Pub Date : 2023-08-08DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2244849
A. Tchie
ABSTRACT Over the past 20 years, the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) have developed a unique partnership rooted in complementarity, respect and African ownership. To reaffirm this partnership, the United Nations Secretary-General and Chairperson of the African Union (UN) Commission signed a Joint UN-AU framework for Enhanced Partnership in Peace and Security in 2017. Nevertheless, despite previous lessons learned, gaps in collaboration and strategic thinking, and oversight exist on the ground between the AU and the UN. Drawing on the case(s) of Sudan and South Sudan to further understand the AU’s partnership with the UN through the lens of complementarity and convenience, the paper arrives at a novel conceptualisation of the AU and UN partnership through their political missions. The paper finds that the AU-UN framework is sporadically implemented, and the AU’s role in the partnership on the ground is one of convenience, whereas, in contrast, the UN’s role is one of complementarity aimed at achieving legitimacy. The paper concludes that both organisations in-country were constrained by the lack of collaboration and synergy, which led to a misalignment of joint priorities, impacting the effectiveness of the partnership.
{"title":"Convenience or complementarity: the African Union’s partnership with the United Nations in Sudan and South Sudan","authors":"A. Tchie","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2244849","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2244849","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Over the past 20 years, the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) have developed a unique partnership rooted in complementarity, respect and African ownership. To reaffirm this partnership, the United Nations Secretary-General and Chairperson of the African Union (UN) Commission signed a Joint UN-AU framework for Enhanced Partnership in Peace and Security in 2017. Nevertheless, despite previous lessons learned, gaps in collaboration and strategic thinking, and oversight exist on the ground between the AU and the UN. Drawing on the case(s) of Sudan and South Sudan to further understand the AU’s partnership with the UN through the lens of complementarity and convenience, the paper arrives at a novel conceptualisation of the AU and UN partnership through their political missions. The paper finds that the AU-UN framework is sporadically implemented, and the AU’s role in the partnership on the ground is one of convenience, whereas, in contrast, the UN’s role is one of complementarity aimed at achieving legitimacy. The paper concludes that both organisations in-country were constrained by the lack of collaboration and synergy, which led to a misalignment of joint priorities, impacting the effectiveness of the partnership.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47721098","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2215027
E. Debrah, I. Owusu-Mensah
ABSTRACT This article examined whether, in the pandemic, the conduct of Ghana’s 2020 general elections conformed to acceptable international standards or not? Analysing data drawn from 120 respondents based on face-to-face and telephone interviews, the study established that the measures for pre-election and polling day activities guaranteed the integrity of the elections. The electoral laws and system, the mechanics for voter registration, polling, and balloting were fair, transparent, and inclusive. The fair application of the electoral laws, openness, and stakeholders’ active participation in the electoral process obviated fraud. Both domestic and international observers validated the election result declared by the EC because the processes satisfied the standards for free and fair elections even though Ghanaian diasporas were disenfranchised, and a few administrative and technical challenges occurred. Hence, electoral reform targeting efficient management, enlargement of the franchise to capture diasporas’ votes, and an electoral system that supports proportional representation albeit a possibility of proliferation of parties, would improve electoral integrity for deepening democratic development.
