Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1515/probus-2020-0008
Ángel J. Gallego
Abstract This paper discusses a series of morpho-syntactic properties of Romance languages that have the functional projection vP as its locus, showing a continuum that goes from strongly configurational Romance languages to partially configurational Romance languages. It is argued that v-related phenomena like Differential Object Marking (DOM), participial agreement, oblique clitics, auxiliary selection, and others align in a systematic way when it comes to inflectional properties that involve Case-agreement properties. In order to account for the facts, I argue for a micro-parametric approach whereby v can be associated with an additional projection subject to variation (cf. D’Alessandro, Merging Probes. A typology of person splits and person-driven differential object marking. Ms., University of Leiden, 2012; Microvariation and syntactic theory. What dialects tell us about language. Invited talk given at the workshop The Syntactic Variation of Catalan and Spanish Dialects, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Barcelona, June 26–28, 2013; Ordóñez, Cartography of postverbal subjects in Spanish and Catalan. In Sergio Baauw, Frank AC Drijkoningen & Manuela Pinto (eds.), Romance languages and linguistic theory 2005: Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’, Utrecht, 8–10 December 2005, 259–280. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2007). I label such projection “X,” arguing that its feature content and position varies across Romance. More generally, the present paper aims at contributing to our understanding of parametric variation of closely related languages by exploiting the intuition, embodied in the so-called Borer-Chomsky Conjecture, that linguistic variation resides in the functional inventory of the lexicon.
摘要本文讨论了以功能投影vP为轨迹的罗曼语的一系列形态句法性质，显示了从强构形罗曼语到部分构形罗曼语的连续体。有人认为，当涉及到涉及Case-agreement属性的屈折特性时，与v相关的现象，如差异对象标记(DOM)、分词一致、倾斜键、辅助选择等，以一种系统的方式对齐。为了解释事实，我主张采用微参数方法，即v可以与受变化影响的附加投影相关联(参见D 'Alessandro, merge Probes)。人分裂和人驱动的差异对象标记的类型学。女士，莱顿大学，2012;微变异与句法理论。方言告诉我们的语言。在加泰罗尼亚语和西班牙语方言的句法变化研讨会上的特邀演讲，巴塞罗那大学Autònoma，巴塞罗那，2013年6月26-28日;Ordóñez，西班牙语和加泰罗尼亚语后语科目的制图。在Sergio Baauw, Frank AC Drijkoningen和Manuela Pinto(编)，浪漫语言和语言学理论2005:从“走向浪漫”的论文选，乌得勒支，8-10十二月2005,259-280。阿姆斯特丹:约翰·本杰明出版社，2007)。我把这样的投影标记为“X”，认为它的特征内容和位置在浪漫主义中是不同的。更一般地说，本文旨在通过利用体现在所谓的波尔-乔姆斯基猜想中的直觉来促进我们对密切相关语言的参数变化的理解，即语言变化存在于词汇的功能清单中。
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Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1515/PROBUS-2020-0005
Chiara Gianollo
Abstract I analyze the Romance descendants of Latin aliquis ‘some or other’, which are characterized by a complex pattern of variation in the contemporary Romance languages. I account for this variation in terms of diverging diachronic paths, tracing their determinants back to a process taking place between Classical and late Latin. Classical Latin only used aliquis as an epistemic indefinite, expressing ignorance about the identity of the referent. In late Latin a distributional extension is observed, and aliquis starts to be consistently found as an NPI in negative contexts. This multiplicity of uses is transmitted to medieval Romance and represents the prerequisite for contemporary variation. In their further history, some languages continue only one of the two uses. Other languages maintain both, but the meaning contrast comes to be related to a word-order difference. I analyze this difference as a syntactic DP-internal inversion operation, motivated by focus and connected to polarity sensitivity. Significantly, the diachronic path of the Romance descendants of aliquis contributes to our understanding of general mechanisms of semantic change, since it instantiates a cline of development that can be related to varying (hence, diachronically changing) constraints on quantificational domains.
