats:italic>fa</jats:italic> ‘do’ (in an optional FS dialect) implies physical evidence exists to determine the truth of a proposition. In a question with bleached <jats:italic>fa</jats:italic> ‘do’ (in an obligatory FS dialect) the connection to reality has been lost leaving only the implication, and <jats:italic>fa</jats:italic> ‘do’ has then become an epistemic modal.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140115061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-20DOI: 10.1515/probus-2023-0003
Andrea Calabrese
This paper investigates the verbal morphology of Latin in terms of the theoretical framework of Distributed Morphology (DM). In addition to providing a synchronic analysis of the verbal system of Latin, this paper discusses the development of the thematic vowel system and of athematic perfect forms in this language from their reconstructed Proto-Indo-European (PIE) antecedents and demonstrates the role of morpho-syntactic structure in constraining the historic analyses, and specifically the role that morpho-syntactic locality played in this historical development. It will be shown that despite radical changes in the exponence, the morpho-syntax and the semantics, of the verbal forms, the (local) structural relation between roots as the repositories of idiosyncratic morphological information and aspectual morphemes displaying special (irregular) exponents was consistently preserved across the millennia.
{"title":"Latin verbal morphology and the diachronic development of its thematic and athematic constructions","authors":"Andrea Calabrese","doi":"10.1515/probus-2023-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2023-0003","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the verbal morphology of Latin in terms of the theoretical framework of Distributed Morphology (DM). In addition to providing a synchronic analysis of the verbal system of Latin, this paper discusses the development of the thematic vowel system and of athematic perfect forms in this language from their reconstructed Proto-Indo-European (PIE) antecedents and demonstrates the role of morpho-syntactic structure in constraining the historic analyses, and specifically the role that morpho-syntactic locality played in this historical development. It will be shown that despite radical changes in the exponence, the morpho-syntax and the semantics, of the verbal forms, the (local) structural relation between roots as the repositories of idiosyncratic morphological information and aspectual morphemes displaying special (irregular) exponents was consistently preserved across the millennia.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"90 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138495163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-03DOI: 10.1515/probus-2023-0001
Marie Laurence Knittel
Abstract This article examines the semantic and syntactic properties of French deverbal adjectives ending in ¬-ant, and shows that a subpart of these forms, while behaving as adjectives with regards to agreement and predicative position, are episodic and imperfective, similarly to present participles, whose suffix is formally similar. We first observe the various readings of -ant adjectives, i.e. dispositional, potential and habitual (Fábregas, Antonio. 2016. Deconstructing the non-episodic readings of Spanish deverbal adjectives. Word Structure 9-1. 1–41; Fábregas, Antonio. 2020. Morphologically derived adjectives in Spanish . John Benjamins), and show that they parallel those of the corresponding verbs when they occur in generic sentences. We then show that some of these -ant adjectives refer to specific events and that the sentences in which they occur are semantically equivalent to those containing imperfective or progressive verbs forms, as shown by their positive reaction to the imperfective tests. Turning to the verbal bases of episodic -ant adjectives, we observe that they derive from a restricted number of atelic verbs, that surface without direct objects, have non-active subjects, and include a degree component in their lexical meaning. We finally provide a syntactic analysis of -ant adjectives, that relies on the idea that they contain both verbal and adjectival projections in their inner structure. We hypothesize that episodic adjectives are built by the means of a particular adjectival -ant marker, that maintains the imperfective value of the present participle marker. By contrast, other -ant adjectives are built by a homophonous adjectival suffix.
