Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.22151/politikon.55.con1
Velomahanina Tahinjanahary Razakamaharavo
The global academic publishing industry, with its entrenched colonial practices, perpetuates inequality between the Global South and North. In this context, young Malagasy scholars face numerous challenges, including limited academic writing skills and a lack of awareness about international publishing opportunities. Moreover, asymmetric power dynamics, imposed by senior scholars, hinder their ability to publish and promote their work online while language barriers confine them to French-speaking journals, limiting global exposure and collaboration. To address these issues, the Economic Social Research Council-funded project Hybricon organized a publishing workshop during the conference called "Hybriconference" in Madagascar, fostering a unique south-north dialogue. The event brought together global south and north scholars and editors, facilitating collaboration and knowledge exchange. It served as a model for mutually beneficial partnerships, showcasing the importance of inclusive publication practices. The initiative aims to decolonize the publishing ecosystem, emphasizing equity, diversity, inclusivity, intersectionality, and ethical responsibility.
{"title":"Changing Incrementally the Academic Publishing Ecosystem","authors":"Velomahanina Tahinjanahary Razakamaharavo","doi":"10.22151/politikon.55.con1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22151/politikon.55.con1","url":null,"abstract":"The global academic publishing industry, with its entrenched colonial practices, perpetuates inequality between the Global South and North. In this context, young Malagasy scholars face numerous challenges, including limited academic writing skills and a lack of awareness about international publishing opportunities. Moreover, asymmetric power dynamics, imposed by senior scholars, hinder their ability to publish and promote their work online while language barriers confine them to French-speaking journals, limiting global exposure and collaboration. To address these issues, the Economic Social Research Council-funded project Hybricon organized a publishing workshop during the conference called \"Hybriconference\" in Madagascar, fostering a unique south-north dialogue. The event brought together global south and north scholars and editors, facilitating collaboration and knowledge exchange. It served as a model for mutually beneficial partnerships, showcasing the importance of inclusive publication practices. The initiative aims to decolonize the publishing ecosystem, emphasizing equity, diversity, inclusivity, intersectionality, and ethical responsibility.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135834016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Autocrats utilize (nominally) democratic elections, to claim procedural legitimation. To secure their political survival in these elections, they have an extensive menu of manipulation at their disposal. These manipulations are not only addressed at contestation but also inclusiveness of the elections. Although autocrats formally claim universal suffrage, informal restrictions and practices are implemented. Analyzing elections held between 1970 and 2020 in electoral autocracies, I find empiric evidence for strategic adjustments of suffrage rights as a response to electoral contexts.
{"title":"Selecting the Electorate","authors":"Kristin Eichhorn","doi":"10.22151/politikon.55.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22151/politikon.55.4","url":null,"abstract":"Autocrats utilize (nominally) democratic elections, to claim procedural legitimation. To secure their political survival in these elections, they have an extensive menu of manipulation at their disposal. These manipulations are not only addressed at contestation but also inclusiveness of the elections. Although autocrats formally claim universal suffrage, informal restrictions and practices are implemented. Analyzing elections held between 1970 and 2020 in electoral autocracies, I find empiric evidence for strategic adjustments of suffrage rights as a response to electoral contexts.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135834245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents a discursive analysis of the gendering of Alberta’s K-6 Social Studies draft curriculum. It examines if and to what extent the social studies curriculum promotes a gender-less portrayal of history buttressed by a façade of diversity and inclusion. In borrowing from Carol Bacchi’s theories of “what’s the problem represented to be” (WPR) and policies as gendering, it focuses on the discursive positioning of gendered norms and knowledge structures within the curriculum to unearth how the curriculum cultivates traditional masculinist and settler-colonial forms of historical truth while silencing those who contradict these narratives (1999; 2017). Through paying attention to the inclusion of binary gendered representation, their contextual underpinnings, and where gendered absences are positioned, the paper uncovers how the curriculum promotes a return to historical narratives predicated on patriarchal and white thought that pose dire implications for student’s conceptualization(s) of their and their province’s identities.