摘要:本文分析了拉丁语别名“some or other”的罗曼语后裔，这些后裔在当代罗曼语中具有复杂的变异模式。我根据不同的历时路径来解释这种变化，将它们的决定因素追溯到古典和晚期拉丁语之间发生的过程。古典拉丁语只把aliquis用作一种不确定的认知，表示对指称物身份的无知。在晚期拉丁语中，可以观察到分布扩展，并且aliquis开始在否定上下文中始终被发现为NPI。这种用法的多样性被传递到中世纪的浪漫，并代表了当代变化的先决条件。在其进一步的历史中，一些语言只继续这两种用法中的一种。其他语言两者都保留，但意义对比与词序差异有关。我将这种差异分析为语法dp内部反转操作，由焦点驱动并与极性敏感性相关。值得注意的是，韵语后裔的历时路径有助于我们理解语义变化的一般机制，因为它实例化了一种与定量域的变化(因此，历时变化)约束有关的发展曲线。
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Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1515/PROBUS-2020-0002
Michelle Sheehan
Abstract This paper traces the development of so-called Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) under perception, permissive and causative verbs in Romance. Synchronically, we can observe various patterns in the distribution of ECM complements under these verbs. In Portuguese and Spanish, ECM is often possible under all permissive and causative verbs, whereas in French, Catalan and Italian it is usually restricted to perception and permissive verbs. A detail that has not been much discussed is the fact that, for many speakers, ECM with a given verb is often restricted to contexts in which the embedded ‘subject’ is a clitic. Some speakers of Modern French display this pattern with the verb faire ‘make’, for example (Abeillé, Anne, Danièle Godard & Philip Miller. 1997. Les causatives en français : Un cas de compétition syntaxique. Langue Française 115. 62–74. https://doi.org/10.3406/lfr.1997.6222). In this paper, I claim that laisser ‘let’ probably also displayed this pattern in Middle French. In Old French, however, what appears to be the opposite pattern is observed. Following (Pearce, Elizabeth. 1990. Parameters in Old French syntax: Infinitival complements. Dordrecht: Kluwer), I attribute this to the morphological variability of dative case in Old French. I propose a case-based analysis of the clitic ECM pattern, whereby ECM complements in Romance are phases unlike clause union complements (see Sheehan, Michelle & Sonia Cyrino. 2018. Why do some ECM verbs resist passivisation? A phase-based explanation. In Sherry Hucklebridge & Max Nelson (eds.), Proceedings of NELS 48 (vol 3), 81–90. University of Massachusetts). Where such complements are embedded under light verbs, the Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky, Noam. 2001. Derivation by phase. In Michael Kenstowicz (ed.), Ken hale: A life in language, 1–52. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press) prevents accusative case from being assigned to the lower subject except in instances of cliticization. When the matrix verb is reanalysed as a full verb, however, v becomes the case-assigning head and so ECM becomes generally available, regardless of the clitic/non-clitic status of the causee.
摘要本文回顾了浪漫语中感知动词、允许动词和使役动词的例外情况标注(ECM)的发展历程。同时，我们可以观察到这些动词下的ECM补语分布的不同模式。在葡萄牙语和西班牙语中，所有的允许动词和使使动词都可以使用ECM，而在法语、加泰罗尼亚语和意大利语中，ECM通常仅限于感知动词和允许动词。一个没有被讨论的细节是，对于许多说话者来说，带有给定动词的ECM通常局限于嵌入“主语”是老生常谈的上下文。一些说现代法语的人用动词faire“make”来表现这种模式，例如(abill， Anne, dani Godard & Philip Miller. 1997)。使役句:没有状语从句。法语;法语;62 - 74。https://doi.org/10.3406/lfr.1997.6222)。在本文中，我认为laisser ' let '可能在中古法语中也表现出这种模式。然而，在古法语中，观察到的似乎是相反的模式。伊丽莎白·皮尔斯，1990。古法语语法中的参数:不定式补语。多德雷赫特:Kluwer)，我把这归因于古法语中与格的形态变化。我建议对clitic ECM模式进行基于案例的分析，即浪漫语中的ECM补语是不同于子句联合补语的阶段(见Sheehan, Michelle & Sonia Cyrino. 2018)。为什么有些ECM动词会抵抗钝化?基于阶段的解释。在雪莉·哈克布里奇和马克斯·纳尔逊(编)，程序的nel48(卷3)，81-90。马萨诸塞大学)。当这样的补语嵌入在轻动词下时，相位不可穿透性条件(乔姆斯基，诺姆，2001)。按相推导。见Michael Kenstowicz主编，Ken hale: A life In language，第1-52页。剑桥，麻萨诸塞州:麻省理工学院出版社)防止宾格案件被分配给较低的主体，除非在批评的情况下。然而，当矩阵动词作为一个完整的动词被重新分析时，v就变成了赋格的词头，因此ECM就变得普遍可用，而不考虑原因的clitic/non-clitic状态。
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Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1515/PROBUS-2020-0004
Luigi Andriani, Kim A. Groothuis, Giuseppina Silvestri
Abstract The aim of this contribution is to discuss three possible theoretical interpretations of grammaticalised structures in present-day Italo-Romance varieties. In particular, we discuss and analyse three diachronic case studies in relation to the generative view of grammaticalisation. The first case-study revolves around the expression of future tense and modality. This is discussed in the light of the assumption according to which grammaticalised elements result from merging elements in higher positions than their original merge positions within the lexical domain, giving rise to the upward directionality of the grammaticalisation process within the clause (Roberts, Ian G. and Anna Roussou, 2003, Syntactic change: A minimalist approach to grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). The second case study challenges this view, by discussing irrealis complementisers as a case of a downward pathway of grammaticalization at the CP level. For our third case study, namely the development of (discontinuous) demonstrative structures from Latin to Romance, the rich Italo-Romance empirical evidence is analysed through the lens