{"title":"Deverbal adjectives with episodic value in French: evidence for mixed categories","authors":"Marie Laurence Knittel","doi":"10.1515/probus-2023-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2023-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the semantic and syntactic properties of French deverbal adjectives ending in ¬-ant, and shows that a subpart of these forms, while behaving as adjectives with regards to agreement and predicative position, are episodic and imperfective, similarly to present participles, whose suffix is formally similar. We first observe the various readings of -ant adjectives, i.e. dispositional, potential and habitual (Fábregas, Antonio. 2016. Deconstructing the non-episodic readings of Spanish deverbal adjectives. Word Structure 9-1. 1–41; Fábregas, Antonio. 2020. Morphologically derived adjectives in Spanish . John Benjamins), and show that they parallel those of the corresponding verbs when they occur in generic sentences. We then show that some of these -ant adjectives refer to specific events and that the sentences in which they occur are semantically equivalent to those containing imperfective or progressive verbs forms, as shown by their positive reaction to the imperfective tests. Turning to the verbal bases of episodic -ant adjectives, we observe that they derive from a restricted number of atelic verbs, that surface without direct objects, have non-active subjects, and include a degree component in their lexical meaning. We finally provide a syntactic analysis of -ant adjectives, that relies on the idea that they contain both verbal and adjectival projections in their inner structure. We hypothesize that episodic adjectives are built by the means of a particular adjectival -ant marker, that maintains the imperfective value of the present participle marker. By contrast, other -ant adjectives are built by a homophonous adjectival suffix.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135689214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-28DOI: 10.1515/probus-2023-0005
Dana Kratochvílová
Abstract This paper examines the means of expressing positive epistemic judgement in Spanish and Italian: modals in their epistemic interpretation, epistemic adverb + indicative/subjunctive, with particular attention to the verbs creer / credere and their possible combination with the subjunctive. The constructions are analysed through the prism of cognitive grammar, specifically Langacker’s theory of grounding. It is argued that the different types of epistemic judgement are analogous to nominal grounding elements (demonstrative pronouns, the definite article and relative quantifiers). The subjunctive after epistemic adverbs and verbs (such as tal vez or credere ) is seen as the verbal counterpart of the relative quantifier some . Analyses suggest that this analogy helps to define the semantic difference between similar structures with the indicative and to resolve questions concerning the function of the subjunctive in epistemic contexts, such as the degree of uncertainty or the speaker’s attitude towards the propositional content.
{"title":"Epistemic modality and grounding: constructions expressing positive epistemic judgement in Spanish and Italian from the perspective of cognitive grammar (with particular reference to the verbs <i>credere</i> and <i>creer</i>)","authors":"Dana Kratochvílová","doi":"10.1515/probus-2023-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2023-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines the means of expressing positive epistemic judgement in Spanish and Italian: modals in their epistemic interpretation, epistemic adverb + indicative/subjunctive, with particular attention to the verbs creer / credere and their possible combination with the subjunctive. The constructions are analysed through the prism of cognitive grammar, specifically Langacker’s theory of grounding. It is argued that the different types of epistemic judgement are analogous to nominal grounding elements (demonstrative pronouns, the definite article and relative quantifiers). The subjunctive after epistemic adverbs and verbs (such as tal vez or credere ) is seen as the verbal counterpart of the relative quantifier some . Analyses suggest that this analogy helps to define the semantic difference between similar structures with the indicative and to resolve questions concerning the function of the subjunctive in epistemic contexts, such as the degree of uncertainty or the speaker’s attitude towards the propositional content.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135385762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-28DOI: 10.1515/probus-2023-0004
Matthew King
Abstract Hypocoristics have received considerable interest from phonologists in recent decades, particularly within the Optimality-theoretic literature. While most of these analyses have been situated in parallelist OT, I claim that this architectural choice entails hidden complexities. It is cross-linguistically common for multiple hypocoristics to be formed from a single proper noun, e.g., Matthew → Matt / Matty . In this case, parallelist OT must resort to co-phonologies to avoid ranking paradoxes, which results in significant analytical complexity. By contrast, I argue in this paper that a stratal analysis is crucial for capturing multiple patterns of Hypocoristic Formation (HF) within a single architecture. I present here data of disyllabic hypocoristics from Standard Chilean Spanish. These hypocoristics are derived from the proper nouns by means of two separate anchoring sites: to the left edge of the full name, or to prominence in the full name, i.e., the tonic syllable. In addition, hypocoristics may be prosodically- or morphologically-driven: they may solely be formed by truncating the material of the proper noun, or, in the latter case, there may also be additional suffixal material provided. These data, therefore, lend themselves to a four-way categorisation. I show that this categorisation can be fully accounted for within a stratal architecture, and without the need for additional co-phonologies. Within the analysis, I locate each of the anchoring sites within the lexical phonology: edge-anchoring occurs at the stem level, along with syllabification and stress assignment, while prominence-anchoring occurs at the word level. In this way, the input to edge-anchoring at the stem level comprises a string of segments, while the input to prominence-anchoring at the word-level contains prosodic units up to the foot, which permits word-level HF to anchor to prominence. I further posit that prosodic- and morphologically-driven HF are caused through the passing of hypocoristic morphemes from the morpho-syntax to the phonology. Purely prosodic HF is triggered through a null or covert morpheme, while morphological HF triggered by an overt one. The hypocoristic morphemes themselves are stored as diacritics in the proper nouns’ lexical entries. Furthermore, the constraints that select the hypocoristic forms as optimal are sensitive to the presence of this hypocoristic morpheme, which is reflected in tableaux through indexing. When a hypocoristic morpheme is present in the input of a proper noun to a particular stratum, these highly-ranked indexed constraints select a corresponding hypocoristic form as optimal. If the hypocoristic morpheme is absent, these constraints do not assign violations, and the proper noun is instead (vacuously) found optimal. This analysis thus unifies two distinct patterns of HF in one phonological grammar through the inclusion of indexed-constraints and the serial derivation in a constraint-based architecture.