本文提出了阿尔伯塔省的K-6社会研究课程草案性别的话语分析。它考察了社会研究课程是否以及在多大程度上促进了一种以多样性和包容性为基础的无性别历史描绘。借鉴卡罗尔·巴奇(Carol Bacchi)的“问题代表是什么”(what’s the problem represented to be, WPR)和性别化政策的理论，本书关注性别化规范和知识结构在课程中的话语定位，以揭示课程如何培养传统的男性主义和定居者-殖民形式的历史真相，同时让那些与这些叙事相矛盾的人沉默(1999;2017)。通过关注二元性别表征的包含、语境基础以及性别缺失的定位，本文揭示了课程如何促进以父权和白人思想为基础的历史叙事的回归，这对学生对他们和他们所在省份身份的概念化构成了可怕的影响。
{"title":"Silent Masculinity","authors":"Sarah Joan Clifford","doi":"10.22151/politikon.55.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22151/politikon.55.3","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents a discursive analysis of the gendering of Alberta’s K-6 Social Studies draft curriculum. It examines if and to what extent the social studies curriculum promotes a gender-less portrayal of history buttressed by a façade of diversity and inclusion. In borrowing from Carol Bacchi’s theories of “what’s the problem represented to be” (WPR) and policies as gendering, it focuses on the discursive positioning of gendered norms and knowledge structures within the curriculum to unearth how the curriculum cultivates traditional masculinist and settler-colonial forms of historical truth while silencing those who contradict these narratives (1999; 2017). Through paying attention to the inclusion of binary gendered representation, their contextual underpinnings, and where gendered absences are positioned, the paper uncovers how the curriculum promotes a return to historical narratives predicated on patriarchal and white thought that pose dire implications for student’s conceptualization(s) of their and their province’s identities.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"232 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135834471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2260630
Zvikomborero Maziyanhanga, Mandisi Majavu
ABSTRACTThis article reviews the Zimbabwe special temporary residence permits to demonstrate how these permits have, over the past 13 years, been used to limit Zimbabwean migrants from accessing permanent residency and South African citizenship. For instance, we illustrate in this article how the Zimbabwe special temporary residence permits effectively marked Zimbabweans as perpetual outsiders with no rights to reside indefinitely in South Africa, even though some Zimbabwean migrants have been living in the country on an ongoing basis for the past two decades. The Zimbabwe special temporary residence permits keep Zimbabwean migrants in a ‘temporary migration status’ as ‘guest workers’ who are expected to eventually ‘go back home’. We further argue that although the Zimbabwe special temporary residence permits are not racist tools per se, they are exclusionary tools that embody analogous, exclusionary and othering logic as the twentieth-century migrant labour system that the White South African government used to banish all Blacks from the category of citizenship. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
{"title":"A critical review of the Zimbabwe special temporary residence permits, 2010–2021","authors":"Zvikomborero Maziyanhanga, Mandisi Majavu","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2260630","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2260630","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article reviews the Zimbabwe special temporary residence permits to demonstrate how these permits have, over the past 13 years, been used to limit Zimbabwean migrants from accessing permanent residency and South African citizenship. For instance, we illustrate in this article how the Zimbabwe special temporary residence permits effectively marked Zimbabweans as perpetual outsiders with no rights to reside indefinitely in South Africa, even though some Zimbabwean migrants have been living in the country on an ongoing basis for the past two decades. The Zimbabwe special temporary residence permits keep Zimbabwean migrants in a ‘temporary migration status’ as ‘guest workers’ who are expected to eventually ‘go back home’. We further argue that although the Zimbabwe special temporary residence permits are not racist tools per se, they are exclusionary tools that embody analogous, exclusionary and othering logic as the twentieth-century migrant labour system that the White South African government used to banish all Blacks from the category of citizenship. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136154073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2257502
Kenny Chiwarawara
ABSTRACTViolence is a crucial feature associated with service delivery protests in South Africa. The media and scholars have often referred to the rising violence trend in service delivery protests. However, the definition of violent protests is too broad; it fails to paint a correct picture of the violence. Previously, the general tendency was to classify these protests as either peaceful or violent – a simple dichotomy. Therefore, scholars have developed the 3-way formulation of protests as ‘orderly’, ‘disruptive’ and ‘violent’. Although the three-way formulation is the best so far, it conflates damage to property and injury to people as ‘violent protests’. Damage to property, however bad, should not be bracketed together with injury to people. Drawing on qualitative data from low-income communities in Cape Town, South Africa, I consider deliberately vandalising property as ‘vandalistic’ protests and attacks on persons as ‘violent’ protests. Building on the three-fold formulation of service delivery protests, I introduce a new category – the vandalistic protests. I, therefore, argue for a fourfold formulation of protests as ‘orderly’, ‘disruptive’, vandalistic and ‘violent’, which is often the normal order protests evolve. This analysis highlights the need for authorities to swiftly address communities’ grievances to avoid more radical protest tactics. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