of a parametric account (Longobardi, Giuseppe, Cristina Guardiano, Giuseppina Silvestri, Alessio Boattini, and Andrea Ceolin, 2013, Toward a syntactic phylogeny of modern Indo-European languages, Journal of Historical Linguistics 3(1), 122-152), in order to capture the role of the relevant semantic and syntactic features within the fine-grained architecture of the DP. It will be observed that the diachronic development of some functional categories in (Italo-)Romance results from cyclic pathways of grammaticalisation, as the same category might cyclically change from more synthetic to more analytic, and vice-versa. Moreover, it will also be shown how the two theoretical approaches adopted, i.e. the cartographic model (adopted in Roberts, Ian G. and Anna Roussou, 2003. Syntactic change: A minimalist approach to grammaticalization, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), and the parametric accounts (Longobardi, Giuseppe, Cristina Guardiano, Giuseppina Silvestri, Alessio Boattini and Andrea Ceolin, 2013, Toward a syntactic phylogeny of modern Indo-European languages, Journal of Historical Linguistics 3(1), 122-152), are able to provide a principled explanation of the structural correlates of grammaticalisation at the sentential, clausal and nominal level of investigation.
{"title":"Pathways of Grammaticalisation in Italo-Romance","authors":"Luigi Andriani, Kim A. Groothuis, Giuseppina Silvestri","doi":"10.1515/PROBUS-2020-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/PROBUS-2020-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The aim of this contribution is to discuss three possible theoretical interpretations of grammaticalised structures in present-day Italo-Romance varieties. In particular, we discuss and analyse three diachronic case studies in relation to the generative view of grammaticalisation. The first case-study revolves around the expression of future tense and modality. This is discussed in the light of the assumption according to which grammaticalised elements result from merging elements in higher positions than their original merge positions within the lexical domain, giving rise to the upward directionality of the grammaticalisation process within the clause (Roberts, Ian G. and Anna Roussou, 2003, Syntactic change: A minimalist approach to grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). The second case study challenges this view, by discussing irrealis complementisers as a case of a downward pathway of grammaticalization at the CP level. For our third case study, namely the development of (discontinuous) demonstrative structures from Latin to Romance, the rich Italo-Romance empirical evidence is analysed through the lens of a parametric account (Longobardi, Giuseppe, Cristina Guardiano, Giuseppina Silvestri, Alessio Boattini, and Andrea Ceolin, 2013, Toward a syntactic phylogeny of modern Indo-European languages, Journal of Historical Linguistics 3(1), 122-152), in order to capture the role of the relevant semantic and syntactic features within the fine-grained architecture of the DP. It will be observed that the diachronic development of some functional categories in (Italo-)Romance results from cyclic pathways of grammaticalisation, as the same category might cyclically change from more synthetic to more analytic, and vice-versa. Moreover, it will also be shown how the two theoretical approaches adopted, i.e. the cartographic model (adopted in Roberts, Ian G. and Anna Roussou, 2003. Syntactic change: A minimalist approach to grammaticalization, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), and the parametric accounts (Longobardi, Giuseppe, Cristina Guardiano, Giuseppina Silvestri, Alessio Boattini and Andrea Ceolin, 2013, Toward a syntactic phylogeny of modern Indo-European languages, Journal of Historical Linguistics 3(1), 122-152), are able to provide a principled explanation of the structural correlates of grammaticalisation at the sentential, clausal and nominal level of investigation.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"119 1","pages":"327 - 366"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75778712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1515/PROBUS-2020-0001
Adina Dragomirescu, Alexandru Nicolae
Abstract This paper documents the steps and analyses the processes by which a concrete change of location unaccusative construction based on a venitive verb grammaticalizes in Romanian as a modal construction exhibiting a variety of desiderative meanings, the most prominent of which is the urge-type of desiderative meaning. This diachronic change is atypical: the venitive verb underwent desemanticization but does not show any detectable morphophonological erosion or decategorialization. Furthermore, the desiderative meaning arises only when the venitive verb is accompanied by a dative clitic (originally, a goal of motion) and a subjunctive CP.