{"title":"How Electoral Integrity Matters in an Era of Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic: Experience from Ghana’s Eighth General Election","authors":"E. Debrah, I. Owusu-Mensah","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2215027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2215027","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examined whether, in the pandemic, the conduct of Ghana’s 2020 general elections conformed to acceptable international standards or not? Analysing data drawn from 120 respondents based on face-to-face and telephone interviews, the study established that the measures for pre-election and polling day activities guaranteed the integrity of the elections. The electoral laws and system, the mechanics for voter registration, polling, and balloting were fair, transparent, and inclusive. The fair application of the electoral laws, openness, and stakeholders’ active participation in the electoral process obviated fraud. Both domestic and international observers validated the election result declared by the EC because the processes satisfied the standards for free and fair elections even though Ghanaian diasporas were disenfranchised, and a few administrative and technical challenges occurred. Hence, electoral reform targeting efficient management, enlargement of the franchise to capture diasporas’ votes, and an electoral system that supports proportional representation albeit a possibility of proliferation of parties, would improve electoral integrity for deepening democratic development.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"50 1","pages":"137 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44443563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2215017
P. Mbah, Uchenna C. Obiagu, Chikodiri Nwangwu, Kelechi Iwuamadim, Celestine O. Udeh
ABSTRACT This paper argues that the failure of neoliberal economic policies in Nigeria leads to increasing spate of criminal activities in the country. It explains how such neoliberal economic policies like privatisation, removal of state subsidies and deregulation cripple pre-existing substructure of the Nigerian economy; thereby increasing criminal activities everywhere in Nigeria. While criminal activities are closely associated with neoliberal states, privatisation and deregulation have facilitated the creation of huge unemployed labour by crippling existing industries and local ingenuity which explains the level of economic marginalisation and the stagnant pool characterised by abject poverty in Nigeria. While the state and its allies struggle to maintain their unpopular economic policies by all means, the victims and the unemployed find expression in criminal activities. The study uses mixed methods of data collection and analysis made up of descriptive statistics and content analysis.
{"title":"Neoliberal state and criminal activities in Nigeria","authors":"P. Mbah, Uchenna C. Obiagu, Chikodiri Nwangwu, Kelechi Iwuamadim, Celestine O. Udeh","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2215017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2215017","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper argues that the failure of neoliberal economic policies in Nigeria leads to increasing spate of criminal activities in the country. It explains how such neoliberal economic policies like privatisation, removal of state subsidies and deregulation cripple pre-existing substructure of the Nigerian economy; thereby increasing criminal activities everywhere in Nigeria. While criminal activities are closely associated with neoliberal states, privatisation and deregulation have facilitated the creation of huge unemployed labour by crippling existing industries and local ingenuity which explains the level of economic marginalisation and the stagnant pool characterised by abject poverty in Nigeria. While the state and its allies struggle to maintain their unpopular economic policies by all means, the victims and the unemployed find expression in criminal activities. The study uses mixed methods of data collection and analysis made up of descriptive statistics and content analysis.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"50 1","pages":"159 - 181"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49441952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2213501
Gift Mwonzora
ABSTRACT Since the onset of multi-party democracy, which saw elections becoming the ‘only game in town’, political parties are viewed as lodestars of democracy. However, there are times when the political scene becomes ‘crowded’ with ‘too many parties’. This trend has been pervasive in some African countries, including Zimbabwe. How do we account for this phenomenon, and what does this say about party system institutionalisation, affective polarisation – let alone the maturation and deepening of electoral democracy? While the scholarly literature has examined party utility in entrenching multi-party democracy, particularly during the onset of the Third Wave era of democratisation, less well known is the efficacy or lack thereof of having numerous political parties in entrenching democracy. In response to this paucity of empirical research, this article focuses its analytic gaze on the Zimbabwean case study.
{"title":"‘Too many parties and still counting’: in defense of multiparty democracy in Zimbabwe","authors":"Gift Mwonzora","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2213501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2213501","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the onset of multi-party democracy, which saw elections becoming the ‘only game in town’, political parties are viewed as lodestars of democracy. However, there are times when the political scene becomes ‘crowded’ with ‘too many parties’. This trend has been pervasive in some African countries, including Zimbabwe. How do we account for this phenomenon, and what does this say about party system institutionalisation, affective polarisation – let alone the maturation and deepening of electoral democracy? While the scholarly literature has examined party utility in entrenching multi-party democracy, particularly during the onset of the Third Wave era of democratisation, less well known is the efficacy or lack thereof of having numerous political parties in entrenching democracy. In response to this paucity of empirical research, this article focuses its analytic gaze on the Zimbabwean case study.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"50 1","pages":"182 - 205"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44798506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2213500
G. Ditlhage
ABSTRACT This article discusses prospects for the building of a developmental state in South Africa by examining relations between the local state and business. Its main aim is to assess how far the country has come in creating a state with healthy state business relations typical of successful developmental states. Using the case study method with information sourced through interviews and a review of key documents, the study utilises the democratic developmental state theoretical model that advocates the state’s extensive engagement with all actors. The model also recognises the role of subnational government. Informed by this model, it places particular focus on relations between the state and business in the city of Johannesburg since 2000 until 2016. It finds the association between the local state and business to traverse two worlds. In the one world, the city is a developmental subnational state relating well with business and building partnerships to address challenges. In another, there is compromised autonomy of the city’s administration and its collective development goals. Benefits are not widespread and there is no prevalent sense of collective developmental solidarity, casting doubt on South Africa’s progress towards building a developmental state.