{"title":"‘Violent protests’ in South Africa: understanding service delivery protests","authors":"Kenny Chiwarawara","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2257502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2257502","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTViolence is a crucial feature associated with service delivery protests in South Africa. The media and scholars have often referred to the rising violence trend in service delivery protests. However, the definition of violent protests is too broad; it fails to paint a correct picture of the violence. Previously, the general tendency was to classify these protests as either peaceful or violent – a simple dichotomy. Therefore, scholars have developed the 3-way formulation of protests as ‘orderly’, ‘disruptive’ and ‘violent’. Although the three-way formulation is the best so far, it conflates damage to property and injury to people as ‘violent protests’. Damage to property, however bad, should not be bracketed together with injury to people. Drawing on qualitative data from low-income communities in Cape Town, South Africa, I consider deliberately vandalising property as ‘vandalistic’ protests and attacks on persons as ‘violent’ protests. Building on the three-fold formulation of service delivery protests, I introduce a new category – the vandalistic protests. I, therefore, argue for a fourfold formulation of protests as ‘orderly’, ‘disruptive’, vandalistic and ‘violent’, which is often the normal order protests evolve. This analysis highlights the need for authorities to swiftly address communities’ grievances to avoid more radical protest tactics. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135014550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-14DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2257504
Mandisi Majavu
ABSTRACT This article employs the theoretical concept of racial capitalism as an intellectual framework with which to theorise and explain racialised inequality in South Africa. Historical evidence shows that the accumulation of Whiteness in South Africa has historically been inseparable from the accumulation of capital. This work illustrates that the African National Congress (ANC) used the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to launder and legitimise racial capitalism in post-apartheid South Africa. It identifies Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) as one of the ANC government’s economic laundering schemes that it employs to legitimise racial capitalism in post-apartheid South Africa. I use the insight of scholars such as Marzia Milazzo to conclude that, as a full-blown laundered discourse, racial capitalism allows a White middle class to continue to own and manage the means of production and intergenerational wealth, while a Black middle class continues to endure intergenerational poverty and dispossession.
{"title":"Laundering racial capitalism in post-apartheid South Africa","authors":"Mandisi Majavu","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2257504","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2257504","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article employs the theoretical concept of racial capitalism as an intellectual framework with which to theorise and explain racialised inequality in South Africa. Historical evidence shows that the accumulation of Whiteness in South Africa has historically been inseparable from the accumulation of capital. This work illustrates that the African National Congress (ANC) used the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to launder and legitimise racial capitalism in post-apartheid South Africa. It identifies Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) as one of the ANC government’s economic laundering schemes that it employs to legitimise racial capitalism in post-apartheid South Africa. I use the insight of scholars such as Marzia Milazzo to conclude that, as a full-blown laundered discourse, racial capitalism allows a White middle class to continue to own and manage the means of production and intergenerational wealth, while a Black middle class continues to endure intergenerational poverty and dispossession.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134911541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-13DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2257507
Kayihan Cirakoglu, Buhari Shehu Miapyen, Gizem Cirakoglu, Jennifer Airiarebhe Aigbiremhon, Nguh Nwei Asanga Fon, Nsemba Edward Lenshie, Emmanuel Adi
Scholars often analyse the Nigerian political economy from class, ethnic, regional, and other analytic perspectives. Racial capitalism is rarely employed to analyse the Nigerian political economy and the endemic identity crises that always lead to hatred, tension, and violent conflicts. Environmental pollution is often not accidental, but deliberate environmental and economic sabotage. This paper sees it as a dimension of environmental racism. Identity manipulation and the crises accompanying it are normal functioning of racial capitalism.