{"title":"From Motion to Desire: The Grammaticalization of a Change of Location Unaccusative Construction in Romanian","authors":"Adina Dragomirescu, Alexandru Nicolae","doi":"10.1515/PROBUS-2020-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/PROBUS-2020-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper documents the steps and analyses the processes by which a concrete change of location unaccusative construction based on a venitive verb grammaticalizes in Romanian as a modal construction exhibiting a variety of desiderative meanings, the most prominent of which is the urge-type of desiderative meaning. This diachronic change is atypical: the venitive verb underwent desemanticization but does not show any detectable morphophonological erosion or decategorialization. Furthermore, the desiderative meaning arises only when the venitive verb is accompanied by a dative clitic (originally, a goal of motion) and a subjunctive CP.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"91 1","pages":"303 - 326"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83757166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1515/probus-2020-0003
Tobias Scheer, Philippe Ségéral
Abstract Elastic s+C is the idea that s+C clusters are heterosyllabic by default in all languages, and that some repair will occur in case, pending on language-specific circumstances, a heterosyllabic parse is illegal (preceding long vowel, preceding coda, beginning of the word). The repair at hand is the branching of the s on the following empty nucleus. This generalization is derived from the behaviour of left-moving yod in the diachronic evolution from Latin to French. The floating yod (here coming from palatalization k+i,e > j+ʦ) anchors as a coda if the preceding syllable is open (placēre > plaisir), but is lost in case it is closed (cancellāre > chanceler), except when the syllable-final C is s (cresc(e)re > croistre (mod. croître)). We know independently that intervocalic s+C clusters are regular coda clusters: they block diphthongization (testa > teste (mod. tête)). Hence s is elastic: s+C is a regular coda cluster unless there is a demand for s to vacate its coda position. It is shown that among all syllabic identities for s+C that are entertained in the literature only one is compatible with this pattern: in CsC clusters, i.e. in absence of a preceding vowel, s branches on the following empty nucleus, i.e. the one that separates it from the following C. This is confirmed by an independent pattern: the middle consonant of CCC clusters is lost unless it is s (CsC), but is regularly dropped in sCC clusters. Here as well s+C is a regular coda-onset cluster when preceded by a vowel (sCC), but s elastically becomes a non-coda when preceded by a consonant (CsC). This empirical generalization appears to be an unprecedented finding: s in s+C is a coda when preceded by a vowel, but a (branching) non-coda when not preceded by a vowel. It is shown that it may solve a good deal of the notoriously mysterious behaviour of s+C clusters as such, i.e. in other languages and in synchronic analysis. Word-initially s+C is not followed by a vowel and therefore a non-coda, thus accounting for the typical cross-linguistic pattern whereby s+C is exceptional word-initially, but not word-internally (where it is followed by a vowel). Also, the branching analysis solves the mysterious fact that s only shows exceptional behaviour when it is followed by a consonant: there is no empty nucleus it could branch on when followed by a vowel.