{"title":"Post-apartheid state business relations in Johannesburg: a sub-national perspective on the 21st Century developmental state","authors":"G. Ditlhage","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2213500","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2213500","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article discusses prospects for the building of a developmental state in South Africa by examining relations between the local state and business. Its main aim is to assess how far the country has come in creating a state with healthy state business relations typical of successful developmental states. Using the case study method with information sourced through interviews and a review of key documents, the study utilises the democratic developmental state theoretical model that advocates the state’s extensive engagement with all actors. The model also recognises the role of subnational government. Informed by this model, it places particular focus on relations between the state and business in the city of Johannesburg since 2000 until 2016. It finds the association between the local state and business to traverse two worlds. In the one world, the city is a developmental subnational state relating well with business and building partnerships to address challenges. In another, there is compromised autonomy of the city’s administration and its collective development goals. Benefits are not widespread and there is no prevalent sense of collective developmental solidarity, casting doubt on South Africa’s progress towards building a developmental state.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"50 1","pages":"103 - 118"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46346733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2197295
I. Owusu-Mensah, Enock Mathapoly-Codjoe
ABSTRACT Anti-corruption agencies in Ghana have failed over the years to deal with corruption and also take decisive steps in tackling the menace. For this reason inter alia, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) government in 2018 established the Office of the Special Prosecutor as an institutional response to deal assertively with the issue of corruption. This action expanded the scope and discourse on the fight against corruption in Ghana. Following from this, the paper conceptualised the new institutional endeavour to control corruption in Ghana, simply as the ‘judicialization of corruption’. By judicialization of corruption, the paper meant to portray a phenomenon where there is the use of judiciary and judicial processes in fighting corruption. Coming on the back of a political campaign promise, the paper seemly tested Ghanaian voters’ view on this new anti-corruption arrangement by the government and puts forward a broad-spectrum of views by voters regarding the creation of the OSP. The paper used mixed method to triangulate both qualitative and quantitative data. The result showed majority of voters backing government's idea to create the OSP albeit a sizeable number perceiving the OSP as a mere conduit to ‘witch-hunt’ erstwhile government officials.