{"title":"Disyllabic hypocoristics in Chilean Spanish: a stratal OT analysis","authors":"Matthew King","doi":"10.1515/probus-2023-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2023-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Hypocoristics have received considerable interest from phonologists in recent decades, particularly within the Optimality-theoretic literature. While most of these analyses have been situated in parallelist OT, I claim that this architectural choice entails hidden complexities. It is cross-linguistically common for multiple hypocoristics to be formed from a single proper noun, e.g., Matthew → Matt / Matty . In this case, parallelist OT must resort to co-phonologies to avoid ranking paradoxes, which results in significant analytical complexity. By contrast, I argue in this paper that a stratal analysis is crucial for capturing multiple patterns of Hypocoristic Formation (HF) within a single architecture. I present here data of disyllabic hypocoristics from Standard Chilean Spanish. These hypocoristics are derived from the proper nouns by means of two separate anchoring sites: to the left edge of the full name, or to prominence in the full name, i.e., the tonic syllable. In addition, hypocoristics may be prosodically- or morphologically-driven: they may solely be formed by truncating the material of the proper noun, or, in the latter case, there may also be additional suffixal material provided. These data, therefore, lend themselves to a four-way categorisation. I show that this categorisation can be fully accounted for within a stratal architecture, and without the need for additional co-phonologies. Within the analysis, I locate each of the anchoring sites within the lexical phonology: edge-anchoring occurs at the stem level, along with syllabification and stress assignment, while prominence-anchoring occurs at the word level. In this way, the input to edge-anchoring at the stem level comprises a string of segments, while the input to prominence-anchoring at the word-level contains prosodic units up to the foot, which permits word-level HF to anchor to prominence. I further posit that prosodic- and morphologically-driven HF are caused through the passing of hypocoristic morphemes from the morpho-syntax to the phonology. Purely prosodic HF is triggered through a null or covert morpheme, while morphological HF triggered by an overt one. The hypocoristic morphemes themselves are stored as diacritics in the proper nouns’ lexical entries. Furthermore, the constraints that select the hypocoristic forms as optimal are sensitive to the presence of this hypocoristic morpheme, which is reflected in tableaux through indexing. When a hypocoristic morpheme is present in the input of a proper noun to a particular stratum, these highly-ranked indexed constraints select a corresponding hypocoristic form as optimal. If the hypocoristic morpheme is absent, these constraints do not assign violations, and the proper noun is instead (vacuously) found optimal. This analysis thus unifies two distinct patterns of HF in one phonological grammar through the inclusion of indexed-constraints and the serial derivation in a constraint-based architecture.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135344196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1515/probus-2023-0002
P. Guijarro-Fuentes, Acrisio Pires
Abstract This paper investigates the L2 acquisition of Spanish object drop by advanced learners whose L1s are English and Brazilian Portuguese, in order to assess effects on their knowledge of the interpretable and uninterpretable features conditioning the realization of object drop in their L2 Spanish. Object drop in Spanish is subject to semantic restrictions related to definiteness and specificity, as well as syntactic restrictions related to subjacency. Current debates about second language acquisition (SLA) have led to different hypotheses. On the one hand, the Interpretability Hypothesis/IH (Hawkins, Roger & Hajime Hattori. 