{"title":"Elastic s+C and Left-moving Yod in the Evolution from Latin to French","authors":"Tobias Scheer, Philippe Ségéral","doi":"10.1515/probus-2020-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2020-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Elastic s+C is the idea that s+C clusters are heterosyllabic by default in all languages, and that some repair will occur in case, pending on language-specific circumstances, a heterosyllabic parse is illegal (preceding long vowel, preceding coda, beginning of the word). The repair at hand is the branching of the s on the following empty nucleus. This generalization is derived from the behaviour of left-moving yod in the diachronic evolution from Latin to French. The floating yod (here coming from palatalization k+i,e > j+ʦ) anchors as a coda if the preceding syllable is open (placēre > plaisir), but is lost in case it is closed (cancellāre > chanceler), except when the syllable-final C is s (cresc(e)re > croistre (mod. croître)). We know independently that intervocalic s+C clusters are regular coda clusters: they block diphthongization (testa > teste (mod. tête)). Hence s is elastic: s+C is a regular coda cluster unless there is a demand for s to vacate its coda position. It is shown that among all syllabic identities for s+C that are entertained in the literature only one is compatible with this pattern: in CsC clusters, i.e. in absence of a preceding vowel, s branches on the following empty nucleus, i.e. the one that separates it from the following C. This is confirmed by an independent pattern: the middle consonant of CCC clusters is lost unless it is s (CsC), but is regularly dropped in sCC clusters. Here as well s+C is a regular coda-onset cluster when preceded by a vowel (sCC), but s elastically becomes a non-coda when preceded by a consonant (CsC). This empirical generalization appears to be an unprecedented finding: s in s+C is a coda when preceded by a vowel, but a (branching) non-coda when not preceded by a vowel. It is shown that it may solve a good deal of the notoriously mysterious behaviour of s+C clusters as such, i.e. in other languages and in synchronic analysis. Word-initially s+C is not followed by a vowel and therefore a non-coda, thus accounting for the typical cross-linguistic pattern whereby s+C is exceptional word-initially, but not word-internally (where it is followed by a vowel). Also, the branching analysis solves the mysterious fact that s only shows exceptional behaviour when it is followed by a consonant: there is no empty nucleus it could branch on when followed by a vowel.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"130 1","pages":"183 - 208"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89741378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-21DOI: 10.1515/probus-2019-0004
Bradley Hoot, Tania Leal
Abstract Linguists have keenly studied the realization of focus – the part of the sentence introducing new information – because it involves the interaction of different linguistic modules. Syntacticians have argued that Spanish uses word order for information-structural purposes, marking focused constituents via rightmost movement. However, recent studies have challenged this claim. To contribute sentence-processing evidence, we conducted a self-paced reading task and a judgment task with Mexican and Catalonian Spanish speakers. We found that movement to final position can signal focus in Spanish, in contrast to the aforementioned work. We contextualize our results within the literature, identifying three basic facts that theories of Spanish focus and theories of language processing should explain, and advance a fourth: that mismatches in information-structural expectations can induce processing delays. Finally, we propose that some differences in the existing experimental results may stem from methodological differences.
{"title":"Processing subject focus across two Spanish varieties","authors":"Bradley Hoot, Tania Leal","doi":"10.1515/probus-2019-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2019-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Linguists have keenly studied the realization of focus – the part of the sentence introducing new information – because it involves the interaction of different linguistic modules. Syntacticians have argued that Spanish uses word order for information-structural purposes, marking focused constituents via rightmost movement. However, recent studies have challenged this claim. To contribute sentence-processing evidence, we conducted a self-paced reading task and a judgment task with Mexican and Catalonian Spanish speakers. We found that movement to final position can signal focus in Spanish, in contrast to the aforementioned work. We contextualize our results within the literature, identifying three basic facts that theories of Spanish focus and theories of language processing should explain, and advance a fourth: that mismatches in information-structural expectations can induce processing delays. Finally, we propose that some differences in the existing experimental results may stem from methodological differences.","PeriodicalId":45039,"journal":{"name":"Probus","volume":"58 4","pages":"127 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72560629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-21DOI: 10.1515/probus-2019-0006
J. Authier
Abstract This article takes a close look at recent proposals that French (ne) … que exceptives are hidden comparatives involving two silent elements: a covert n-word and a phonologically unrealized autre ‘other’ introducing a partially elided comparative clausal standard headed by que ‘than’. I show that assuming the constant presence of an n-word in the exceptive construction allows us to provide inter alia a scopal treatment of the fact that (ne) … que exceptives in modal contexts are systematically ambiguous between an exclusive reading and a minimal sufficiency reading. As regards the comparative analysis of exceptives, I demonstrate that while the locality of association problem raised by (Homer. 2015. Ne … que and its challenges. In Ulrike Steindl, Thomas Borer, Huilin Fang, Alfredo García Pardo, Peter Guekguezian, Brian Hsu, Charlie O’Hara & Iris Chuoying Ouyang (eds.), Proceedings of the 32nd West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, 111–120. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project.) can be resolved by assuming that in French, the standard of comparatives can be clausal or just nominal, the fact that (ne) … que displays a lexically-encoded, conventionalized meaning dependency on focus that is absent from its alleged comparative maximal phonological realization casts some serious doubt on the viability of the comparative analysis of French exceptives. Finally, I examine a number of contexts in which the n-word component of (ne) … que must be overt and argue that this constraint follows from the Intonational Phrase Edge Generalization.