{"title":"Brutal expropriation, environmental racism and racial capitalism in Nigeria","authors":"Kayihan Cirakoglu, Buhari Shehu Miapyen, Gizem Cirakoglu, Jennifer Airiarebhe Aigbiremhon, Nguh Nwei Asanga Fon, Nsemba Edward Lenshie, Emmanuel Adi","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2257507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2257507","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars often analyse the Nigerian political economy from class, ethnic, regional, and other analytic perspectives. Racial capitalism is rarely employed to analyse the Nigerian political economy and the endemic identity crises that always lead to hatred, tension, and violent conflicts. Environmental pollution is often not accidental, but deliberate environmental and economic sabotage. This paper sees it as a dimension of environmental racism. Identity manipulation and the crises accompanying it are normal functioning of racial capitalism.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135740009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2253405
Vinolia Retsilisitswe Mogane, Hasani Elia Zitha
The complexity and the impact of international migration on developing economies have grown to be a global phenomenon that cannot be ignored. Natural disasters, human-made disasters such as conflicts as well as political and economic instabilities in countries are at the centre of international migration. The receiving countries can have positive contributions from migration and face the glaring realities of providing social services to their citizenry and the migrants. South Africa is not an exception to this impasse. Among other challenges experienced by developing countries linked to international migration are overpopulation growth, rising unemployment and poverty levels, poor infrastructure and low lifestyle quality. Therefore, the purpose of this conceptual paper was to analyse the impact of international migration on developing economies with specific reference to South Africa. The study used secondary data comprising existing literature and legislative and policy documents related to international migration for both domestic and international migration. The information collected from the secondary data was analysed and used as the basis to give the view and the study in its conclusion. The study aimed at contributing to the body of knowledge and the shaping of policy perspectives for both policy makers and development actors in South Africa, and to broaden the understanding of how governments from both receiving and the sending countries deal with international migration. The study provided an important foundation upon which further large-scale research could be developed on international migration, especially on its impact on developing economies like South Africa.
{"title":"The Impact of international migration on South Africa as a developing economy","authors":"Vinolia Retsilisitswe Mogane, Hasani Elia Zitha","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2253405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2253405","url":null,"abstract":"The complexity and the impact of international migration on developing economies have grown to be a global phenomenon that cannot be ignored. Natural disasters, human-made disasters such as conflicts as well as political and economic instabilities in countries are at the centre of international migration. The receiving countries can have positive contributions from migration and face the glaring realities of providing social services to their citizenry and the migrants. South Africa is not an exception to this impasse. Among other challenges experienced by developing countries linked to international migration are overpopulation growth, rising unemployment and poverty levels, poor infrastructure and low lifestyle quality. Therefore, the purpose of this conceptual paper was to analyse the impact of international migration on developing economies with specific reference to South Africa. The study used secondary data comprising existing literature and legislative and policy documents related to international migration for both domestic and international migration. The information collected from the secondary data was analysed and used as the basis to give the view and the study in its conclusion. The study aimed at contributing to the body of knowledge and the shaping of policy perspectives for both policy makers and development actors in South Africa, and to broaden the understanding of how governments from both receiving and the sending countries deal with international migration. The study provided an important foundation upon which further large-scale research could be developed on international migration, especially on its impact on developing economies like South Africa.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135980620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-19DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2246180
K. Gottschalk
{"title":"The African Union at 20, African Perspectives on Progress, Challenges and Prospects","authors":"K. Gottschalk","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2246180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2246180","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42544688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-17DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2246181
Giovanni Poggi
{"title":"A fledgeling democracy: Tunisia in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings","authors":"Giovanni Poggi","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2246181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2246181","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48511310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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