{"title":"‘Judicialization of corruption’ in Ghana: an analysis of how Ghanaians view the Office of the Special Prosecutor","authors":"I. Owusu-Mensah, Enock Mathapoly-Codjoe","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2197295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2197295","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Anti-corruption agencies in Ghana have failed over the years to deal with corruption and also take decisive steps in tackling the menace. For this reason inter alia, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) government in 2018 established the Office of the Special Prosecutor as an institutional response to deal assertively with the issue of corruption. This action expanded the scope and discourse on the fight against corruption in Ghana. Following from this, the paper conceptualised the new institutional endeavour to control corruption in Ghana, simply as the ‘judicialization of corruption’. By judicialization of corruption, the paper meant to portray a phenomenon where there is the use of judiciary and judicial processes in fighting corruption. Coming on the back of a political campaign promise, the paper seemly tested Ghanaian voters’ view on this new anti-corruption arrangement by the government and puts forward a broad-spectrum of views by voters regarding the creation of the OSP. The paper used mixed method to triangulate both qualitative and quantitative data. The result showed majority of voters backing government's idea to create the OSP albeit a sizeable number perceiving the OSP as a mere conduit to ‘witch-hunt’ erstwhile government officials.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"50 1","pages":"119 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59309151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-22DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2191395
Olusola Olasupo
{"title":"Nigeria democracy without development: how to fix it","authors":"Olusola Olasupo","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2191395","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2191395","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"121 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136196380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2171720
Mondli Hlatshwayo
ABSTRACT Based on an analysis of authenticated YouTube videos and Internet news reports, this article argues that South Africa has entered the second wave of xenophobic violence targeting mainly black immigrants from other African countries. What makes this wave unique is the fact that organised formations that are relentless in their campaigns against immigrants have used various strategies and tactics, such as marches, protest actions, and social media, to identify or position immigrants as the cause of crime, poverty, and unemployment in South Africa. This phenomenon of organisations that have formal structures and leaders that are primarily formed to target immigrants in South Africa is still emerging and therefore little has been written on the topic, making it an under-researched area. The article contends that crime, economic decay, unemployment, poverty, and the general social and economic instability, and the organic crisis in general have led to the formation of anti-immigrant organisations.
{"title":"South Africa enters the second wave of xenophobic violence: the rise of anti-immigrant organisations in South Africa","authors":"Mondli Hlatshwayo","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2171720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2171720","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Based on an analysis of authenticated YouTube videos and Internet news reports, this article argues that South Africa has entered the second wave of xenophobic violence targeting mainly black immigrants from other African countries. What makes this wave unique is the fact that organised formations that are relentless in their campaigns against immigrants have used various strategies and tactics, such as marches, protest actions, and social media, to identify or position immigrants as the cause of crime, poverty, and unemployment in South Africa. This phenomenon of organisations that have formal structures and leaders that are primarily formed to target immigrants in South Africa is still emerging and therefore little has been written on the topic, making it an under-researched area. The article contends that crime, economic decay, unemployment, poverty, and the general social and economic instability, and the organic crisis in general have led to the formation of anti-immigrant organisations.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"50 1","pages":"1 - 17"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44593812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2172532
S. Alidu
ABSTRACT In this paper, I seek to evaluate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on voter behaviour in the 2020 general elections in Ghana using survey data compiled in Greater Accra between July and August 2020. The COVID-19 pandemic became a major campaign issue in last year’s election prompting varied responses and support from both the government and the main opposition parties. Though a majority of the electorate were satisfied (83.5%) and grateful (82%) for the relief items they received, only 3 out of every 10 of the respondents think the intervention had an effect on the way they voted. Using the rally-effect theory, the paper finds that the political leadership and incumbent government were able to rally support for their campaign as a result of the social intervention policies implemented in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic, yet were unable to sustain and translate that support into electoral victory in the Greater Accra Region, a major swing region with the highest number of Covid-19 cases and one of the only two regions that witnessed a lockdown during the height of the pandemic.
{"title":"The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on voter behaviour in Ghana’s 2020 general election: a case study of the Greater Accra region","authors":"S. Alidu","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2172532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2172532","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this paper, I seek to evaluate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on voter behaviour in the 2020 general elections in Ghana using survey data compiled in Greater Accra between July and August 2020. The COVID-19 pandemic became a major campaign issue in last year’s election prompting varied responses and support from both the government and the main opposition parties. Though a majority of the electorate were satisfied (83.5%) and grateful (82%) for the relief items they received, only 3 out of every 10 of the respondents think the intervention had an effect on the way they voted. Using the rally-effect theory, the paper finds that the political leadership and incumbent government were able to rally support for their campaign as a result of the social intervention policies implemented in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic, yet were unable to sustain and translate that support into electoral victory in the Greater Accra Region, a major swing region with the highest number of Covid-19 cases and one of the only two regions that witnessed a lockdown during the height of the pandemic.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"50 1","pages":"76 - 96"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46444386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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