2006. Interpretation of English multiple wh-questions by Japanese speakers: A missing uninterpretable feature account. Second Language Research 22. 269–301) claims that uninterpretable features will not be completely acquired. On the other hand, the Feature Reassembly Hypothesis/FRH (Hwang, Sun Hee & Donna Lardiere. 2013. Plural-marking in L2 Korean: A feature-based approach. Second Language Research 29. 57–86; Lardiere, Donna. 2009. Some thoughts on the contrastive analysis of features in second language acquisition. Second Language Research 25. 173–227) does not distinguish between interpretable and uninterpretable features for the purposes of SLA, arguing that the difficulty of the acquisition task hinges on the required amount of feature reassembly from the L1 to the L2 lexicon. Finally, the Full Transfer/Full Access (FT/FA) (Schwartz, Bonnie & Rex Sprouse. 1996. L2 cognitive states and the Full Transfer/Full Access model. Second Language Research 12. 40–72; Schwartz, Bonnie & Rex Sprouse. 2000. When syntactic theories evolve: Consequences for L2 acquisition research. In John Archibald (ed.), Second language acquisition and linguistic theory, 156–186. Malden, MA: Blackwell; White, Lydia. 2003. Second language acquisition and universal grammar. New York: Cambridge University Press) hypothesis treats SLA as equivalent to first-language acquisition, in terms of the potential for ultimate attainment. Both the FT/FA and the FRH are in principle compatible with full attainment in L2 acquisition. To assess these hypotheses, this study tests the L2 acquisition of the semantic and syntactic restrictions on Spanish object drop by learners whose L1 either lacks widespread object drop (English), or has regular object drop but realizes it differently from Spanish (Brazilian Portuguese). The Full Transfer/Full Access hypothesis seems to best explain the results of the two experiments.
摘要本研究考察了英语和巴西葡萄牙语高级学习者对西班牙语客体掉落的习得情况，以评估可解释性和不可解释性特征对其西班牙语客体掉落实现的影响。西班牙语中的宾语省略受到与确定性和专一性有关的语义限制，以及与从属性有关的句法限制。当前关于第二语言习得的争论产生了不同的假设。一方面，可解释性假说/IH (Hawkins, Roger & Hajime Hattori. 2006)。日本人对英语多个wh问题的解释:一个缺失的不可解释的特征说明。第二语言研究269-301)声称不能完全获得不可解释的特征。另一方面，特征重组假说/FRH (Hwang, Sun Hee & Donna Lardiere. 2013)。第二语言韩语的复数标记:基于特征的方法。第二语言研究57 - 86;Donna Lardiere, 2009。二语习得特征对比分析的几点思考。第二语言研究173-227)没有区分可解释和不可解释的特征，认为习得任务的难度取决于从母语到二语词典的特征重组所需的数量。最后，完全转移/完全访问(FT/FA) (Schwartz, Bonnie & Rex Sprouse. 1996)。二语认知状态与完全迁移/完全访问模型。第二语言研究40 - 72;施瓦茨，邦妮和雷克斯·斯普劳斯，2000。当句法理论发展:对二语习得研究的影响。见约翰·阿奇博尔德主编，《第二语言习得与语言学理论》，156-186页。马尔登，麻萨诸塞州:布莱克威尔;莉迪亚·怀特2003。第二语言习得与通用语法。纽约:剑桥大学出版社)假设将二语习得等同于第一语言习得，就最终成就的潜力而言。FT/FA和FRH原则上都与二语习得的完全实现相兼容。为了评估这些假设，本研究测试了母语缺乏广泛的宾语下降(英语)或有规则的宾语下降但与西班牙语(巴西葡萄牙语)不同的学习者对西班牙语宾语下降的语义和句法限制的二语习得情况。完全转移/完全获取假说似乎最好地解释了这两个实验的结果。
{"title":"Feature Acquisition: Object Drop in L2 Spanish","authors":"P. Guijarro-Fuentes, Acrisio Pires","doi":"10.1515/probus-2023-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2023-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper investigates the L2 acquisition of Spanish object drop by advanced learners whose L1s are English and Brazilian Portuguese, in order to assess effects on their knowledge of the interpretable and uninterpretable features conditioning the realization of object drop in their L2 Spanish. Object drop in Spanish is subject to semantic restrictions related to definiteness and specificity, as well as syntactic restrictions related to subjacency. Current debates about second language acquisition (SLA) have led to different hypotheses. On the one hand, the Interpretability Hypothesis/IH (Hawkins, Roger & Hajime Hattori. 2006. Interpretation of English multiple wh-questions by Japanese speakers: A missing uninterpretable feature account. Second Language Research 22. 269–301) claims that uninterpretable features will not be completely acquired. On the other hand, the Feature Reassembly Hypothesis/FRH (Hwang, Sun Hee & Donna Lardiere. 2013. Plural-marking in L2 Korean: A feature-based approach. Second Language Research 29. 57–86; Lardiere, Donna. 2009. Some thoughts on the contrastive analysis of features in second language acquisition. Second Language Research 25. 