摘要本文仔细研究了最近提出的法语(ne)…que例外是包含两个无声元素的隐藏比较级:一个隐蔽的n字和一个音系上未实现的构式“other”，引入了一个以que“than”开头的部分省略的比较从句标准。我表明，假设例外结构中n字的持续存在使我们能够特别地提供一个范围处理的事实，即(ne)…在模态上下文中的que例外在排他性阅读和最小充分性阅读之间系统地模棱两可。关于例外的比较分析，我论证了(Homer. 2015)提出的联想的局部性问题。新时代及其挑战。在Ulrike Steindl, Thomas Borer, Huilin Fang, Alfredo García Pardo, Peter Guekguezian, Brian Hsu, Charlie O 'Hara和Iris Chuoying Ouyang(编)，第32届西海岸形式语言学会议论文集，111-120。)可以通过假设在法语中，比较级的标准可以是小句或只是名义来解决，(ne)…que显示出一种词汇编码的、约定俗成的意义依赖于焦点的事实，这一事实在其所谓的比较最大音系实现中是不存在的，这一事实对法语例外的比较分析的可行性提出了一些严重的怀疑。最后，我研究了一些上下文，其中(ne)…que的n个单词组成部分必须是明显的，并认为这种约束遵循语调短语边缘泛化。
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Pub Date : 2020-04-21DOI: 10.1515/probus-2019-0005
J. García-Núñez
Abstract Spanish doubly filled complementizer (DFComp) clauses differ from plain embedded questions in a number of respects (availability of discourse-related projections, islandhood, sequence of tenses, licensing of discourse particles). I argue that the contrast is caused by the presence in the left periphery of these clauses of an illocutionary projection (Haegeman 2004, 2006; Coniglio and Zegrean 2012; Woods 2016b) between the leftmost projection, here identified as Haegeman’s (2004) SubP, and the criterial interrogative projections (InterP and QembP). This illocutionary projection prevents syncretism of the clause-typing and the criterial projections, the default option in plain embedded clauses. This not only explains the range of structural phenomena differentiating DFComp clauses and embedded questions, but also a key semantic property of the former, namely their speech-act denotation. Finally, DFComp clauses are compared with plain embedded questions displaying root behavior under first-person matrix subjects and with English inverted embedded questions. Both are shown to pose minimal variants of the structural pattern proposed for DFComp clauses.
西班牙语双填充补语(DFComp)从句在许多方面与普通嵌入问题不同(话语相关投射的可用性、岛屿性、时态顺序、话语助词的许可)。我认为，这种对比是由这些非言外投射子句的左边缘存在造成的(Haegeman 2004, 2006;Coniglio and zegreen 2012;伍兹2016b)在最左边的预测，这里确定为Haegeman的(2004)SubP和标准疑问式预测(InterP和QembP)之间。这种言外投射防止了子句类型和标准投射的融合，标准投射是普通嵌入子句中的默认选项。这不仅解释了区分DFComp分句和嵌入疑问句的结构现象范围，而且还解释了前者的一个关键语义属性，即它们的言语行为外延。最后，将DFComp子句与第一人称矩阵主语下显示词根行为的普通嵌入问句和英语倒置嵌入问句进行比较。两者都显示为DFComp子句提出的结构模式的最小变体。
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Pub Date : 2020-04-21DOI: 10.1515/probus-2019-0001
Anna Pineda
Abstract In several Romance languages, including Catalan, Spanish, Asturian and Neapolitan, several verbs (‘phone’, ‘answer’, ‘shoot’, ‘rob’, among others) can take a dative- or accusative-marked complement. I argue that this alternation is indeed a transition from dative to accusative; that is, it is a process of syntactic change, with different stages of evolution depending on the dialectal or even idiolectal variety. The relevant verbs, being a priori dative-taking intransitive verbs, are analyzed as unergatives, made up of a light verb and a nominal, ‘phone= do+phone call’. When the complement ‘to somebody’ is added, a ditransitive structure is obtained, where I assume that the direct (‘phone call’) and the indirect (‘to somebody’) objects are related via an applicative head. The properties of this functional applicative head allow me to explain the change from dative to accusative case in the first stages of syntactic change. Likewise, I show that the completion of the syntactic change results in a true transitivization of the structure.
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