173–227) does not distinguish between interpretable and uninterpretable features for the purposes of SLA, arguing that the difficulty of the acquisition task hinges on the required amount of feature reassembly from the L1 to the L2 lexicon. Finally, the Full Transfer/Full Access (FT/FA) (Schwartz, Bonnie & Rex Sprouse. 1996. L2 cognitive states and the Full Transfer/Full Access model. Second Language Research 12. 40–72; Schwartz, Bonnie & Rex Sprouse. 2000. When syntactic theories evolve: Consequences for L2 acquisition research. In John Archibald (ed.), Second language acquisition and linguistic theory, 156–186. Malden, MA: Blackwell; White, Lydia. 2003. Second language acquisition and universal grammar. New York: Cambridge University Press) hypothesis treats SLA as equivalent to first-language acquisition, in terms of the potential for ultimate attainment. Both the FT/FA and the FRH are in principle compatible with full attainment in L2 acquisition. To assess these hypotheses, this study tests the L2 acquisition of the semantic and syntactic restrictions on Spanish object drop by learners whose L1 either lacks widespread object drop (English), or has regular object drop but realizes it differently from Spanish (Brazilian Portuguese). The Full Transfer/Full Access hypothesis seems to best explain the results of the two experiments.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90039827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.1515/probus-2022-0016
Adam Ledgeway, Norma Schifano
Abstract In this article we bring to light one additional factor underlying so-called Jespersen’s Cycle (JC) in Romance which has to date gone unnoticed, namely the varying position of the finite verb within the IP. More specifically, we show that there exists an empirical correlation between the availability of clause-medial/high verb-movement and Stages II–III of JC in which a postverbal negator is licensed. Drawing on novel data, we demonstrate that this correlation holds not only across modern Romance varieties, but also across early varieties. Formally, we explain this link between negation and verb-movement from the (in)active status of the T-domain and the consequent (im)possibility of donating a [Neg] feature to the lower v-VP domain. Although verb-movement in itself is not a sufficient condition to trigger a shift towards Stages II–III negation, we argue that it is a necessary one, a fact which explains the peculiar distribution of negation strategies across the Romània.
{"title":"Negation and Verb-Movement in Romance: New Perspectives on Jespersen’s Cycle","authors":"Adam Ledgeway, Norma Schifano","doi":"10.1515/probus-2022-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2022-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this article we bring to light one additional factor underlying so-called Jespersen’s Cycle (JC) in Romance which has to date gone unnoticed, namely the varying position of the finite verb within the IP. More specifically, we show that there exists an empirical correlation between the availability of clause-medial/high verb-movement and Stages II–III of JC in which a postverbal negator is licensed. Drawing on novel data, we demonstrate that this correlation holds not only across modern Romance varieties, but also across early varieties. Formally, we explain this link between negation and verb-movement from the (in)active status of the T-domain and the consequent (im)possibility of donating a [Neg] feature to the lower v-VP domain. Although verb-movement in itself is not a sufficient condition to trigger a shift towards Stages II–III negation, we argue that it is a necessary one, a fact which explains the peculiar distribution of negation strategies across the Romània.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"9 1 1","pages":"151 - 211"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87565799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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